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PREFACE 



The popularity and apparent demand, throughout our 
country, for a volume such as the compiler now presents 
to the public, was a principal, though not the strongest 
inducement for preparing a third edition at this time — and 
from the point now selected for its publication. 

The projector of these Annals has been most anxious to 
correct errors, unavoidable in former editions, and to em- 
brace in the present his entire original plan. To secure 
greater facilities for that accurate knowledge of the early 
Western Settlements by the English, so necessary in the 
compilation of a reliable work on the subject, Pittsburgh 
was selected as the most eligible place of publication. The 
first edition was issued at Cincinnati, where he was assisted 
by the lamented James H. Peekins, a gentlemen highly 
competent for the task. That volume was, however^neces- 
sarily incomplete, embracing only the central portion of the 
West. 

A desire to include in its pages a more full account of 
events connected with the early history of Illinois, Missouri 
and other communities, induced him, at a later period, to 
prepare a second edition, which was issued a few years ago 
in St. Louis, and included a thorough revision of the former 
issue, with considerable additions' — in which he had the 
valuable assistance of Rev. J. M. Peck, a gentleman whose 
long residence in the Far West, and familiarity with the 
history of those portions less elaborately treated of in the 
first edition, rendered him admirably qualified for the 
undertaking. 

Although the author claims credit for but little more 
originality than that displayed in the plan of the work now 



IV PEEFA-CE. 



presented, he has devoted much time and more labor than 
most of his readers, unacquainted by experience with such 
tasks, will give him credit for, in its compilation — to which 
he brings the knowledge acquired by the observation of 
thirty-five years in the extensive Mississippi Valley, and by 
visits to nearly every memorable spot connected with its 
early history. 

Although not arranged in strict accordance with the plan 
originally projected, it is believed this new and greatly 
extended edition, for general accuracy, and especially for 
fullness of detail, may be fairly commended to the reader, 
as worthy of attention, as a work for perusal and future 
reference. 

While it is not pretended, in view of the necessar}^ imper- 
fection of all human works, that the volume is wholly free 
from errors and imperfections, the author has endeavored 
to procure all the facts detailed or in any way alluded to in 
its pages, from the most reliable sources and the best 
authorities ; it will be found to contain a faithful narrative 
of the prominent events in Western History, deserving of 
the perusal, not only of the millions who occupy its fertile 
acres, but of every American — and especially of the 

YOUIG MEN OF OUR COUNTRY, 

I V, H'JM 

THIS VOLUME 



RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. 

Pittsburgh, October, 1856. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES 

USED IN THE PREP All AT ION OF THIS WORK 



American State Papers. 21 vols. Washington. 

Vols. I. to IV. are Foreign Affairs, I. to IV. 

" V. and VI. are Indian Affairs, I., II. 

" VII., VIII., IX., are Finance, I., II., III. . 

" X., XI., are Commerce, &c, I., II. 

" XII., XIII., are Military Affairs, I,, II. 

" XIV. is Naval Affairs, I. 

" XV. is Post Office, I. 

" XVL,XVII.,XVHI. ; are PublicLands,I,II,III. 

" XIX is Claims, I. 

" XX, XXI, are Miscellaneous., I., II. 
American Archives. Fourth Series. 5 vols. Washington. 
American Pioneer. Cincinnati. 1842, 1843. 
Addison's remarks on causes of Whisky Insurrection.. 
Annals of Minnesota Historical Society. 
Ancient Records of Vincennes. 
Atwater's History of Ohio. Cincinnati. No date. 
Account of the First Discovery of Florida. London. 1763 . 
Account of the French Settlements in North America. Boston. 1746. 
Account of Conferences and Treaties between Sir William Johnson and Indians, 

at Fort Johnson, in 1755, '56. London. 1756. 
Almon's Remembrancer ; from 1775 to 1784. London. Published from year 

to year; with an introductory volume, giving matter previous to 1775. 
American Remembrancer; giving matter in relation to Jay's treaty, 1795. 
Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812. 2 vols. New York. 1840. 
Allen's American Biographical Dictionary. Boston. 1832. 

Bancroft's History United States. Boston. 1834 to 1840. 

Butler's Kentucky. Second Edition. Cincinnati. 1836. 

Brovrn's History of Illinois. New York. 1844. 

Butler's History of Kentucky. Cincinnati. 1836. 

Lurk's History of Virginia. 

Bouquet's Expedition, 1764. London. 1766. 

Barbe Marbois' History of Louisiana. Translation. Philaislphia. 1830. 



VI LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 

Brackenridge, H. H., Incidents of the Whisky Insurrection. Philadel- 
phia. 1795. 

Brackenridge, H. M., History of the late war with Great Britain. 
a u Views of Louisiana. 

Braddock's Expedition, by Pennsylvania Historical Society. 

Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania; in which the conduct of the 
Assembly is examined. 
Answer to the above. London. 1755. 

Brief View of the conduct of Pennsylvania in 1755, London. 1756. 

Brown's Views of the Campaign of the North-West Army. Troy, N. Y. 1814. 

Brown's History of the Second War of Independence. 

Boone's Adventures. N. Y. 1844. 

Black Hawk's Account of Himself. Cincinnati. 1838. 

Butler's Western Chronology. Frankfort, Ky. 1837. 

Burgess' Account of Perry's Victory. Boston. 1839. 

Charlevoix's New France. Paris. 1744. 1774. 

" Journal. " " " 

Carver's Travels. London. 1780. — Philadelphia. 
Contest in America between England and France. London. 1757 
Colden's History of the Iroquois. London. 1755. 
Correspondence of Genet, &c. Philadelphia, 1793. 
Coxe's Description of Carolana. London. 1722. 
Carey's American Museum, &c. Philadelphia. 1789, &e 
Cincinnati Directory. 1819. 
Cist's Cincinnati. Cincinnati. 1841. 
Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany. 2 vols. 1844. 1845. 
Chase's Laws. 3 vols. Cincinnati. 1835. 

" Sketch of History of Ohio. Cincinnati. 183o 
Campbell's Remains. Columbus. 1838. 
Collins' Historical Sketches of Kentucky. 
Colonial Archives of Pennsylvania. 
Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 
Chicago Directory for 1851. 

Conspiracy of Pontiac, by Francis Parkman. Boston. 1851 
Craig's History of Pittsburgh. 

" Olden Time. 

Drake's Indian Captivities. Boston. 1839. 

Doddridge's Notes. Wellsburg, Va. 1824. 

Dillon's History of Indiana. Vol.1. Indianapolis. 1843. 

Drake's Picture of Cincinnati. Cincinnati. 1815. 

Drake's Life of Tecumthe. Cincinnati. 1841. 

Drake's Life of Black Hawk. Cincinnati. 1846. 

Dalliba's Narrative of the Battle of Browustown, August 9, 1812: 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES. Vll 

Davis' Memoirs of Burr. 2 vols. New York. 1837. 
Dawson's Life of Harrison. Cincinnati. 1824. 
De Hass' History of Western Virginia. 
Discourse of Hon. Wm. R. Smith, Wisconsin. 
Duboison's .Report of Siege of Detroit. 1713. 
Documents relative to laws of Mississippi Company. 

Expedition of Braddock \ being extracts of letters from an officer. Lond. 1755. 

Enquiry into the causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese In- 
dians from the British interest. Taken from Public Documents. 
London. 1759. 

Ellicott's Journal, &c. Philadelphia. 1803. 

Executive Journals of the Senate. 3 vols. Washington. 1828. 

Early Jesuit Missions. 

Erie Directory for 1853. 

Ford's History of Illinois. 

Fremont's Exploring Expedition. 

Florida of the Inca, by de la Vega. Madrid. 1723. 

Foster's account of Fire in Pittsburgh, 1845. 

Filson's Account of Kentucky. London. 1793. 

Findley's History of the Whisky Insurrection. Philadelphia. 1796. 

Filson's Account of Kentucky in French. Paris. 1785. 

Flint's Recollections of Last Ten Years in Mississippi Valley. 

Flint's Geography. Cincinnati. 1832. 

Gayarre's Spanish Domination of Louisiana. 

" French " " 

Gazette, Missouri. St. Louis. 1814. 

Gibbs' Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams. 
Greene's Facts relative to the Mormons. Cincinnati. 1839. 

Hennepin's Louisiana. Paris. 1684. 

" New Discovery. Utrecht. 1697. 

Hall's Sketches of the West. Philadelphia. 1835. 

Holmes' Annals. 2 vols. Cambridge. 1829. 

Hall's Statistics of the West. Cincinnati. 1836. 

Histoire General des Voyages. Paris. 1757. 

Harrison's Address, 1837, in Ohio Historical Transactions. 

Heckewelder's Narrative. Philadelphia. 1820. 

Hull's Trial. Boston. 1814. [This volume does not give the evidence.] 

Hull's Memoirs. Boston. 1824. 

Hull's Defense. Boston. 1814. 

Historical Register of United States. Edited by T. H. Palmer. Philadel- 
phia. 1814. 



Viii LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 

History of Louisiana. By M. Le Page du Pratz. 2 vols. Paris. 1758. 

Historical Collections of Pennsylvania. By Sherman Day. 

Hutchins' Geographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, &c. 

London. 1778. 
Hutchins' Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana, 

&c. Philadelphia. 1784. 
History of the Conquest of Florida by De Soto. Paris. 1685. — Lond. 1686. 
Hall's Memoir of Harrison. Philadelphia and Cincinnati. 1836. 
Hunt's History of the Mormon War. St. Louis. 1844. 
Hesperian. (Periodical.) Columbus and Cincinnati. 

Hall's Wilderness and War-path, in Wiley and Putnam's Library. N. Y. 1846, 
Harris' Tour in the West, 1803. 
Hildreth's History of the United States. 
History of Western Pennsylvania. 
Howe's Historical Collections of Ohio. 
History of Louisville. 

Historical Collections of Louisiana. By B. F. French 
HuDter's Account of Lochry's Expedition, 

Indian Wars. 

Indiana Gazetteer. Indianapolis. 1850. 

Irving' s Conquest of Florida. 

Independent Chronicle and General Advertiser. Boston. 

Imlay's Topographical Description of the Western Territory of N. America. 

Indian Treaties from 1778 to 1837. Washington. 1837. 

Jefferson's Memoirs and Correspondence. 

u Notes on Virginia. London. 1787. 
Journal of the Federal Convention. Boston. 1819. 
Jacob's Life of Cresap. 

Keating's Narrative of Long's Expedition. 
Kercheval's Valley of Virginia. 

Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. Richmond, Va. 1832. 
Kilbourn's Gazetteer of Ohio. Columbus. 1837. 

La Salle, Spark's Life of. Boston. 1844. 

Land Laws of United States. Washington. 1828. 

Lettres Edifiantes. Paris. 1781. 

Original edition published from year to year. 
Lan man's History of Michigan. 

Letter to a Friend, giving an account of Braddock's Defeat. Boston. 1755. 
Letters from an American Farmer, &c. By Hector St. John de Crevecoeur. 
Loskiel's History of Moravian Missions. London. 1791. 
Land Laws affecting Ohio. Columbus. 1825. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES. IX 

Latrobe's Rambler in America. New York. 1835. 
Laws of Missouri. Jefferson City. 1842. 

" Indiana, revised. 

" Ohio, " Columbus. 1841. 

Law's Historical Address at Yincennes. Louisville. 1839. 
Life of John Heckewelder, by Rev. Ed. Rondtbaler. 
Life of Tecumthe. 
Lloyd's Steamboat Directory. 
Life of Bishop Flaget. 
Lapham's Sketches of Wisconsin. 
Letter of De Soto to Authorities of St. Jago de Cuba. 

Map published by authority of the Lords Commissioners of Trade in 1755. 

Magazine Almanac. Pittsburgh. 

Mormon History, by Gunnison. 

Monette's History of Mississippi Yalley. 

McBride's Sketch of Miami University. 

Map published in London, February 13, 1755. 

Marquette's Journal in Thevenot. Paris. 1681. 

Marquette, Life of, by Sparks. Boston. 

Marshall's History of Kentucky. 2 vols. Frankfort. 1824. 

McClung's Western Adventure. Cincinnati. 1839. 

Morehead's Address. Frankfort. 1841. 

Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane. Paris. 1753. 

Massachusetts Historical Collections. 29 vols. 3 series. Boston. 1806 to 

1846. 
Mante's History of the War of 1754-63. 1772. Probably published at 

London. 
Minutes of the Treaty of Carlisle in 1753. No date of publication. 
McAfee's History of the War of 1812. Lexington, Ky. 1816. 
Memoirs on the Last War in North America. 

Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania. Published by the State. 
Marshall's Life of Washington. 5 vols. Philadelphia. 1804 and 1807. 
Martin's History of Louisiana. 2 vols. New Orleans. 1829. 
McDonald's Sketches. Cincinnati. 1838. 

Nicollet's Report to the Senate. Washington. 1843. 

North American Review. Boston. 

New York Historical Collections. 3 vols. New York. 1811. 1814. 1821. 

Nile's Weekly Register. Baltimore. 

Narrative of the Expedition of De Soto, by Vacca. 

Naufragros a Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vacca. 

Ohio Gazetteer. 

Observations on the North American Land Company, &c. London. 1796. 

2 



X LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 

Old Journals of Congress, from 1774 to 1788. 4 vols. 

Ohio Journals, published yearly. 

Ohio Canal Documents. Columbus. 1828. 

Orr's Narrative of Lochry's Disaster. 

Perkins, James EL, Assistant Compiler of First Edition Western Annals. 

Peck, J. M., " " Second Edition «< 

Pioneer History, by Dr. S. P. Hildreth. 

Pollock's, Dr. I., account of Moravians. 

Pownall's Memorials on Service in North America. London. 1767. 

Present State of North America. London. 1755. 

Proud's History of Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Philadelphia. 1797. 

Plain Facts. Philadelphia. 1781. 

Proofs of the Corruption of James Wilkinson. By Daniel Clark. 

Plea in Vindication of the Connecticut Title to Contested Lands We3t of New 

York. By Benjamin Trumbull. New Haven. 1774. 
Present State of Virginia, &c. By Hugh Jones. London. 1724. 
Present State of European Settlements on Mississippi. By Captain Philip 

Pittman. London. 1770. 
Pitkin's History of the United States. New Haven. 1828. 

Kevised Statutes of Virginia. Richmond. 1819. 

Report of the Committee to inquire into the conduct of General Wilkinson, 

February, 1811. 
Review of the Military Operations in North America, from 1743 to 1756. By 

Governor Livingston, of New Jersey. London. 1757. 
Ramsay's History of the War, from 1755 to 1763. Edinburgh. 1779. 
Relations de la Louisiane, &c. 2 vols. Amsterdam. 1720. 
Rogers' Journals, London. 1765. 
Renwick on the Steam Engine. New York. 1839. 

Silliman's Journal. Vol. 31. New Haven. 1837. 
Spark's Washington. 12 vols. Boston. 1837. 

" Franklin. 10 vols. Boston. 1840. 

" Life of Morris. Boston. 1832. 
Stuart's Memoirs of Indian Wars. 
Stone's Life of Brant. 2 vols. New York. 1838. 
Smollett's History of England. 

Stoddard's Sketches of Louisiana. Philadelphia. 1812. 
Set of Plans and Forts in North America, reduced from actual survey. 1763. 

Probably published at London. 
State of British and French Colonies in North America. In two letters to a 

a friend. London. 1755. 
St. Clair's Narrative of his Campaign. Philadelphia. 181.2. 
Smyth's Travels in America. 3 vols. London. 1784. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES. XI 

Secret Journals of Congress. 4 vols. Boston. 1820. 

State of the case relative to United States Bank in Ohio. Cincinnati. 1823. 

Sparks' Life of La Salle. 

Tarver's Western Journal. 

Travels in Minnesota. 

Thatcher's Lives of the Indians. 2 vols. N. Y. 1832. 

Transactions of American Antiquarian Society. Worcester,. Mass. 1820. 

Tonti's Account of La Salle's Discoveries. Paris. 1687. [Spurious.] 

Todd & Drake's Life of Harrison. Cincinnati. 1840. 

Travels in North America in 1795, '96 and '97, by Isaac Weld. 2 vols. 
London. 1799. 

Travels in Louisiana. By Bossu. Translated by J. R. Forster. Lon- 
don. 1771. 

Transactions of Ohio Historical Society, containing Burnet's Letters. Cincin- 
nati. 1839. 

Universal Modern History. London. 1763. 

United States Gazette, edited by John Fenno. Published at New York. 

Volney's Views of the Climate and Soil of the United States. London. 1804. 
View of the Title to Indiana, a tract of country on the river Ohio. 
Voyages, &c, relative to the Discovery of America. Paris. 1841. 

Western Beserve Register. 1852. 

Whittlesey's Discourse on Lord Dunmore's Expedition. Cleveland. 1842. 

" Life of Fitch. (In American Biography, New Series.) 

Withers' Chronicles of Border Warfare. Clarksburg, Va. 1821. 
Western Monthly Magazine. Cincinnati. 1832, &c. Periodical. 
Washington's Journal. Published at Williamsburg, Va. Bepublished Lon- 
don, 1754, with a map. 
Wetmore's Missouri Gazetteer. St. Louis. 1837. 
Wilkinson's Memoirs. 3 vols. Philadelphia. 1816. 
Western Messenger. Periodical. Cincinnati. 
Western Garland. Periodical. Cincinnati. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



1512. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida. 

1516. Diego Miruelo visits Florida. 

1530. Vasquez de Ayllon kidnaps the natives for slaves. 
Pamphilo de Narvaez goes to Florida. 

1535. Jacques Cartier enters and explores the St. Lawrence. 

1538. De Soto asks leave to conquer Florida. 

1539. De Soto reaches Tampa Bay. 

De Soto reaches Appalachee Bay. 

1540. De Soto in Georgia. 

De Soto reaches Mavilla on the Alabama. 

1541. De Soto reaches Mississippi. 

De Soto crosses Mississippi and rambles westward. 
De Soto changes his course westward and southward. 

1542. De Soto travels eastward toward Mississippi. 
De Soto reaches Mississippi and dies. 

1543. His followers attempt to reach Mexico by land, and fail. 
They arrive on the coast of Mexico by water. 

1544. De Biedma presents his account of De Soto's expedition to the King of Spain. 

1562. Florida settled by French colonists. 

1565. Pedro Melandez de Avilez establishes St. Augustine. 

Avilez, by order of the King of Spain, exterminates the Huguenots of Florida. 
Dominic de Gourges, a French catholic, avenges his countrymen. 

1608. Quebec founded by S. Champlain. 

1613. Montreal Island settled. 

1616. Le Caron explores Upper Canada. 

1630. Charles I. grants Carolana to Sir Robert Heath. 

1634. First Mission founded on the eastern shore of Lake Huron. 
Breboeuf, Lallemand and Daniel, Missionaries, arrive at Lake Huron. 

1635. Missionaries visit the Sault Ste. Marie. 

1636. St. Joseph, St. Louis and St. Ignatius missions established. 

1640. Raymbault and Pigart follow to the West. 

1641. Canadian envoys first meet North West at the Sault Ste. Marie. 



XIV CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1647. Sieur de Longneville, with a small company, it is said, was at Fox River Rapids, 
(doubtful.) 

1654. Father Simon Le Moine discovered the Onondago Saline. 
Fur traders from Montreal penetrate the Western Lakes. 

1659. Two French traders passed the winter on the shores of Lake Superior. 

1660. Rene Mesnard coasts the Southern shore of Lake Superior. 
Mesnard establishes the missions of Ste. Theresa and Chegoimegon. 

1661. Mesnard perished in the forest, of cold and hunger. 

1663. Colonel Wood's alleged travels. 

1665. Tracy made viceroy of New France. 

Allouez founds first permanent station on Lake Superior. 

1667. La Salle first arrives in Canada from France. 

1668. Claude Dablon and Jacques Marquette plant mission of Ste Marie. 

1670. N. Perrot is ordered West by the Intendant to propose a congress of Lake Indians. 
Alleged travels of Captain Bolt. 

1671. Grand council at the Sault Ste. Marie. 

French take formal possession of the North West. 

Marquette establishes permanently the mission of St. Ignatius. 

1 672. Allouez and Dablon visited Green Bay and all the Western shore of Lake Michigan. 

1673. Marquette and his companions leave Mackinac to seek the Mississippi. 
Marquette and his companions cross from Fox river to Wisconsin. 
Marquette and his companions reach Mississippi. 

Marquette and his companions meet Illinois Indians. 
Marquette and his companions reach Arkansas. 
Marquette and his companions leave on return to Mackinac. 
Marquette and Joilet at Des Moines, (as supposed.) 
Marquette at and alone about Chicago. 

1675. Marquette dies on the Eastern shore of Lake Michigan. 
La Salle returns to France. 

1676. La Salle again in Canada and rebuilds Fort Frontenac. 

1677. La Salle visits France a second time. 

1678. La Salle and Tonti sail for Canada. 
La Salle and Tonti arrive at Quebec. 
La Salle and Tonti cross Lake Ontario. 

Persons from New England said to have explored the South West. 

1070. La Salle loses his stores in Lake Ontario. 

The Griffin sails up Lake Erie through the straits to Huron. 

La Salle and his party encountered dreadful storms on Lake Huron. 

The Griffin miraculously saved, arrives at Mackinac. 

The party weigh anchor and sail to Green Bay. 

The Griffin laden and sent back to Niagara. 

La Salle with part of his men commences voyage up Lake Michigan. 

They reach the head of Lake Michigan and discover the St. Josephs river. 

During November build Fort Miamies at mouth of St. Josephs river. 

Reinforced by Tonti, they ascend the St. Josephs and cross to Kankakee. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XV 

1680. La Salle and his party in Peoria Lake. 

La Salle, under great depression of mind, builds and names Fort Creveeoeur. 

Hennepin sent to explore the Mississippi. 

La Salle commences his journey, returning to Canada. 

M. Hennepin on the Upper Mississippi. 

Tonti commences building Fort St. Louis. 

Hostility of the Iroquois obliges Tonti to leave the country. 

La Salle returns to Illinois. 

Hennepin returns to Canada. 

1681. La Salle and Tonti meet at Mackinac. 
La Salle a third time goes westward. 
La Salle at St. Josephs again. 

La Salle goes by Chicago to Illinois river. 

La Salle finds Fort Creveeoeur in good condition. 

1682. La Salle goes from Chicago westward 
La Salle on banks of the Mississippi. 
La Salle descends Mississippi. 

La Salle discovers mouths of Mississippi. 

La Salle takes possession by process verbal. 

La Salle returns to St. Josephs, of Michigan. 

La Salle intends to ascend the Mississippi with a colony. 

1683. La Salle leaves Illinois for Quebec. 

La Salle immediately sails for France, at Rochelle, in December. 

1684. La Salle sails from France for mouth of Mississippi. 
La Salle reaches St. Domingo. 

La Salle sails from St. Domingo for mouth of Mississippi. 

La Salle discovers the main land. 

The Iroquois place themselves under England. 

1685. La Salle in the Gulf of Mexico. 

La Salle sends party on shore to go eastward for mouth of Mississippi. 

La Salle reaches Matagorda Bay. 

Beaujeu sails for France, leaving La Salle in great distress. 

La Salle building in Texas ; unfortunate. 

La Salle in person searches for the Mississippi. 

1686. La Salle returns to Matagorda Bay. 

La Salle goes again to seek the Mississippi. 
Tonti goes down Mississippi to meet La Salle. 
La Salle returns unsuccessful. 

1687. La Salle leaves for Mississippi the third time. 
La Salle sends men to look for stores. 

La Salle follows and is killed by those men. 

His murderers quarrel and slay one another. 

Seven of La Salle's best companions leave the main body. 

The seven proceed toward Mississippi, and reach Arkansas. % 

They reach Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois river. 

La Salle's death was not published until next year. 



Xvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1688. La Salle's former companions leave Fort St. Louis, for Quebec. 
Thence they sail for France, and arrive at Rochelle, in October. 
Population of all French North America, about 12,000. 

1689. War of the European alliance. 
D'Iberville victorious on Hudson's Bay. 

1690. D'Iberville invades English Colony of New York. 

1693. Rev. Gravier, a Missionary at Kaskaskia, Illinois. 
Kaskaskia founded by Gravier ; date unknown. 
Cahokia settlement prior to Kaskaskia ; date likewise unknown. 

1697. Treaty between France and England, and peace of Ryswick. 

1698. D'Iberville appointed Governor of Louisiana. 
Bienville appointed Intendant of Louisiana. 

Dr. Cose sends two vessels toward the Mississippi. 

1699. D'Iberville at the Bay of Mobile. 
D'Iberville enters the Mississippi. 
D'Iberville sails for France. 

Bienville sounds Mississippi and meets English. 
Fort L'Huillier built on Blue Earth river, Minnesota. 

1700. D'Iberville returns from France. 
D'Iberville goes up the Mississippi to Natchez. 

D'Iberville sends Le Seur to St. Peter's, in seareh of copper mine. 

1701. De la Motte Cadillac founds Detroit. 
D'Iberville founds a colony on Mobile river. 
Iroquois again place themselves under England. 

1702. Fort built on the Bay of Mobile. 

1705. Colony much reduced by sickness. 

1706. D'Iberville at Havana on a voyage to France, 
Bienville Governor, pro tern. 

1707. First grant of lands at Detroit. 

1708. D'Artaguette in Louisiana. 

1710. Governor Spottswood, of Virginia, explores the Alleghenies. 

1712. War between the French and their allies, and the Ottagamie and Mascoutens 

Indians. 
Monopoly of Louisiana granted to Crozat. 
Tuscaroras admitted in confederacy with Iroquois. 

1713. ^Treaty of Utrecht, leaving boundary between colonies unsettled. 

1714. Fort Rosalie (Natchez) commenced. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XV11 

1717. Crozat resigns his privilege of monopoly. 

Fort Chartres commenced — first a wooden structure. 
Louisiana trade granted to Company of West. 
New Orleans commenced. 
John Law connected with Company of the West. 

1718. Emigrants augment the population of New Orleans. 
Renault leaves France for Illinois. 

1719. Company of the West made Company of the Indies. 

Governor Keith, of Pennsylvania, urges the building a Fort on Lake Erie. 

1720. Law made minister of finance. 

Stock of Company of the Indies worth 2050 per cent, 

Stock commences depreciation. 

Company of the Indies bankrupt. 

Charlevoix arrives in America and lands at Quebec. 

Renault buys slaves at St. Domingo for working mines in Illinois. 

Mine La Motte, Missouri, discovered and wrought. 

Spanish invasion of Missouries from Santa Fe. 

Spaniards totally defeated and all except a single individual slain. 

La Harpe explores Washita and Arkansas. 

1721. Charlevoix at Montreal. 
Charlevoix at the Falls of Niagara. 
Charlevoix at Fort de Pontchartrain, (Detroit.) 
Charlevoix at Mackinac. 

• — Charlevoix at the Fort on St. Josephs river. 
*"* Charlevoix at the source of the Theakiki. (Kankakee.) 
Charlevoix at Pimiteouy, (Peoria.) 
Charlevoix at Kaskaskia. 
Charlevoix at Natchez. 

1722. English erect a trading post at Oswego. 
Charlevoix at New Orleans. 
Charlevoix at Biloxi. 

1726. Iroquois a third time place themselves under England. 

1727. English build a Fort at Oswego. 

1729. French among the Natchez, murdered. 

1730. Natchez conquered and destroyed. 
Alleged travels of Sailing in the West. 

Governor Keith earnestly recommends securing West to England. 

1732. Company of Ladies resign Louisiana to the king. 

1735. Vincennes settled according to some authorities. 

1736. Expedition of French against Chickasaws. 
D'Artaguette conquered and slain. 
Vincennes, Senat and D'Artaguette burned. 
Bienville fails in assault on Chickasaws, and retreats. 



xvm CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1739. French collect to attack the Chickasaws. 

1740. Peace between French and Chickasaws. 

Lanse d'la Grasse (at New Madrid) supposed to have been inhabited. 
1742. John Howard is said to have gone down Ohio river. 

1 744. Treaty of English and Iroquois at Lancaster. 
Vaudreuil fears English influence in the West. 
Renault returns to France. 

1745. Pierre Chartier conciliates Shawanese and French. 

1748. Chickasaws attack French post on Arkansas. 
Conrad Weiser sent to the Ohio. 

Ohio Land Company formed. 

Pierre Chartier instigates war between Iroquois and Shawanese. 
English establish a trading post on Great Miami, Ohio. 
Excessively cold, stormy, and severe winter. 

1749. Grant of land to Loyal Company. 

Celeron sent to bury medals along the Ohio river. 

1750. English traders it is said were made prisoners at Great Miami. 
Twigtwee or Miami Indians killed by French soldiers. 

Both time and place are uncertain. 

English driven from their station on Miami, by the French. 

Twigtwee or Miami Indians defend the English and are killed. 

Large shipments of products from Illinois to New Orleans. 

Five French villages in Illinois. 

Forty sailing vessels at New Orleans. 

Dr. Walker explores Kentucky. 

1751. Christopher Gist, (it is believed,) explored the interior of Ohio. 
Gist surveyed land south of Ohio river, east of Kanawha. 
Gen. Andrew Lewis surveyed for Greenbriar Company. 

1752. French again attack English post on Great Miami, (doubtful.) 
Treaty at Logstown. — Indians confirm Lancaster Treaty of 1744. 
Families locate West of the Alleghenies. 

French organize an army to occupy the Upper Ohio. 

1753. French build Fort Presqu' Isle. 
French build Fort Le Boeuf. 
Fort Venango commenced. 

Pennsylvania Assembly informed of French movements. 

Commissioner sent to warn French; stops at Logstown. 

French sent with arms for friendly Indians. 

Colonies authorized to resist French by force. 

Treaty with North-Western Indians at Winchester. 

Treaty at Carlisle with Iroquois, Delawares, Shawanese, Miamies and Wyandots. 

Ohio Company open line at Braddock's road. 

Washington commissioned to bear message to French commandant. 



CHKONOLOGICAL TABLE. XIX 

1758. Washington leaves Will's creek for Fort Venango. 
Washington on Monongahela, at Turtle creek. 

Washington makes accurate observation at the junction of the two rivers. 
Washington at Logstown engages Indian chief to accompany him. 
Washington at Venango directed to proceed to Le Boeuf. 
Washington reaches French commandant at Le Boeuf. 
Great number of boats containing French army passes Oswego. 
Washington leaves French commandant to return to Virginia. 

1751. Washington at Gist's house on Monongahela. 

Washington at Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia. 

Troops called into service by Virginia. 

French fort at Venango finished. 

English commence building a fort at the junction. 

Contrecoeur demands surrender of the English. 

Ensign Ward capitulates ; is permitted to leave, together with his men and stores. 

Virginia troops moving westward. 

Washington crosses Alleghenies. 

Washington attacks and kills Jumonville. 

New York sends £5,000 to Virginia. 

Washington at Fort Necessity. 

Washington surrenders Fort Necessity. 

Washington retires to Mount Vernon. 

French hold the whole West. 

1755. France proposes a compromise. 
Braddock lands at Alexandria in Virginia. 
France and England sent fleets to America. 
Braddock' s army marches by two routes westward. 
Expedition against Nova Scotia leaves Boston. 
Braddock arrives at Fort Cumberland. 
Braddock marches from Fort Cumberland. 
Braddock reaches the Monongahela. 

Braddock re-crosses Monongahela, meets French and Indians, and is defeated. 
Braddock died at the Great Meadows. 

1756. Fort Chartres rebuilt; a strong stone structure. 

Lewis' Expedition against the Ohio Indians, and failure. , 

Indians fill the valley of Virginia. 

War formally declared between France and England. 

Armstrong's Expedition against Kittanning. 

First Indian treaty held at Easton. 

Monsieur Donville defeated and slain. 

1757. Massacre at Fort William Henry. 
Pitt made Prime Minister. 

1758. Fort Stanwix built. 

Louisburg and Fort Frontenac taken. 

Post leaves for the Ohio river to conciliate Indians. 

Post encounters much fatigue and danger. 

Post arrives at Kuskushkee, and goes to Fort Du Quesne. 

Post confers with Indians near Fort Du Quesne. 



XX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1758. Grant defeated near Fort Du Quesne. 
Washington opening a road over the mountains. 
French and Indians attack Forbes at Loyalhanna. 
Forbes marches from Loyalhanna to Turtle creek. 
Post's second mission to Ohio Indians. 

French burn and retire from Fort Du Quesne. 

Forbes takes possession of the Forks. (Pittsburgh.) 

English erect temporary works ; Forbes returns to Philadelphia. 

Col. H. Mercer left in command. 

Cherokee Indians become hostile to Colonists. 

1759. Forbes dies at Philadelphia. 

D'Aubry brings army stores and troops from Illinois to Venango. 

Garrison at Fort Pitt fear the French at Venango. 

Gen. Stanwix arrives at Fort Pitt. 

Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec yield. 

1760. The French yield Canada to the English. 
Cherokee war against south-west Colonies. 

Gen. Monkton treats with the Indians at Fort Pitt. 
Settlers again go over the mountains. 
Rogers takes possession of Detroit. 
Rogers returns across Ohio to Fort Pitt. 

1761. Death of Pierre Francois Xavier de Charlevoix. 
Alexander Henry, Indian trader, visits N. West. 
Christian F. Post goes to settle on Tuscarawas river. 

1762. Bouquet warns all persons from settling on Indian lands. 
Post and Heckewelder go to Tuscarawas. 

Dark day at Detroit. 

Preliminaries to Peace of Paris settled. 

Louisiana transferred to Spain. 

The Canadas contain upward of 100,000 souls. 

1763. Mason and Dixon commence to survey line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. 
Treaty of Paris concluded. 

Detroit attacked by Pontiac. 

Mackinac taken by Indians. 

Presqu' Isle (Erie) taken by Indians. 

Sandusky, Fort, surprised and taken by Indians. 

St. Josephs Fort, on St. Josephs river, taken by Pottawattamies. 

Ouiatenon garrison surrendered — were not massacred. 

Fort Miami (near Fort Wayne) garrison made prisoners. 

Fort at Green Bay evacuated and garrison escaped. 

Le Bceuf attacked, fort burnt, garrison escaped. 

The date of the massacre at forts at Venango not known. 

Battle of Bushy Run. 

Fort Pitt besieged, and relieved by Bouquet. 

Proclamation to protect Indian lands. 

Laclede arrives at Ste. Genevieve. 

Laclede selects site of St. Louis. 

Forts Bedford and Ligonier attacked ; not taken. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXI 

1764. St. Louis founded by Laclede. 

Bradstreet makes dishonorable peace 'with Northern Indians. 

Bouquet makes peace with Ohio Indians. 

French Officers ordered to give up Lower Louisiana to Spain. 

1765. Sir William Johnson makes treaty at German Flats. 
George Croghan goes westward. 

Croghan made prisoner at the Wabash. 

Captain Stirling, for England, takes possession of Illinois. 

Proclamation of Governor Gage. 



1765. ) 

, _ fifi > First families known to be at Pittsburgh. 



1766. "Quebec Bill" passed in the British Parliament. 

Capt. Jonathan Carver explored the unknown North-West. 

Settlers again cross the Mountains. 

Walpole Company proposed. 

Col. James Smith visits Kentucky. 

Capt. Pitman arrives in Illinois. 

Mason and Dixon's Line finished to Dunker Creek. 

1767. Western Indians grow impatient. 
Franklin labors for Walpole Company. 
Finley visits Kentucky. 

Zeisberger founds Mission on the Allegheny. 

Gen. Bouquet died at Pensacola. 

Mason and Dixon ceased surveying line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. 

English traders first visit Assiniboine river. 

1768. Treaty of Fort Stanwix — grand acquisition of lands from Indians. 
Capt. Pitman still at Illinois. 

Capt. Carver returns from the North-West. 

Indian treaty at Pittsburgh. 

Severe penal laws, to prevent settlement on Indian lands. 

1769. Mississippi Company proposed. 
Boone and others start for Kentucky. 

Boone and others reach Red river, of Kentucky. 
Boone made prisoner by the Indians. 

1770. Grave Creek Settlement, Virginia, first made. 
Moravians invited to Big Beaver. 

Moravians leave Allegheny and remove to Beaver. 

Treaty of Lochaber. 

Ohio Company merged in Walpole Company. 

Washington visits the West. 

The Zanes found Wheeling. 

Spain takes possession of St. Louis and Upper Louisiana. 

The Long Hunters explore the West. 

1771. Boone returns to North Carolina. 
Long Hunters still abroad 



Xxii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1772. Indians murdered "by whites on Lower Kanawha. 

Moravians invited by Indians, remove from Beaver to Tuscarawa. 
Gen. Gage's proclamation against settlers on Wabash. 
Moravians found Schoenbrun on Tuscarawa. 

1773. Boone and others start to settle Kentucky. 

Boone and companions attacked by Indians, and return. 

Bullitt, M'Afeo and others descend the Ohio. 

Bullitt and others survey at Falls and Kentucky river. 

Gen. Thompson surveys the valley of Licking. 

Gen. Lyman goes to Natchez. 

Purchase by Illinois Company in Illinois. 

Big Bone Lick, near the Ohio, discovered. 

Kennedy, from Kaskaskia, ascends Illinois river in search of a copper mine. 

Kennedy describes ruins of a fort at the south-west end of Lake Peoria. 

1774. James Harrod in Kentucky. 

Contentions between Pennsylvania and Virginia. 

Connolly calls out militia, and usurps civil authority. 

St. Clair arrests Connolly and companions. 

Connolly and associates are released on parole. 

Connolly receives armed forces from Virginia. 

Connolly takes possession of Fort Pitt, and names it Fort Dunmore. 

Magistrates made prisoners by Connolly. 

Pennsylvania magistrates carried prisoners to Virginia. 

Discussion about the unfinished Mason and Dixon line. 

Connolly writes to the settlers about Wheeling to attack Indians. 

Cresap unfortunately agrees with Connolly. 

Greathouse murders several Indians. 

Logan revenges his family. Preparation for war. 

Boone sent for surveyors down the river. 

Friendly Shawanese attacked by Connolly. 

Several Indian traders murdered. 

M' Donald attacks Wapatomica. 

Troops under Lewis march down Kanawha. 

Troops under Lewis reach Point Pleasant. 

Battle of Point Pleasant. 

Dunmore makes an unpopular peace. 

Simon Girty considered a valiant soldier. 

Simon Girty acts in concert with Virginians against Indians. 

1775. Treaty of Wataga; purchase by Transylvania Company. 
Boone returns to Kentucky, and founds Boonsboro. 
Henderson and associates arrive at Boonsboro. 

Henderson calls representatives to the first Legislature in the West. 

Representatives hold their session under a large tree. 

Guy Johnson influences Iroquois against Americans. 

Oneidas and Tuscaroras adhere to America. 

Congress forms three Indian departments. 

Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Pittsburgh. 

Connolly arrested in Maryland. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Xxiii 

1 775. Purchase by Wabash Company on Wabash river. 
Capt. John Neville takes possession of Fort Pitt. 

Provincial government of Pennsylvania denounces Judge Crawford. 

A very large meeting at Hannastown of citizens of Western Pennsylvania. 

1776. Monongalia county, Virginia, made from West Augusta. 
Ohio county, Virginia, erected from West Augusta district. 
An attack on Detroit proposed in Congress. 
Washington advises the employment of Indians. 

Indians generally incline to the British. 
Congress authorizes the employment of Indians. 
Indians drive off Kentucky settlers. 
George Rogers Clark moves to Kentucky. 
Kentuckians choose delegates for Virginia Assembly. 
Clark and Jones are their representatives. 
Clark procures gunpowder from Virginia Council. 
Virginia admits Kentucky among her counties. 
Clark and Jones return from Virginia by Pittsburgh. 
Jones is killed by Indians — Clark returns to Harrodsburg. 
Kentucky settlements made Kentucky county, Virginia. 
Fort Appleby built at Kittanning. 

1777. Cornstalk (Indian chief,) murdered at Point Pleasant. 
Congress of Indians and British at Oswego. 
Kentucky infested with Northern Indians. 

Kentucky elects (legally,) burgesses to Virginia Assembly. 

Logan's station assailed by Indians. 

Clark sends spies to Illinois. 

Logan crosses the mountains for gunpowder. 

Bowman, with one hundred men, comes West from Virginia. 

Fort Henry (Wheeling,) attacked. 

First court in Kentucky, at Harrodsburg. 

The attack on Detroit urged in Congress. 

Clark opens his plan of conquering Illinois to Governor Henry. 

Harrodsburg attacked by Indians. 

1778. Orders issued to Clark to attack Illinois. 

Boone taken prisoner at Salt Licks, on Licking river. 

Boone taken to Detroit, thence to Scioto. 

Clark succeeds in gathering a small army at Louisville. 

Clark passes falls of Ohio, and descends to Fort Massac. 

Boone escapes from Indian captivity. 

Clark marches from Ohio river towards Kaskaskia. 

Clark conquers Kaskaskia, as likewise Cahokia. 

Vincennes joins the American cause. 

M'Intosh sent to command at Fort Pitt. 

Fort M'Intosh, on the upper Ohio, built. 

New Jersey objects to land claims of Virginia. 

Boone makes an incursion against Indians on Scioto. 

Boonsboro besieged by British and Indians. 

Fort Laurens built on the Tuscarawas. 

Clark holds council with Indians of the Illinois. 



XXIV CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1778. Treaty with Delaware Indians at Pittsburgh. 

Virginia grants Henderson and company the Green river land. 
Governor Hamilton, from Detroit, re-takes Vincennes. 

1779. Boundary between Pennsylvania and Virginia settled. 
Clark is notified of the capture of Vincennes. 
Clark's extraordinary march from Kaskaskia. 
Clark's miraculous re-capture of Vincennes. 
Governor Hamilton sent a prisoner to Virginia. 
State of Delaware objects to land claims of Virginia. 
Americans suspect and attack the Iroquois. 

First settlement of Lexington, Kentucky. 
Virginia passes additional land laws. 
Maryland objects to land claims of Virginia. 
Brodhead's expedition against the Allegheny Indians. 
Sullivan's expedition against the Iroquois. 
Bowman's expedition against Indians in Miami valley. 
Port Laurens on Tuscarawas abandoned. 
Indians treat with Brodhead at Fort Pitt. 
Rogers and Benham attacked by Indians. 
Land Commissioners open their sessions in Kentucky. 
Congress asks Virginia to reconsider land laws. 
Continued Indian outrages about Fort Pitt. 

1780. Hard winter. — Great suffering in the West. 
New York authorizes a cession of Western lands. 
Fort Jefferson built on the Mississippi. 

Great emigration to the South-West. 

Virginia grants lands in Kentucky for education. 

St. Louis attacked by British and Indians. 

Louisville established by law. 

Byrd with a large force invades Kentucky. 

Clark prepares to attack the Shawanese. 

Clark builds block house opposite the mouth of Licking. 

Marches thence to Upper Miami. 

Clark defeats the Shawanese and destroys their property. 

Battle of King's Mountain in N. Carolina. 

Scarcity of provisions — almost famine at Fort Pitt. 

South- Western boundary of Pennsylvania definitely established. 

1781. Laws of Virginia prevent sale of provisions out of the State. 
Renewed efforts for an expedition against Detroit. 
Virginia makes her first act of cession. 

Spaniards from St. Louis take Fort St. Josephs, near Lake Michigan. 

Jay instructed that he may yield the navigation of Mississippi. 

New York cedes her Western lands. 

Brodhead attacks Delaware Indians on Muskingum. 

Gen. G. R. Clark solicits aid from Western Pennsylvania. 

Clark addresses Col. Lochry of Westmoreland. 

Lochry, Orr and others raise a force and descend the Ohio. 

Lochry killed — his troops taken prisoners. 

Mary Heckewelder born, first white child in Ohio. 

Americans begin to settle in Illinois. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXV 

1781. Chickasaws attack Fort Jefferson. 

Moravians carried to Sandusky by British and Indians. 
Moravian Missionary taken to Detroit. 
Williamson leads a party against Moravian Indians. 
Clark forestalls surplus provisions of Pennsylvania. 
Pennsylvanians disgusted with the grasping conduct of Clark. 
Col. Brodhead prevents Virginians removing cannon from Pitt. 
Great emigration of girls to Kentucky. 
"Washington county, Pennsylvania, established. 

1782. British establish a military post at Sandusky. 
Moravian Indians murdered by Americans. 
Moravian missionaries taken to Detroit. 
Attack on Estill's station — whites defeated. 
Crawford's expedition — taken prisoner and burnt. 
Attack on Bryant's station. 

Battle at the Blue Licks ; Kentuckians defeated. 

Land offices opened for Virginia lands. 

Clark's second incursion through Miami valley. 

Provisional articles of peace with Great Britain. 

Rice's Fort, near Wheeling, assailed by Indians. 

Lexington, Ky., incorporated by Virginia Assembly. 

Fort Nelson built at falls of Ohio, Louisville. 

Catfish, (Washington,) Pennsylvania, first laid out as a town. 

3 783. Hostilities between United States and Great Britian cease. 
Kentucky formed into one district. 
Congress calls on the States to cede lands. 
Peace proclaimed to the army. 
English propose to carry away slaves. 
Washington protests against course of English. 
Rufus Putnam applies for lands in the West. 
Baron Steuben sent to receive Western posts. 
Cassaty sent to Detroit. 
Virginia withdraws Clark's commission. 
Definitive treaty of Peace. 

Washington writes to Duane about Western lands. 
Congress proposes terms of cession to Virginia. 
Congress forbids all purchases of Indian lands. 
Congress instructs Indian Commissioners. 
Virginia grants Clark and his soldiers lands. 
Virginia authorizes cession on terms proposed. 
British leave New York, (taking slaves.) 
Col. Daniel Brodhead opens first store in Kentucky, at Louisville. 

1784. Col. James Wilkinson opens second store in Kentucky, at Lexington. 
Treaty of Peace ratified by the United States. 
Virginia gives deed of cession. 
Indian commissioners re-instructed. 
Pittsburgh re-surveyed ; population increases. 
Treaty of Peace ratified by England. 
Virginia refuses to comply with treaty. 

3 



XKV1 Oj LOGICAL TABLE. 

1784., England refuses to deliver up Western posts. 
Treaty with Iroquois at Fort Stanwix. 
Logan calls a meeting at Danville. 
First Kentucky Convention meets. 
Kentucky receives many emigrants. 
Maysville, Kentucky, settled. 

1785. Treaty with Dela wares, &c, at Fort M'Intosh. 

Severe penalty against settling north of Ohio river. 

All previous settlers forced from their homes. 

Officers of United States enjoined to prevent families crossing Ohio. 

An attempt to settle at mouth of Scioto in defiance of law. 

The aggressors are killed by Indians. 

Ordinance for the survey of Western lands passed. 

Second Kentucky Convention meets. 

Don Gardoqui comes from Spain. 

Third Kentucky Convention meets. 

A colony emigrates from Virginia to Illinois. 

Great confederacy of Northern Indians formed by Brant. 

Fort Harmar built at mouth of Muskingum. 

First survey of lands in the North- West Territory, (Congress land.) 

Morgantown, Virginia, established. 

1786.. Brant visits England to learn purposes of ministers. 
Virginia agrees to independence of Kentucky. 
Putnam and Tupper call meeting to form Ohio Company. 
Treaty with Shawanese at Fort Finney, (mouth of Miami.) 
Ohio Company of associates formed. 

Governor of Virginia writes to Congress respecting Indian invasions. 
The negotiation about Mississippi before Congress. 
Resolution of Congress produces cession by Connecticut. 
Congress authorizes the invasion of North-Western Territory. 
Pittsburgh Gazette commenced; first printing in Ohio valley. 
Jay authorized to yield navigation of Mississippi at a definite term. 
Pursuant to invasion of N. W. Territory, Clark marches to Vincennes. 
Clark ascends the Wabash to Vermilion river. 

Kentucky troops become mutinous, and return home without discharge, 
Clark abandons the expedition, and returns to Vincennes. 
Connecticut makes a second act of cession. 
Americans seize Spanish property at Vincennes. 
Virginia protests against yielding navigation of Mississippi. 
Great dissatisfaction throughout the West. 
Governor of Virginia informed of Clark's movements. 
Great Indian council in North- West — they address Congress. 
Frankfort, Kentucky, established by Virginia Assembly. 

1787, Fourth Kentucky convention meets. 

New England Ohio Land Company choose directors. 
Meeting in Kentucky relative to navigation of Mississippi. 
Wilkinson goes to New Orleans. 
Dr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for lands. 
Congress makes order in favor of Ohio Company. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXVJi 

1787. Ordinance passed for government of North West Territory. 
Innis refuses to prosecute invaders of Indian lands. 
Kentucky Gazette established at Lexington. 

Symmes of New Jersey applies for land. 

First entries of Virginia reserve lands North of the Ohio. 

Fifth Kentucky convention meets. 

New England Ohio Land Company completes a contract. 

Symmes' application referred to Board of Treasury. 

United States troops ordered West. 

St. Clair appointed Governor of North-Western Territory. 

New Englanders of Ohio Land Company prepare to go West. 

Symmes issues proposals for settlers. 

John Brown, first Western Representative, goes to Congress. 

Fort Franklin, on the site of Franklin, Pennsylvania, built. 

1788. Indians expected to make a treaty at Marietta. 
Denham purchases the site of Losantiville, (Cincinnati.) 
The admission of Kentucky debated in Congress. 

New Englanders of Ohio Company land at Muskingum. 

Marietta and her avenues named with pomp and pageantry. 

Admission of Kentucky refused by Congress. 

St. Clair reaches the North-Western Territory. 

Sixth Kentucky convention meets. 

First law of North-Western Territory published. 

Symmes starts for the West. 

Losantiville (Cincinnati) planned and surveyed. 

First Court held at Marietta. 

Symmes reaches his purchase ; is overjoyed. 

Another Grand Indian council in the North- West. 

Indians forbid treaties with separate nations. 

Seventh Kentucky convention meets. 

Columbia settled by Stites and others. 

Doctor Connolly in Kentucky as a spy and British agent. 

The founder of Cincinnati leaves Maysville. 

Cincinnati reached according to McMillan. 

Virginia passes third act to make Kentucky independent. 

Colonel George Morgan, of New Jersey, at New Madrid. 

Almanacs first printed at Lexington, Kentucky. 

Great emigration West: about five thousand persons pass Fort Harmar. 

Maysville, Kentucky, established a town. 

1789. Treaty of Fort Harmar concluded. 
Wilkinson goes to New Orleans again. 

Daniel Story first clergyman and teacher at Marietta. 

Symmes' settlement threatened by Indians. 

The force sent to protect Symmes go to Losantiville. 

Major Doughty builds Fort Washington at Losantiville, (Cincinnati.) 

Western scouts withdrawn by Virginia. 

Eighth Kentucky convention meets. 

Governor Miro of New Orleans writes to Sebastian. 

Congress empowers President to call out Western militia. 

President authorizes Governor St. Clair to call out militia. 



XXVlll CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1789. General Harmar reaches Fort Washington with three hundred troops. 
Thomas Hutchins, United States Geographer, died at Pittsburgh. 

Fort Steuben, (or blockhouse) built near Charleston, on upper Ohio river. 

1 790. Governor St. Clair arrives at Losantiville and names it Cincinnati. 
Governor St. Clair descends the Ohio to Fort Steuben, (Jeffersonville. ) 
Governor St. Clair proceeds to Vincennes. 

Governor St. Clair crosses prairies to Kaskaskia. 

Antoine Gamelin sent to upper Wabash Indians. 

Indian hostilities take place. 

St. Clair calls out Western militia. 

Ninth Kentucky convention meets. 

Troops gather at Fort Washington, (Cincinnati.) 

Harmar leaves Fort Washington and marches northward. 

Colonel Hardin with the advance reaches Miami villages. 

Main army reaches Miami villages. 

Camp at Miami village ; men behave unsoldier-like. 

Colonel Trotter is sent to reconnoitre the Indian haunts. 

Hardin attacks Indians ; not successfully. 

Hardin desires another trial with Indians ; is again defeated. 

Harmar looses all confidence in the militia. 

Harmar dissatisfied with Colonel Trotter. 

Harmar marches on return to Fort Washington. 

Army halts at old Chillicothe ; soldiers disobedient. 

Militia men are punished by whipping. 

Harmar reprimands Colonel Trotter and Major McMullen. 

Mutiny of Kentuckians quashed — army proceeds to Fort Washington. 

Western inhabitants petition Congress to fight Indians in their own way. 

Massey and others contract to settle Manchester. 

1791. Big Bottom settlement destroyed by Indians. 
Excise laid on ardent spirits by Congress. 

General Charles Scott authorized to march against Indians. 

Proctor starts on his Western mission. 

Proctor reaches Buffalo creek. 

Proctor is refused a vessel to cross Lake Erie. 

Family of Kirkpatricks attacked at morning worship and murdered by Indians 

in Armstrong county, Pennsylvania. 
St. Clair at Fort Washington preparing his expedition. 
Proctor abandons his mission and returns. 
General Charles Scott marches against Wabash Indians. 
Meeting at Brownsville, Pennsylvania, against excise. 
Wilkinson marches against Eel river Indians. 

Excise officers of Allegheny and Washington counties, Pennsylvania, assailed. 
Meeting at Pittsburgh to oppose excise law. 
St. Clair commences his march northward. 
St. Clair builds Fort Hamilton on Great Miami. 
St. Clair and Butler disagree. 

St. Clair builds Fort Jefferson in North- Western Territory. 
St. Clair marches north, towards head of Maumee. 
St. Clair arrives at a branch of Wabash, supposed to be the St. Mary's, 
St. Clair is attacked and defeated. Army disorganized. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXIX 

1791. Portion of the army returns to Fort Washington. 
Feeble garrisons are left at Forts Jefferson and Hamilton. 

Terror of Indian invasion expressed by Western Pennsylvania and Virginia. 
Massacre of Jolly's family, near Wheeling. 

1792. Peace offered by the United States to Western Indians, through the Senecas. 
Pond and Stedman sent West as peace-makers. 

Brant invited by government to Philadelphia. 

Wilkinson sends a party to the field of St. Clair's defeat. 

Gallipolis settled by deluded French colonists. 

Iroquois chiefs visit Philadelphia. 

Instructions issued to Trueman. 

Kentucky admitted into the Union as a State. 

Excise law amended, though not to satisfaction. 

Hendrick, a Stockbridge Indian chief, sent West. 

Instructions issued to Rufus Putnam. 

Trueman and Hardin leave Fort Washington. 

Pennsylvania purchases from Congress the Triangle tract. 

Gen. Wayne moves westward. 

Brant, pursuant to invitation, visits Philadelphia. 

Fire lands given to sufferers by Connecticut. 

Great anti-excise meeting at Pittsburgh. 

Rufus Putnam makes treaty with Indians at Vincennes. 

Great Indian Council at "Grand Glaize" (Fort Defiance.) 

Adair attacked near Fort St. Clair. 

Opposition to excise law diminishes. 

United States troops at Legionville, on the Ohio. 

1793. United States Legion goes down to Cincinnati. 
Last Indian depredation in Kentucky. 

Pickering and others appointed to treat with Indians at Maumee. 

Unusual preparations for a council and treaty at Sandusky. 

Citizen Genet reaches the United States. 

Commissioners for council with Indians reach Niagara. 

Genet is presented to Washington. 

First Democratic Society in Philadelphia. 

Commissioners correspond with Governor Simcoe. 

Commissioners meet Brant and hold a council. 

Commissioners at Elliott's house, head of Lake Erie. 

Indians arrive at Elliott's, and meet Commissioners. 

Indians decline meeting Americans at Sandusky. 

Final action of the Commissioners and Indians. 

Wayne leaves Cincinnati with his legion. 

Wayne encamps at Greenville. 

Wayne is joined by Kentuckians, under Scott. 

Lowry and Boyd attacked near Fort St. Clair. 

French emissaries sent West. 

Field of St. Clair's defeat visited by Wayne. 

Fort Recovery built on St. Clair's battle ground. 

Western people dissatisfied with government. 

Opposition to excise feebler. 

First session of Kentucky Assembly at Frankfort. 

Brant gives the true character of the British. 



XXX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1794. Fort built at Le Boeuf ( Waterford, ) by Major Denny. 
Whisky riots re-commence. 

Lord Dorchester's speech to Indians. 

The Mingo Creek Association formed. 

Wayne prepares for his campaign. 

Governor Simcoe builds a fort on Maumee. 

Democratic Society formed at Pittsburgh. 

Spaniards offer help to Indians. 

French emissaries forced to leave the West. 

Contest respecting Presqu' Isle. 

Indians attack Fort Recovery. 

Suits commenced against whisky rioters. 

Gathering about Neville's house. 

Neville's house burnt. 

Meeting at Mingo Creek. 

Mail robbed by Bradford. 

Charles Scott, with fifteen hundred men, joins Wayne. 

Great gathering at Braddock's field. 

Washington issues proclamation against insurgents. 

Wayne marches toward Maumee. 

Wayne sends his last message to Indians. 

Wayne commences building Fort Defiance. 

Wayne builds Fort Deposit. 

Wayne meets and conquers Indians. 

Wayne's correspondence with Col. Campbell. 

Wayne threatens Fort Miami. 

Wayne returns to Fort Defiance and finishes it. 

Wayne marches to head of Maumee. 

Fort Wayne built at head of Maumee. 

Commissioners of government meet whisky insurgents. 

British try to prevent Indians making peace. 

Vote taken upon obedience to the law in Pennsylvania. 

Vote not satisfactory to the government. 

Washington calls out militia of four States. 

Gen. Lee marches, with militia, against insurgents. 

The most guilty malcontents escape by flight. 

The less guilty surrender without resistance. 

Indians ask for peace of Col. Hamtramck. 

Last depredation by Indians in Western Virginia. 

Sandy Lake Fort, Minnesota, erected. 

1795. Block-house built at Presqu' Isle (Erie,) by Gen. Irvine. 
Indians sign preliminaries of a treaty. 

Prisoners are interchanged. 

Connecticut prepares to sell her reserve. 

Council of Greenville opens. 

The Baron de Carondelet writes to Sebastian. 

Jay's protracted treaty finished. 

Treaty of Greenville signed. 

Council with Indians at Greenville closed. 

Grant by Congress to Gallipolis settlers. 

Connecticut sells Western Reserve to land company. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXI 

1795. Pinckney concludes a treaty with Spain. 
Dayton, Ohio, laid out by Ludlow. 

1796. Chillicothe, Ohio, laid off and settled. 
Sebastian visits the South-West. 
Cleveland, Ohio, laid out and named. 
British surrender posts in the North- West. 
Difficulties with Spain recommence. 

Gen. Wayne died at Presqu' Isle, (Erie.) 

First paper manufactory in the West. 

Dayton, Ohio, first populated. 

Congress donates land to Ebenezer Zane. 

Fort Maiden, Canada West, building commenced. 

Tract of land granted to the Zanes. 

1797. Power visits Kentucky and writes to Sebastian. 
Daniel Boone moves west of Mississippi. 
Occupying claimant law of Kentucky passed. 
Cleveland, Ohio, first populated. 

Brooke county, Virginia, erected. 

British subjects from Detroit settle near Fort Maiden. 

1798. William Henry Harrison made Secretary of North- West Territory. 
Alien and sedition laws passed. 

Nullifying resolutions in Kentucky. 

Representatives for North- Western Territory first chosen. 

Washington appointed (a second time,) commander-in-chief of American army. 

Steubenville, Ohio, founded — streets surveyed at right angles. 

Transylvania University established at Lexington, Kentucky. 

Amhertsburg, adjacent to Fort Maiden, settled by Britons from Detroit. 

1799. Greensburg, Pennsylvania, incorporated a borough. 



Representatives of North- Western Territory meet. 



Representatives nominate candidates for Council. 

Assembly of North-Western Territory organize at Cincinnati. 

W. H. Harrison appointed delegate in Congress from North- West Territory. 

Zanesville laid out and settled on Zane's tract. 

1800. Great increase of products sent from Ohio river. 
Indiana Territory formed. 
Connecticut yields jurisdiction of her reserve. 
United States gives Connecticut patents for the soil. 
Treaty of St. Ildefonso. 

Assembly of North- West Territory meets at Chillicothe. 
First missionary in Connecticut Reserve. 
Lancaster, Ohio, surveyed and settled. 
Congress authorizes the President to make inquiry for copper-mines in Nortfe- 

West. 
President, John Adams, appoints an agent to examine the south side of Lake 

Superior. 
A number of new counties made in Western Pennsylvania. 



2XXU CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1801. W. H. Harrison appointed Governor of Indiana Territory. 
St. Clair re-appointed Governor of North- West Territory. 
Legislature of North-West Territory again at Cincinnati. 
Worthington made agent to procure a State Government for Ohio. 
Canonsburg, Pennsylvania, incorporated a borough. 

Beaver, Pennsylvania, incorporated a borough. 
Louisiana ceded by Spain to France. 

1802. University at Athens, Ohio, established. 
First bank in Kentucky. 

Congress agree that Ohio may become a State. 

The Spanish Intendant forbids the use of N. Orleans by Americans. 

Convention meets and forms a constitution for Ohio. 

Constitution for Ohio finished. 

Cincinnati incorporated a borough. 

Jefferson College, Pennsylvania, chartered and organized. 

Convention at Pittsburgh to form an exporting company. 

Advent of French Swiss to Indiana. 

1803 Congress approbates the constitution, and declares Ohio a State. ] 
New Orleans made free for American shipping. 
Livingston and Monroe in France ; purchase Louisiana. 
Lands located for Miami University. 
Miami Exporting Company at Cincinnati chartered. 
United States Senate ratify the purchase of Louisiana. 
Louisiana given up to the Americans. 
Xenia, Ohio, town plat surveyed. 
Col. Hamtramck died at Detroit. 
D. Goforth discovered mammoth skeleton at Big Bone Lick, Ky. 

1804. Fort Dearborn built at Chicago. 

Territory of Orleans and district of Upper Louisiana organized. 

Lewis and Clark start on their expedition. 

Immense quantity of land purchased from Sac and Fox Indians. 

Ohio University chartered by State legislature. 

First inhabitants in Xenia, Ohio. 

Harmonie Society settle in Butler county, Pennsylvania. 

Kittanning, Pennsylvania, surveyed and settled. 

1805. Michigan Territory formed. 

Detroit, (old town,) burnt to the ground. 

Burr's first visit to the West. 

General Assembly meet in Indiana Territory. 

Tecumthe and the Prophet begin to influence the Indians. 

Indians sell all their land in North-Eastern Ohio. 

Pike ascends and explores the Mississippi above St. Anthony's. 

Pike purchases land for military stations on Upper Mississippi, 

Steubenville, Ohio, incorporated a borough. 

1806. Great eclipse of the sun, June 16th. 
Burr again active; writes to Wilkinson. 
Spaniards cross the Sabine river. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXX1U 

1806. Burr again goes West; is at Pittsburgh. 
Lewis and Clark return from Oregon. 
Daviess tries to arrest Burr. 

Sebastian found guilty by Kentucky Legislature. 

Burr's men descend the Ohio river. 

Burr's boats and stores arrested. 

Burr meets his men at the mouth of Cumberland. 

Pike's expedition to heads of Arkansas. 

Washington College, Pennsylvania, incorporated. 

1807. Burr yields to civil authority of Mississippi. 
Burr escapes and is seized. 

Burr's trial at Richmond. 

Petition for slavery in Indiana territory. 

Bank of Kentucky chartered. 

Brant, the celebrated king of Mohawk Indians, died. 

Merriweather Lewis appointed governor of Upper Louisiana. 

G. C. Moreau arrived at Pittsburgh. 

1808. Bank of Marietta, Ohio, chartered. 
Bank of Chillicothe, Ohio, chartered. 
Tecumthe and the Prophet remove to Tippecanoe. 
Madison, Indiana, settled. 

Rev. David Zeisberger, Moravian missionary, died, aged eighty-seven. 
Harrison's first interview with Tecumthe. 

1809. Vincennes is four weeks without a mail. 
Illinois Territory formed. 

Miami University chartered. 

Settlement made at Boone's Lick, Missouri. 

Missouri Fur Company formed at St. Louis. 

Governor Lewis, of Missouri, alarmed at Indians ; calls out militia. 

1810. Second interview of Harrison with Tecumthe. 

A trapper and hunter, named Colter, descended Missouri via Jefferson river, three 

thousand miles, alone. 
Monks of La Trappe locate at the Great Mound on American Bottom, Illinois. 

1811. Pittsburgh Magazine Almanac published by Cramer, Spear and Eichbaum. 
Company of rangers organized in Illinois. 

Mammoth Cave discovered in Kentucky. 

Tecumthe goes to the South. 

Harrison proposes to visit Indians. 

Harrison marches toward Tippecanoe. 

First steamboat (named New Orleans) leaves Pittsburgh. 

Battle of Tippecanoe. 

Great earthquakes begin. 

Western people generally in consternation. 

Hudson's Bay Company's grant to Lord Selkirk. 

Meadville Academy incorporated by act of Assembly, March 20. 

1812. Governor Meigs, of Ohio, calls for 1200 volunteers or militia. 
General Hull marches from Dayton, Ohio. 



XXXiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1812! Declaration of war against England. 

British at Maiden informed of the declaration of war. 

Hull encounters a tedious and tiresome march through the forest. 

Hull arrives at Maumee, near the head of Lake Erie. 

Hull sends men and goods by water to Detroit. 

Hull first informed of declaration of war. 

Americans cross to Sandwich, Canada. 

Mackinac surprised and taken by the British. 

American army returns to Detroit. 

Brock reaches Maiden, and advances to Sandwich. 

Brock crosses to Detroit; Hull surrenders. 

A detachment of Hull's army defeated at Brownstown. 

Massacre of troops and families near Chicago. 

Fort Harrison attacked by Indians. 

W. H. Harrison appointed eommander in North- West. 

Governor Edwards and General Hopkins' plan to conquer Lidians. 

General Hopkins with a large force at Vincennes. 

Hopkins marches up Wabash and crosses at Fort Harrison. 

Hopkins enters the prairies, and marches to meet Edwards. 

Hopkins' officers are disobedient, revolt and return to Kentucky. 

Edwards attacks the Indians on Illinois river. 

Hopkins makes an expedition to Upper Wabash. 

Lord Selkirk plants colony on Red river. 

Hopkins attacks Indians on Ponce Passu (Wild Cat) river. 

Generals Winchester and Harrison meet at Fort Wayne. 

Winchester marches to Fort Defiance. 

Harrison makes head-quarters at Franklinton, Ohio. 

Col. Campbell attacks Indians on Mississinewa. 

Inhabitants at river Raisin importune Winchester for aid. 

Massacre of families at Pigeon creek, Scott county, Indiana, by Indians. 

Ohio Legislature selects "High Bank" of Scioto river for capital. 

Little Turtle, the famous Miami Indian war chief, died. 

Name of Upper Louisiana changed to Missouri Territory. 

1813. Winchester marches down Maumee to the Rapids. 

Winchester again importuned for help ; sends troops to Frenchtown. 

British at Frenchtown first defeated. 

Americans defeated at Frenchtown with great loss. 

Massacre of the wounded at Frenchtown. 

Harrison retreats to Portage river. 

Harrison returns to Maumee and builds Fort Meigs. 

Fort Meigs besieged. 

General Clay reaches Fort Meigs ; Dudley's party lost. 

British return to Maiden. 

British fleet prepare to attack Erie. 

Fort Stephenson besieged. 

Siege of Fort Stephenson raised. 

Perry's vessels first leave Erie harbor. 

Victory by Perry on Lake Erie. 

British troops evacuate Maiden ; Citizens remain at Amhertsburg. 

Americans take possession of Amhertsburg and make it head-quarters. 

American Government re-established in Lower Michigan. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXV 

1813. Battle of the Thames in Canada. 
Buffalo burnt by the British. 
New Albany, Indiana, founded. 
Vevay, Indiana, settled by Dufours. 

Monks of La Trappe leave Illinois and return to France. 

1814. Holmes' expedition into Canada. 
John Cleves Symmes died at Cincinnati. 
Expedition under Croghan against Mackinac. 

Governor Clark's expedition to Prairie du Chien ; Fort Shelby built. 

Lieutenant Campbell sent to reinforce Fort Shelby. 

Campbell attacked by Indians at Upper Rapids. 

Campbell is defeated and returns to St. Louis. 

Fort Wayne rebuilt. 

Major Taylor's expedition on Upper Mississippi. 

Major Taylor meets Indians at Rock Island. 

Major Taylor is attacked by Indians; defeated and retreats. 

Second grand Indian treaty at Greenville, Ohio. 

M' Arthur's expedition into Canada. 

Treaty of Ghent, preliminaries of peace "with England. 

Fort Erie taken by General Brown. 

Evansville, Indiana, surveyed and settled. 

Cleveland, Ohio, incorporated a Borough. 

1815. Treaty with eight Indian tribes at Detroit. 
Various treaties with Indians. 

Ohio taxes banking capital. 

1816. Act of Congress excluding foreigners from Indian trade. 
Pittsburgh incorporated a city. 

Columbus made capital of Ohio. 

Bank of Shawneetown chartered. 

General banking law of Ohio passed. 

Indiana admitted into the Union. 

Terre Haute, Indiana, settlement made. 

Richmond, Indiana, founded and settled by "Friends Society." 

Lord Selkirk conquers North West Company, takes Fort William. 

Explosion of the Steam Boat Washington, Point Harman. 

1817. First Steam Boat at St. Louis. 
Northwest of Ohio purchased from Indians. 

United States Bank opens branches at Cincinnati and Chillicothe. 
Allegheny College at Meadville, Pennsylvania, incorporated. 
Fort Dearborn, at Chicago, re-built. 
Butler, Pennsylvania, incorporated a Borough. 

1818. Illinois becomes a State. 

General St. Clair died at his residence in Westmoreland county, Pa. 

General G. R. Clark died near Louisville, Kentucky. 

Bishop Dubourg arrives at St. Louis. 

First Manufactory of fine flour at Prairie du Chien. 

Treaty at St. Mary's, Ohio, with Wyandot, Seneca and Shawanese Indians. 



XXXVI CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1819. First Steam Boats on the Missouri river. 
First Steam Boat on Lake Erie, 
Military post established at Council Bluffs. 
Expedition to the Yellow Stone river. 
Contest of Ohio with the United States Bank. 
Indian treaty at Edwardsville, Illinois. 
Cincinnati incorporated a city. 

Great depression in financial affairs in Pennsylvania. 

Fort Snelling built at mouth of St. Peter's. 

Fort Crawford built at Prairie du Chien. 

Citizens of Missouri Territory move for State Government. 

1820. Indiana Legislature appoint commissioners to locate seat of government. 
Nullification resolutions of Ohio. 

Constitution formed for Missouri State. 
Congress refuses Missouri Constitution. 
Governor Cass visits Lake Superior and Upper Mississippi. 

1821. Missouri received into the Union by proclamation of President. 
Indianapolis made permanent seat of government for Indiana. 
Epidemic Fever at St. Louis, Missouri. Great mortality. 
Kittanning, Pennsylvania, incorporated a Borough. 

1822. Ohio moves in relation to Schools and Canals. 

Population of St. Louis diminished by sickness and financial depression. 

1823. Steam Boat Tennessee sunk near Natchez. 
Illinois moves in relation to Canals. 
Commencement of stone paving streets in St. Louis. 

1824. Slavery contest in the State of Illinois. 
Seminary established at Bloomington, Indiana. 

St. Louis revives and re-commences improvements. 

From December until March, 1825, mostly warm sunshine weather at Cincinnati. 

1825. Ohio passes Canal and School Laws. 
Governor Clark held council with Osage Indians. 
General James Wilkinson died. 

La Fayette, Indiana, planned and surveyed. 

First legislation at Indianapolis. 

Maj. Gen. La Fayette ascended the Ohio river. Steamboat "Mechanic" sunk 

on his passage. 
United States grant 300,000 acres of land to Illinois for canal. 
La Fayette, Indiana, begins to populate. 

1826. First steam boat on Lake Michigan. 
Kenyon College founded at Gambier, Ohio. 
"Western Reserve College, at Hudson, Ohio, chartered. 

1827. Congress donates lands for Wabash and Erie Canal. 
Fort Leavenworth, (Kansas,) built and garrisoned. 
First Seminary built and opened in Illinois. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXV11 

1827. First Grammar School at South Hanover, Indiana. 

From December until March, 1828, rain fell nearly every day. 

1828. Extraordinary increase of lead mining at Galena, Illinois. 

1829. Steubenville Female Seminary established. 
Fort Leavenworth threatened by Indians. 

1830. Treaty with Keokuk at Prairie du Chien. 
Attempt to drive Black Hawk west of Mississippi. 

1831. Punishment by hard labor and imprisonment commenced in Illinois. 
Black Hawk is hostile, and is driven across the Mississippi. 

Black Hawk War commenced. 

Legislature of Indiana authorizes making Wabash and Erie Canal. 

Illinois militia are sent against Black Hawk. 

United States troops sent against Black Hawk. 

Black Hawk makes treaty at Fort Armstrong, and confirms the treaty of 1804. 

1832. Great flood of the Ohio river. 

Indianans commence Erie and Wabash Canal. 

First steamboat at Chicago. 

Maysville, Kentucky, incorporated a city. 

College edifice at South Hanover erected and charter obtained. 

Granville (Baptist) College, Ohio, chartered. 

Schoolcraft's expedition to the source of Mississippi. 

Indians reassert their rights, and war is resumed. 

Black Hawk, in great force, returns east of Mississippi. 

Stillman and party defeated near Rock river. 

Black Hawk defeated on Wisconsin. 

Black Hawk defeated on Mississippi. 

Black Hawk delivered to United States government. 

Cholera among Scott's troops and along the Lakes. 

Final treaty with Sac and Fox Indians. 

First epidemic Cholera on Ohio and Mississippi. 

Two hundred U. S. soldiers died of cholera at Fort Gratiot. 

1833. First settlement made in Iowa. 
Extraordinary meteoric storm in November. 

Trouble about boundary between Ohio State and Michigan Territory. 

Governor of Ohio sends militia troops to the border. 

Stockbridge and Brotherton Indians emigrate to Michigan Territory. 

1834. John O'Connor condemned and executed at Du Buque, without law. 
Oberlin Institute, Ohio, chartered, with University privileges. 
Gazetteer of Illinois, published at Jacksonville. 

Termination of bank charters in Ohio. 

Wabash College, Crawfordville, Indiana, incorporated. 

Capitol of Indiana, at Indianapolis, finished. 

Late in May all foliage in the West destroyed by frost. 

1835. Wabash College, Crawfordville, Indiana, organized. 
Michigan forms a Constitution for State government. 



XXXV111 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1835. Congress refuses the Constitution, but offers terms. 
Oberlin Institute organized as a College. 
Milwaukie, Wisconsin, surveyed. (Previously settled.) 

1836. Madison, Wisconsin, planned and surveyed. 

Cornplanter, Seneca Indian Chief, died, aged about one hundred years. 

The conditions offered by Congress to Michigan rejected. 

Illinois and Michigan Canal commenced. 

Territory of Wisconsin (including Iowa) organized. 

Cleveland, Ohio, incorporated a city. 

Mania of land and town lot trading in Chicago. 

American Cannel Coal Company chartered, Indiana. 

Heatherly War in Western Missouri. 

Nicollet explores Mississippi to its source. 

1837. Michigan complies with the terms of Congress, and becomes a State. 
Internal improvement system adopted in Illinois. 

Riots at Alton, Illinois: Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy killed. 
Chicago is incorporated as a city. 
State House of Missouri, at Jefferson City, burnt. 
Asbury University, at Green Castle, Indiana, chartered. 
Explosion of the steamer "Du Buque," off Muscatine bar. 
Steam boat "Ben Sherrod" burnt on Mississippi river. 

1838. Explosion of the steam boat "Moselle," near Cincinnati. 
Territory of Iowa organized. 

Contest with Mormons in Missouri. 

Death of Governor William Clark of Missouri. 

Indiana University, at Bloomington, Indiana, chartered. 

Financial affairs at Chicago in desperate condition. 

Exceeding drought: Ohio river scarcely navigable from July until Jan. 1839. 

1838-39. Trouble between Missouri and Iowa Territory about boundary. 
Militia forces sent to the border by each government. 

1839. Bank Commissioners appointed in Ohio. 
Mormons retreat to Illinois, and locate at Commerce. 
Mormons change the name of their new location to Nauvoo. 

The first steam arrival at Sauit Ste. Marie. (The "Lexington.") 
Stockbridge and Brothertown Indians, in Wisconsin Territory, made citizens of 
the United States. 

1839-40. Iowa City located and made seat of Government. 

1840. Presbyterian Theological Seminary removed to New Albany, Indiana. 
Bloody tragedy at Bellevue, Iowa : seven men killed. 

Great political excitement in the presidential canvass. 

1841. Death of W. H. Harrison, President of the United States. 
Public improvements cease in Illinois. 

Great depression in financial matters throughout the West. 

Smith Maythe and Lyman Crouch hung without trial in Kentucky. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXIX 

1841. Bethany College founded by Rev. Alexander Campbell, D. D. 
Wabash and Erie Canal completed to La Fayette. 

Lake steam boat "Erie," burnt: more than one hundred lives lost. 

1842. Fort Des Moines, Iowa Territory, built and garrisoned. 
Cincinnati Astronomical Society founded. 

Col. John C. Fremont's expedition left St. Louis. 

1842-3. Excessively cold and protracted winter. 

1843. Illinois Banks closed by Legislature. 
Corner stone of Cincinnati Observatory laid. 

Dreadful Massacre of the Chippewa Indians by the Sioux, in Minnesota. 



1844. Steam boat "Shepherdess" sunk near St. Louis. 
Great flood of Mississippi and Missouri rivers. 
Steam boat navigation over the American Bottom. 
American Bottom submerged sixty-five miles. 

State Constitution formed for Iowa not accepted by Congress. 
Capt. J. Allen ascends Des Moines river to its source. 
Steam boat "Lucy Walker" exploded near New Albany. 

1845. Banking law in Ohio for State and independent banks. 
Illinois negotiates with bond-holders to finish canal. 
Conflagration of one-fourth of Pittsburgh. 
Wittemberg College, at Springfield, Ohio, chartered. 

1846. Public improvements of Illinois resumed. 

Convention in Wisconsin prepare a Constitution for State. 
Constitution for Wisconsin rejected by Congress. 
Milwaukie, Wisconsin, chartered by Territorial Legislature. 
Meadville Theological School incorporated. 

1847. Collision of schooner and steam boat near Conneaut, Ohio. 
Convention in Illinois forms a new Constitution. 
Charter of Asbury University, Indiana, amended. 
Friends' High School established at Richmond, Indiana. 
Explosion of steam boat "A. N. Johnston" near Manchester, Ohio. 
Steam boat "Phoenix" burnt on Lake Michigan. 

1848. Constitution of Illinois adopted by the people. 
Michigan and Illinois canal completed. 

Wisconsin forms a Constitution which is accepted by Congress. 
California gold hunting commences 

1849. Minnesota Territory organized. 

Cholera is again epidemic on Mississippi and Ohio rivers. 

Epidemic cholera and great fire at St. Louis. 

O'Plain river (branch of Illinois,) flowed from its course. 

Pacific Rail Road Convention at St. Louis. 

Migration to California, via Missouri river, commences. 



Xl CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

1849. Steam boat "Virginia" exploded, between Wheeling and Steubenville. 
Ohio moves for a new Constitution. 

1850. Rt. Rev. Benedict Joseph Flaget, first Catholic Bishop in the West, died at 

Louisville, Kentucky. 
California gold hunters ascend Missouri river in great numbers. 
Dreadful mortality from cholera among California emigrants on Missouri river. 
Great migration to Minnesota Territory. 
First steam boat above the Falls of St. Anthony. 
Urbana University, Ohio, chartered. 

Steam boat "G. P. Griffith" burnt on Lake Erie, with immense loss of life. 
Ohio elects delegates to convention for new Constitution. 

1851. Gen. Hugh Brady died at Detroit. 
New Constitution for Ohio formed. 

1853. Collision on rail road near Chicago — many lives lost. 

1854. Explosion of steam boat "Kate Kearney" at St. Louis. 
Kansas-Nebraska bill passed by Congress. 

Summer and autumn of this year an unprecedented drouth. 

Epidemic cholera at Pittsburgh. 

This year closes with fearful forebodings of famine. 

1855. Explosion of the steam boat "Lexington" on Ohio river. 

From May until December of this year the Mississippi valley was visited with 

an unusual quantity of rain. 
Agriculturists rejoice in a large yield of the fruits of their toil. 

1856. Josiah Copley reports practicability of improving the navigation of the Ohio 

river, by means of dams and steam boat locks, at moderate expense. 
First three months of this year much colder than usual. 
Lowest water ever known at the head of the Ohio river. 
Political excitement attending the Presidential campaign intense. 



ANNALS OF THE WEST 



PERIOD I. 
1512 — 1750, 

The first explorers of the Mississippi valley were Spaniards.* 
The discovery of America by Columbus, in 1492, awakened among 
that people, in an unprecedented degree, a spirit of adventure and 
a thirst for gold. Juan Ponce de Leon was one of his companions 
on his second voyage, and afterward the conqueror of Porto Pico. 
From the natives of that island he learned a legend, that, with the 
characteristic credulity of that age, he accepted as a truth. There 
existed, said they, in Bimini, one of the Lucayos, a Fountain of 
Life. He who drank of its waters was proof against disease; he 
who bathed in it was endowed with perpetual youth. De Leon 
was inflamed with the desire of discovering and bathing in this 
wondrous fountain ; and, on the 3d of March, 1512, he sailed from 
Porto Rico in search of the island that contained it. After a long 
cruise, on Easter Sunday, or Pascua Florida, he discovered a 
country of great extent, to which, in honor of the day, or from the 
flowers that covered the forests, he named Florida. From stress 
of weather, he was, however, prevented from an examination of 
the coast, and returned to Porto Rico. Still the desire of prose- 
cuting his discovery remained, and after much delay he obtained 
authority from Charles V. to conquer, colonize, and govern the 



* The original authorities in regard to the Spanish explorations are : 

1. Naufragios a Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vacca. 

2. A narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto, by Louis Hernandez de Biedma, 

presented to the king and council of the Indies, in 1544. 

3. A narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto into Florida, by a gentleman 

of Elvas, 1557. . 

4. A letter of De Soto to the authorities of St. Jago de Cuba, July 9, 1539. 

5. The Florida of the Inca, by the Inca Garcelaso de La Vega, Madrid, 1723. 

The relation of Biedma, the narrative of the gentleman of Elvas, and De Soto's letter, 
are given in the Historical Collections of Louisiana, by B. F. French, Part 2. — Phila- 
delphia, 1850. And the Florida of the Inca is abridged in Irving's Conquest of Florida. 
Philadelphia, 1835. 

4 (41) 



42 EXPEDITION OF DE AYLLON. 1520. 

lands he had seen ; and, in 1521, he sailed again for Florida. But 
his landing was opposed ; the natives attacked the strangers with 
incredible fury, and many of them were slain. The remainder were 
driven to their vessels, and Ponce de Leon returned with the wreck 
of his expedition, mortally wounded, to Cuba to die. 

The natives indeed had good cause for their hostility. For in 
the meanwhile they had learned much of the spirit of the Spaniards. 
In 1516, Diego Miruelo visited the coast, and in trade with the 
natives obtained a considerable quantity of gold, and on his return 
spread abroad reports of the wealth of the interior. Meanwhile, 
the newly opened mines of Mexico demanded slaves, and, in 1520, 
Vasquez de Ayllon was sent out, with two vessels, to seek a supply. 
Approaching the coast, in the latitude of 32°, he landed in a region 
called by the natives Chicorea, at the mouth of a river he named 
Jordan, perhaps the Savannah or the Cambahee. The natives, at 
first distrustful, were reassured by presents, and enticed on board 
to trade. Soon they began to throng the ships, and the perfidious 
Spaniards seized upon all within reach, and sailed for St. Domingo. 
Disaster followed the crime ; one of the vessels was lost, the other 
arrived, but the victims of their treachery, with the characteristic 
spirit of the Indian, proudly disdained to live slaves, refused food, 
and died. De Ayllon returned to Spain, received authority from 
Charles V. to conquer and govern the region he had visited ; and, 
in 1525, he fitted out an expedition, and returned to the mouth of 
the Jordan. The Indians planned the destruction of the Spaniards, 
but concealed their purpose. Two hundred of them were decoyed 
to a village, on pretense of a feast ; De Ayllon, with a small force, 
remained to guard the ships. All of the party were massacred ; 
the guard was attacked — of these a few only escaped to St. 
Domingo. De Ayllon himself was either slain in the affray, or 
died afterward of his wounds and of grief. 

The post of adelantado, or governor of Florida, was next con- 
ferred on Pamphilo de Narvaez. He organized an expedition for 
its conquest, sailed from Cuba, and on the 12th of April, 1528, 
anchored in a bay afterward named the bay of Espiritu Santo, or 
Tampa Bay ; and landed with a force of four hundred men and 
forty-five horses. Here he took formal possession of the country 
in the name of his master, dismissed his vessels to await his return, 
and, despite the remonstrances of Alvar INunez Cabeza de Yacea, 
plunged into an unknown and savage wilderness. The Indians, 



1528. EXPEDITION OF NARVAEZ. 43 

whom the Spaniards had captured and compelled to serve as guides, 
lured them on with the pretense that there was to the north a great 
country called Appalachee, extremely fertile, and abounding in gold, 
that was to their imaginations another Mexico, and opened to them 
the prospect of another conquest. For many days they traversed 
trackless forests and swamps, through matted thickets and over 
rapid rivers, and continually exposed to the assaults of lurking 
savages. At length they arrived at the city of Appalachee, probably 
in southern Georgia; but it was only a village of two hundred, and 
and forty wigwams, and its inhabitants had fled at their approach. 
Disappointed, disheartened, and suffering for food, their treacherous 
guides next pointed them to the village of Aute, nine days' journey 
to the south; where there was abundance of maize and of fish. 
Thither they directed their course ; but their way was obstructed 
by deep lagoons, dismal swamps and impenetrable forests. Hordes 
of savages hung on their rear, that, to their imaginations, appeared, 
of gigantic size, armed with enormous bows. At length, after 
incredible hardships, they reached the village of Aute, located per- 
haps near the present bay of St. Mark ; but it was deserted and 
burnt, and only a little maize was left to the Spaniards to appease 
their hunger. A day's march further they reached the sea ; but 
they had marched eight hundred miles, and it was impossible to 
retrace their steps, or to find their vessels. As a last resource, they 
determined to build five small barks, with which to escape from the 
coast. All their iron implements, even to their stirrups and spurs, 
were made into nails and tools. Their shirts were made into sails, 
their cordage was made of bark interwoven with horse-hair ; while 
their horses served them for food. At length, on the 22d of Sep- 
tember, they launched their barks and sailed down the coast, suffer- 
ing every extremity of hunger and thirst. Three of the vessels 
foundered in a storm; the remaining two, after many days of fruit- 
less coasting, were anchored near the shore ; one of them, with 
Narvaez on board, was driven to sea by a sudden gale, and lost. 
There survived of this expedition only Alvar "Nunez and four of 
his companions. They traversed, according to their own account 
the northern parts of Florida, crossed the Mississippi, traveled over 
the plains and deserts of northern Texas to the Rocky mountains ; 
passing from tribe to tribe, often as slaves, enduring the greatest 
hardships, till at length they reached the settlement of Compos- 
tella; from whence Alvar $~unez proceeded to Mexico, and 
thence to Lisbon, where he arrived, in 1537, nearly ten years 
after his first embarkation with Narvaez. 



44 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO. 1538, 

The report carried back by Alvar Nunez to Spain of the ill-fated 
expedition of Narvaez, in calmer times would have quenched the 
thirst for discovery. It however only inflamed it. The examples 
of Mexico and of Peru had created the belief that the New World 
was all occupied with barbarian empires, wealthy and weak ; and 
the conquests of Cortez and of Pizarro had wakened among 
the cavaliers of Spain an ambition to follow their footsteps, and a 
thirst for glory and gold. Florida, which then included all the 
North American coast known to them, was the next great field of 
discovery ; and the popular belief clung to the idea that Nai vaez, 
in his long wanderings, had been skirting along the borders of rich 
barbarian empires, waiting only a conqueror. 

Hernando de Soto, then at the court of Charles V., was fired with 
the representations of Nunez, and inflamed with the desire of rival- 
ing the glory of the conqueror of Peru, whose standard he had 
followed. He had been the lieutenant of Pizarro in the Peruvian 
conquest, and acquired there experience in barbarian war, a passion 
for military adventure and boundless wealth. His experience, his 
connections, his position and his wealth, all fitted him for the post; 
and accordingly he asked leave to conquer Florida at his own cost. 
It was granted; and the title of Adelantado of Cuba and of Florida 
was conferred on him. The most extensive and costly arrangements 
were made for a voyage of discovery and of conquest. The cavaliers 
of Spain and Portugal, clad in silk and steel, repaired to his standard. 
Priests and monks, intent on extending the power of the church, 
joined his ranks ; miners and chemists were provided to open and 
work the mines ; and with an armament of nine hundred and sixty 
men,* in ten vessels, the most powerful, the most confident, and 
the best appointed that had ever embarked for the New World, De 
Soto sailed from Spain, on the 6th of April, 1538, for Cuba. 

There a year was spent in preparation for the great expedition. 
Every thing that was necessary for conquest or colonization was 
provided. Men and implements for working in wood and iron, 
materials for assaying metals, cattle and swine to stock their colony, 
bloodhounds for capturing slaves, chains for confining them, arms 
and armor, the most costly and effective, were all provided and 
prepared. And with this great equipment the expedition sailed 
from Havana, on the 12th of May, 1539, and on Whitsunday, the 
25th of May, they anchored in a bay named, from that circum- 



* Biedma says there landed six hundred and twenty men. 



1539. EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO. 45 

stance, Espiritu Santo. Here they landed, and De Soto took formal 
possession of the country in the name of the emperor. E"o Indians 
were to be seen, and the Spaniards encamped securely on the shore ; 
but during the night they were attacked with great fury, defeated 
and driven to their vessels. De Soto again disembarked his troops, 
and marching cautiously, encamped in a village six miles from the 
shore, which was deserted at his approach. Hirrihigua, its chief, 
was implacably hostile. Narvaez had cut off his nose, and caused 
his mother to be torn in pieces before him by his dogs. De Soto 
sought, by messages and presents, to appease him, but in vain. 
"I want none of their speeches; bring me their heads," he replied. 
Leaving here a garrison, and having recovered Ortiz, a companion 
of Earvaez, and having captured a number of Indians for guides, 
he set forth for the village of Aceura. The route of the Spaniards 
lay through tangled thickets, deep morasses, and quaking prairies. 
At length they came to a deep river, bordered by an impassable 
swamp, perhaps the Withlacoochee, and here the Indians that 
beset them disputed their passage ; but after three days' fighting, 
and incredible hardships, they forced a passage, and reached the 
village. It was deserted, and the Spaniards, harassed day and night 
by the savages, set out again to seek the country of Ocali, where 
there was, they heard, perpetual spring, and whose warriors were 
cased in gold. But they were disappointed, and passed on to what 
they heard was the great and rich province of Appalachee. Yita- 
chuco, one of the chiefs of that region, was hostile; but he was 
won by the presents and promises of De Soto, and came with his 
warriors and people to make a display of his power and magnifi- 
cence. In the midst of the rejoicing and parade, the treacherous 
Spaniards seized the chief, attacked, slaughtered and dispersed his 
unsuspecting people. Thence they marched to the north, crossed 
the " Great Morass," — where Earvaez had been finally defeated and 
driven back to the sea — doubtless the Okeefinokee swamp, and, 
after an obstinate battle for two days with the Indians, encamped 
for the winter at the Anhayca, the chief village of Appalachee, 
nearly one hundred leagues north from the bay of Espiritu Santo. 
The winter was spent in continual contests with the Indians. 
Early in March, 1540, they set out for the country of Cofachiqui, 
perhaps on the Savannah river. The country was fertile, the Indians 
were friendly, their queen received them with great hospitality; 
above all, they received " fourteen bushels" of pearls, and they 
were assured that there were enough of them in the neighboring 
villages to load all their horses. Here the Spaniards wished to 



46 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO. 1540. 

stop and form a colony, but De Soto refused his consent, seized 
his unsuspecting hostess and set out to the west, traversed the 
Cherochee country, passed through the country subject to the 
chief of Cosa, and reached the territories of Tuscaloosa. Tus- 
caloosa was the great chieftain of the south-west. He was of 
gigantic size, of high spirit, and ruled over a confederacy of 
tribes. He received the strangers with kindness; and they in 
turn seized him as a hostage, to secure the submission of his people, 
and marched on till they reached his principal town, Mauvile, now 
Mobile. Here many thousand Indians assembled to rescue their 
chief, and expel the invaders. The Spaniards were suddenly 
attacked with great fury ; the battle lasted all day ; the town was 
burned, eighty-three Spaniards, with forty-two horses, were slain, a 
great number, including De Soto himself, were wounded ; several 
thousand Indians perished. But for the armor and fire-arms of 
the Spaniards, none of them would have escaped. All their ammu- 
nition and baggage were lost ; but what, even in this extremity, 
concerned them most, all their wine and flour were gone, and it 
was no longer possible to celebrate the mass. 

At this juncture it was ascertained that their ships had returned 
to the bay of Achusi, or Pensacola bay; and, weary of their 
misfortunes, the Spaniards determined to abandon the country 
and return home. De Soto was rendered desperate by his 
misfortunes, and foresaw in this spirit of his men the ruin of 
his hopes; and, determined to die rather than to return, he 
broke up his encampment and turned to the north-west, and, 
after a long march, encamped at the village of Chicasaw. The 
Indians there were peaceable, but the characteristic cruelty of the 
Spaniards could not be restrained; and the Indians, in revenge 
for the massacres, mutilations, and enslavement of their people, 
assembled, attacked and burned their camp. Forty men were 
slain, fifty horses, the remainder of their baggage, the greater part 
of their arms and clothing were destroyed. After this disaster, 
they removed and fortified themselves for the winter at Chicacilla. 
Early in the spring they resumed their march, and, after much suf- 
fering and many disasters, reached a great river, named by them the 
Eio Grande, by the Indians, Chucugua, Tumaliseu, Tapata, Mico, 
and, at its mouth, Ri. It was well described by the old chronicler, 
" The river in this place was a half league from one shore to 
the other, so that a man standing still could scarce be discerned 
from the opposite shore. It was of great depth, of wonderful 
rapidity, and very muddy ; and was always filled with floating trees 



1542. EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO. 47 

and timber, carried down by the force of the current." Here the 
Spaniards prepared boats, and crossed the Mississippi ; and, after 
wandering through the territories of various tribes, the most of 
whom were hostile, encamped for the winter at Utianque, on the 
Arkansas, near the western border of that State. 

De Soto's spirit was broken by misfortune, and, in utter despair of 
finding either the gold or the glory he coveted, he resolved to seek 
again the Mississippi, and, if possible, the sea. Accordingly, early 
in the spring he set out, and, after long and tedious marches, reached 
the great river at Guachoya, about twenty miles below the mouth of 
the Arkansas. Thence he sent a party to seek the sea. After an 
absence of eight days, they returned and reported that they had 
advanced only fifteen leagues, on account of the great windings of 
the river, and the swamps and torrents with which it was bordered. 
Their report broke the spirit of De Soto. Despair seized his mind, 
disease attacked his frame, and, on the 21st of May, 1542, he died, 
and his body was sunk in the Mississippi. Luis de Moscoso suc- 
ceeded to the command. Hearing vague rumors of Spaniards to 
the west, he set out in June, with the remains of the army, to the 
westward, in the hope of reaching Mexico. For three months they 
wandered, and passed at length over immense plains, covered with 
buffaloes, to a desert at the base of a range of high mountains. 
Wearied and dispirited, they turned their course, and reached the 
Mississippi above the mouth of the Arkansas. Here they wintered 
again, and prepared to descend the stream in the spring to the sea. 
Timber was found in the forests. All their iron implements, even 
to the fetters of their slaves, were wrought into nails. Grass served 
them for ropes. And thus they built seven small vessels, and, on 
the 2d of July, 1543, they embarked and followed the river, for 
twenty days, to its mouth, continually harassed by the Indians ; 
and thence sailed along the coast fifty days, to the westward, and 
at length arrived at the Spanish settlement of Panuco. 

And thus ended the great expedition. De Soto wandered over 
a great part of the continent in quest of wealth and fame ; and 
found nothing so great as his grave. Of that chosen band of cava- 
liers, so brilliant and so confident, that followed him, scarcely three 
hundred, naked, battered and famishing, returned to ask the charity 
of their countrymen. The career of Spanish conquest to the north- 
ward was effectually checked. And but for the motives that reli- 
gious and national hatred supplied, Florida might have remained 
unoccupied and unexplored. To furnish an asylum for his perse- 



48 SETTLEMENT OF FLORIDA. 1562. 

cuted countrymen of the Reformed faith, Admiral Coligni projected 
a colony in the 1$ew "World; and, on the 18th of February, 1562, 
he sent out John Ribault, with a colony of French Calvinists.* 
A settlement was made below the Cambahee, named Carolana; 
and Ribault, leaving his colony, returned to France. Discontent 
sprung up, a mutiny ensued, and the settlement was abandoned. 
Two years later, another colony was sent out under the worthy 
Laudonnierre ; and, on the river of May, with psalms and thanks- 
giving, they laid the foundations of what they hoped would be a 
secure retreat for the people of God. But the information was 
conveyed to Spain that a band of heretics had located themselves 
within the limits of the empire ; and, in 1565, Pedro Melendez de 
Aviles was sent out by the king, with orders to exterminate them. 
On St. Augustine's day he landed on the coast, built a fort that yet 
perpetuates, in the name of the chief city of Florida, the clay of its 
foundation, and from thence, marching secretly and rapidly by 
land, he surprised the Huguenot settlement of Carolana, and mas- 
sacred the inhabitants, without distinction of age or sex. Ribault 
was at sea; when he returned he was induced, with his companions, 
to surrender, upon the faith of the oath of Melendez. They gave 
up their arms, and were massacred. The crime was soon avenged. 
Dominic de Gourges, a Catholic of Gascony, once himself the 
victim of Spanish cruelty, burned with the desire of avenging his 
countrymen. For this purpose he fitted out an expedition, ap- 
proached the coast, surprised and stormed the Spanish forts, put 
their inhabitants to the sword, and hanged their leaders on the 
same trees on which some of the French had been hanged. Me- 
lendez returned, repaired his posts, fortified St. Augustine, and 
governed his colony for ten years. 

For a century the Spaniards made no further progress in the 
colonization of Florida. A few scattered missions, indeed, were 
established, and a religious province, named St. Helena, was char- 
tered by the Holy See, and placed under the care of the Franciscan 
monks. The whole of Florida, with its vague limits, was attached 
to Mexico ; but of the results of the great expeditions, and of the 
great sacrifices, of the heroic age of Spanish enterprise, there 
remained only the colony of St. Augustine. 



* A catalogue of the authorities in regard to the Huguenot and Spanish settlements 
in Florida, may be found in Sparks' American Biography. 



1608. SETTLEMENT OF CANADA. 49 

The French made early and more successful attempts to explore 
and colonize the lew World.* In 1535, James Cartier entered 
and explored the St. Lawrence to the Isle of Orleans; and, six 
years later, in conjunction with Koberval, led out a colony to that 
region, which he named New France. It failed, and for sixty 
years no further effort at colonization in America was made ; but, 
in 1608, Samuel Champlain brought out a colony to the Isle of 
Orleans, and laid the foundation of the city of Quebec, and, five 
years later, of Montreal. In the same year of his arrival, Cham- 
plain, to secure the friendship of the Indians inhabiting the banks 
of the St. Lawrence, accompanied them in an expedition against 
their enemies, on the shores of the lake that bears his name. The 
allies gained a victory over their foes ; and that event secured for 
three generations the alliance of the Algonquins, and the implac- 
able hatred of the Iroquois. This fact determined the course 
of French exploration. The Iroquois confederacy, powerful in 
their union, and more powerful from the firearms they obtained 
from the Dutch, effectually barred the progress of the French 
traders and missionaries to the south, while their alliance with the 
Algonquins of the east, secured to them the friendship of the 
Algonquins of the west. Accordingly, very early explorations 
were, made in the direction of the great western lakes. 

In 1616, Le Caron, a Franciscan, the companion of Champlain, 
penetrated the wilderness to the waters of Lake Huron ; and, along 
with Yiel and Sagard, labored for ten years as a missionary among 
the tribes there and on the Niagara. The purposes of Champlain 
were more religious than commercial; he esteemed "the salvation 
of a soul worth more than the conquest of an empire ;" his charter re- 
cognized the Indian convert as a citizen of France, and the Francis- 
cans were chosen to conduct his missions. As elsewhere, however, 
the more active order of the Jesuits took possession of the missions, 
and, in 1634, Brebceuf and Daniel, and later, Lallemand, passed by 
way of the Ottawa to Lake Huron and to the Sault Ste. Marie,f and 
established at St. Joseph, St. Louis, and St. Ignatius, villages of 
Christian Hurons. In 1640, Raymbault and Pigart followed, and 
in the next year roamed as missionaries with the Hurons of Lake 
Mpissing. Later in the same year, Eaymbault and Jogues passed, 
in a birch canoe, around the north shore of Lake Huron to the 
Sault Ste. Marie, met there a council of the Chippewas, and learned 



* Bancroft, vol. 3. 

+ Falls of the river St. Mary's, between Lakes Superior and Huron. 



50 EXPLORATIONS OF THE FRENCH. 1660. 

of the Nadouessies or the Sioux, who dwelt eighteen days' journey 
west of the great lake. But the path of those early missionaries 
was beset with peril and suffering. In the next year, Jogues and 
Bressani were captured by the Iroquois, and tortured; in 1648, 
St. Joseph was destroyed, and Daniel slain; and, in 1649, St. 
Louis and St. Ignatius were taken, and Breboeuf and Lallemand 
burned by the same relentless foes. But the French enterprise 
and the Catholic zeal were not checked. In 1660, Kene Mesnard 
was sent out to the far west. He passed around the south shore of 
Lake Superior, gathered a church at the bay of St. Theresa, and 
on his way from thence to the bay of Chegoimegon, was lost in 
the forest, at the portage of Kewenaw ; and his cassock and bre- 
viary were found long after among the Sioux. 

Meanwhile, a change was made in the government of the colony. 
The company of the hundred associates, that had ruled it since 
1632, resigned its charter ; new France passed to the company of 
the "West Indies. In 1665, Tracy was made viceroy, Courcelles 
governor, and Talon intendent.* The Jesuit missions were taken 
under the care of the new government ; and Claude Allouez was 
sent out in the same year, by way of the Ottawa, to the far west. 
Beaching the Sault Ste. Marie, he passed around the south shore of 
Lake Superior, and landed at the bay of Chegoimegon. There, at 
the chief village of the Chippewas, he established a mission, and 
made, on behalf of the colony, an alliance with them, the Pottawatta- 
mies, Sacs and Foxes, and the Illinois, against the Iroquois. In 
the next year, he passed with the Ottawas to the north shore, and 
at the western extremity of the lake met the Sioux, and from them 
learned of a great river flowing to the south, which they called 
" Messipi." Thence he returned to Quebec to seek more laborers. 
In 1668, Claude Dablon and Jaques Marquette repaired to the 
Sault, and established the mission of Ste. Marie; and during the 
next five years Allouez, Dablon and Marquette explored the 
regions south of Superior, and west of Michigan, and established 
the missions of Chegoimegon, St. Marie, Mackinaw, and Green 
Bay. The purpose of exploring the Mississippi sprang from Mar- 
quette himself; but it was furthered by the plans of the intendent 
Talon, to extend the power of France to the west. In 1670, 
Nicholas Perot was sent to the west to propose a congress of the 
tribes of the lakes. In May, 1671, the great council was held at 



* The duties of intendent included a supervision of the policy, justice, and finance of 
the province. 



1673. EXPEDITION OF MARQUETTE. 51 

Sault Ste. Marie ; the cross was set up, by its side a column inscribed 
with the lilies of the Bourbons, the Vexilla Regis was chanted, and 
the nations of the north-west, with all the pomp of the feudal age, 
were taken into the alliance and under the protection of France. 
Talon was not satisfied with mere display. There were three 
opinions in regard to the course of the great river, of which Allouez 
had heard — that it ran to the south-east into the Atlantic, below 
Virginia — that it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico — and that it 
emptied into the Gulf of California, and opened a highway to 
China and the East. To determine this problem, to secure the 
lands through which it flowed to France, and thus to signalize the 
close of his administration, Talon approved the purpose of Mar- 
quette, and directed him, with M. Joliet, of Quebec, to explore the 
Mississippi. 

On the 13th of May, 1673,* Marquette, Joliet and five voy- 
ageurs embarked in two birch canoes at Mackinaw, and passed 
down the lake. The first tribe they visited were the Folles 
Aviones, or nation of Wild Oats, now known as the Menom- 
onies, living around the north shore of the Bay of Puans, or 
Green Bay. These Indians, with whom Marquette was previously 
acquainted, were informed of their plan of exploration and beg- 
ged them to desist. There were Indians, they said, on that great 
river, who would cut off their heads without the least cause ; 
warriors who would seize them; monsters who would swallow 
them, canoes and all ; even a demon, who shut the way, and buried 
in the waters that boil about him, all who dared draw nigh; and, if 
these dangers were passed, there were heats there that would 
infallibly kill them.f "I thanked them for their good advice," 
says Marquette, "but I told them I could not follow it; since the 
salvation of souls was at stake, for which I should be overjoyed to 
give my life." Passing through Green Bay, they entered Fox 
river, and toiling over stones which cut their feet, as they dragged 
their canoes through its strong rapids, reached a village where 
lived in union the Miamis, Mascoutens,J and "Kikabeux" (Kicka- 



* Marquette's Journal in French's Historical collections of Louisiana, Part 2. 

j The allusion here is to the legend of the Piasa — or the monster bird that devoured 
men, of which some rude Indian paintings were seen thirty years since on the cliffs 
above the city of Alton ; and Indians as they passed in their canoes made offerings, by 
dropping tobacco and other articles, valuable in their estimation, in the river. 

\ In Charlevoix's time these occupied the country from the Illinois to the Fox river 
of Wisconsin, and from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi. — See his Map. 



52 EXPEDITION OF MARQUETTE. 1673. 

poos.) Here Allouez had preached, and in the midst of the town 
there was a cross, on which hung skins, and belts, and bows, and 
arrows, which "these good people had offered to the great Manitou, 
to thank him because he had taken pity on them during the winter, 
and had given them an abundant chase." Beyond this point no 
Frenchman had gone; here was the bound of discovery; and much 
did the savages wonder at the hardihood of these seven men, who, 
alone in two bark canoes, were thus fearlessly passing into unknown 
dangers. On the 10th of June, they left this wondering and well- 
wishing crowd, and, with two Indian guides to lead them through 
the lakes and marshes of that region, started for the river, which, 
as they heard, rose about three leagues distant, and fell into the 
Mississippi. These guides conducted them to the portage, and 
helped them to carry their canoes across it; then, returning, 
left them "alone amid that unknown country, in the hands of 
God." 

With prayers to the mother of Jesus they strengthened their 
souls, and committed themselves, in all hope, to the current of the 
westward-flowing river, the " Ouisconsin" ("Wisconsin) ; a sand- 
barred stream, hard to navigate, but full of islands covered with 
vines, and bordered by meadows, and groves, and pleasant slopes. 
Down this they floated until, upon the 17th of June, they entered 
the Mississippi, "with a joy," says Marquette, "that I cannot ex- 
press." Quietly floating down the great river, they remarked the 
deer, the buffaloes, the swans — " wingless, for they lose their 
feathers in that country" — the great fish, one of which had nearly 
knocked their canoe into atoms, and other creatures of air, earth 
and water, but no men. At last, however, upon the 21st of June, 
they discovered, upon the western bank of the river, the footprints 
of some fellow mortals, and a little path leading into a pleasant 
meadow. Leaving the canoes in charge of their followers, Joliet 
and Father Marquette boldly advanced upon this path toward, as 
they supposed, an Indian village. After walking for two leagues, 
they came to a cluster of villages along the banks of a river, then 
called the Moingona, now probably the Des Moines.* Making 
their presence known by a loud cry, they were met by four old 
men, who presented to them the calumet, and escorted them to 
their chief. Here they made known the purpose of their voyage, 



* It is not certain that the Moingona was the Des Moines. If it was, the points of 
their landing was, from Marquette's description, nearly opposite the city of Nauvoo. 



1673. EXPEDITION OF MARQUETTE. 53 

and the chief begged them to desist, on account of the dangers of 
the voyage. " I told him," says Marquette, " that we did not fear 
death, and that I would esteem it a happiness to lose my life in the 
service of God, at which he seemed to be much surprised." They 
were then entertained with a feast and the dance of the calumet, 
spent the night with the chief, and were escorted by nearly six 
hundred persons to their canoes. These Indians called themselves 
Illinois, in their language, men ; the name of their tribe was Peru- 
raca, and their language was a dialect of the Algonquin. Mar- 
quette, like all the early travelers, describes the Illinois as remark- 
ably handsome, well-mannered, and kindly, even somewhat effemi- 
nate. Leaving these savages, the adventurers passed the rocks 
upon which were painted those monsters of whose existence they 
had heard on Lake Michigan, and soon found themselves at the 
mouth of the Pekitanoni, or Missouri of our day ; the character of 
which is well described — muddy, rushing, and noisy. They next 
passed a dangerous rock in the river,* and then came to the Oua- 
bouskigou, or Ohio, a stream which makes but a small figure in 
Father Marquette's map, being but a trifling water-course compared 
to the Illinois. From the Ohio, our voyagers passed with safety, 
except from the musquitoes, into the neighborhood of the "Akarn- 
scas," or Arkansas. Here they were attacked by a crowd of war- 
riors, and had nearly lost their lives; but Marquette resolutely 
presented the peace-pipe, and some of the old men of the attacking 
party were softened, and saved them from harm. " God touched 
their hearts," says the pious narrator. The next day the French- 
men went on to "Akamsca,"t where they were received most 
kindly, and feasted with great friendship. These Indians cooked 
in and eat from earthenware, and were amiable and unceremonious, 
each man helping himself from the dish and passing it to his 
neighbor. From this point, Joliet and Marquette determined to 
return to the north, as dangers increased toward the sea, and no 
doubt could exist as to the point where the Mississippi emptied, to 
ascertain which was the great object of their expedition. Accord- 
ingly, on the 17th of July, they left Akamsca ; retraced their path 
with much labor to the Illinois, through which they soon reached 
the lake; and "nowhere," says Marquette, "did we see such 



* The Grand Tower, about one hundred miles below St. Louis. 

•j- The Akamsca, or Arkansas, was an Indian village on the west side of the Missis- 
sippi, about 36 miles above the mouth of the Arkansas. — Charlevoix Letters, p. 306. 



54 DEATH OF MARQUETTE. 1675. 

grounds, meadows, woods, stags, buffaloes, deer, wild-cats, bustards, 
swans, ducks, paroquets, and even beavers," as on the Illinois river. 

In September, the party, without loss or injury, reached Green 
Bay, and reported their discovery; one of the most important of 
that age, and one which opened up the great valley to the enter- 
prise of their countrymen. That consideration, however, did not 
influence the mind of Marquette. "If," says he, " my perilous 
journey had been attended with no other advantage than the salva- 
tion of one soul, I would think my peril sufficiently rewarded. I 
preached the Gospel to the Illinois of Peruraca for three days to- 
gether. My instructions made such an impression upon this poor 
people, that, as soon as we were about to depart, they brought to 
me a dying child to baptize, which I did about half an hour before he 
died, and which, by a special providence, God was pleased to save." 

Afterward, Marquette returned to the Illinois, by their request, 
and ministered to them until 1G75. On the 18th of May, in that 
year, as he was passing with his boatmen up Lake Michigan, he 
proposed to land at the mouth of a stream running from the penin- 
sula, and perform mass. Leaving his men with the canoe, he w T ent 
a little way apart to pray, they waiting for him. As much time 
passed, and he did not return, they called to mind that he had said 
something of his death being at hand, and anxiously went to seek 
him. They found him dead: where he had been praying he had 
died. The canoe-men dug a grave near the mouth of the stream, 
and buried him in the sand. Here his body was liable to be ex- 
posed by a rise of water ; and would have been so, had not the 
river retired, and left the missionary's grave in peace. Charlevoix, 
who visited the spot some fifty years afterward, found that the 
waters had forced a passage at the most difficult point, and had 
cut through a bluff, rather than cross the lowland where that grave 
was. The river is called Marquette.* While the simple-hearted 
and true Marquette was pursuing his labors of love in the west, 
two men, differing widely from him and each other, were preparing 
to follow in his footsteps, and perfect the discoveries so well begun 
by him and the Sieur Joliet. These were Eobert de la Salle and 
Louis Hennepin. 

Eobert, Chevalier de la Salle, was a native of Rouen, in Nor- 
mandy. He was educated in a seminary of the Jesuits, and 
probably being designed for the church, received no share of his 

* Charlevoix, p. 222. 



1678. LA SALLE IN CANADA. 55 

father's estate. For some unknown reason he left the seminary, 
with, however, the approbation of his superiors, came to Canada 
about the year 1667, and engaged in the fur trade. But his active 
mind was busied with speculations far beyond the details of his 
business. It was the belief of that age that a passage, through the 
American continent, might be found to China and the East, and 
La Salle's mind was so filled with the idea, and with the hope of 
realizing it, that his trading post on the island of Montreal was 
named La Chine. And thus he was occupied with great thoughts 
of discovery when Marquette and Joliet returned. At once La 
Salle received from them the idea, that, by following the great 
river northward, or by turning up some of the streams which joined 
it from the westward, his aim might be certainly and easily gained. 
He applied to Frontenac, then governor-general of Canada, laid 
before him an outline of his view r s, dim but gigantic, and, as a first 
step, proposed to rebuild of stone, and with improved fortifications, 
Fort Frontenac, upon Lake Ontario, a post to which he knew the 
governor felt all the affection due to a namesake. Frontenac entered 
warmly into his views. He* saw that in La Salle's suggestion, 
which was to connect Canada with the Gulf of Mexico by a chain 
of forts upon the vast navigable lakes and rivers which bind that 
country so wonderfully together, lay the germ of a plan which 
might give unmeasured power to France,, and unequaled glory to 
himself, under whose administration he fondly hoped all would be 
realized. He advised La Salle, therefore, to go to the king of 
France, to make known his project, and ask for the royal patronage 
and protection ; and, to forward his suit, gave him letters to the 
great Colbert, minister of finance and marine. Accordingly, in 
1675, he returned to France ; his plan was approved by the minis- 
ter, to whom he presented Frcntenac's letter; La Salle was made a 
chevalier ; was invested with the seigniory of Fort Catarocouy or 
Frontenac, upon condition he would rebuild it ; and received from 
all the first noblemen and princes assurances of their good-will and 
aid. Returning to Canada, he labored diligently at his fort till the 
close of 1677, when he again sailed for France with news of his 
progress. Colbert and his son, Seignelay, now minister of marine, 
once more received him with favor, and, at their instance, the king 
granted new letters patent with new privileges. His mission having 
sped so well, on the 14th of July, 1678, La Salle, with his lieuten- 
ant, Tonti, an Italian, and thirty men, sailed again from Rochelle 
for Quebec, where they arrived on the 15th of September; and, 
after a few days' stay, proceeded to Fort Frontenac. 



56 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1678. 

Here was quietly working, though in no quiet spirit, the rival 
and co-laborer of La Salle, Louis Hennepin, a Franciscan friar, of 
the Eecollet variety ; a man full of ambition to be a great discoverer ; 
daring, hardy, energetic, vain and self-exaggerating, almost to 
madness; and, it is feared, more anxious to advance his own selfish 
ends than the truth. He had in Europe lurked behind doors, he 
tells us, that he might hear sailors spin their yarns touching foreign 
lands; and he profited, it would seem, by their instructions. He 
came to Canada when La Salle returned from his first visit to the 
court, and had, to a certain extent, prepared himself, by journeying 
among the Iroquois, for bolder travels in the wilderness. Having 
been appointed by his religious superiors to accompany the 
expedition which was about to start for the extreme West, under 
La Salle, Hennepin was in readiness for him at Fort Frontenac, 
where he arrived, probably, in October, 1678. 

The Chevalier's first step was to send forward men to prepare 
the minds of the Indians along the lakes, for his coming, to soften 
their hearts by well-chosen gifts and words, and to pick up peltries, 
beaver-skins, and other valuables ; and, upon the 18th of November, 
1678, he himself embarked in a little vessel of ten tons, to cross 
Lake Ontario. This, says one of his chroniclers, was the first ship 
that sailed upon that fresh water sea. The wind was strong and 
contrary, and four weeks nearly were passed in beating up the 
little distance between Kingston and Niagara. Having forced 
their brigantine as far toward the Falls as was possible, our travel- 
ers landed ; built some magazines with difficulty, for at times the 
ground was frozen so hard, that they could drive their stakes or 
posts into it only by first pouring upon it boiling water; and then 
made acquaintance with the Iroquois, of the village of Niagara, 
upon Lake Erie. Not far from this village, La Salle founded a 
second fort, upon which he set his men to work; but finding the 
Iroquois jealous, he gave it up for a time, and merely erected 
temporary fortifications for his magazines; and then, leaving 
orders for a new ship to be built,* he returned to Fort Frontenac, 
to forward stores, cables, and anchors for his forth-coming vessel. 
Through the hard and cold winter days, the frozen river lying 
before them "like a plain, paved with fine polished marble," some 
of his men hewed and hammered upon the timbers of the Griffin, 
as the great bark was to be named, while others gathered furs and 



* The keel was laid by La Salle, on the 26th of January, 1679, at the mouth of Cayuga 
oreek, on the Americaa side of the Niagara, about six miles above the great Falls. 



1(379. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 57 

skins, or sued for the good will of the bloody savages amid whom 
they were quartered; and all went merrily until the 20th of 
January, 1679. On that day the Chevalier arrived from below. 
The vessel in which his valuables had been embarked, was wrecked 
through the bad management of the pilots; and though the more 
important part of her freight was saved, much of her provision 
went to the bottom. During the winter, however, a quantity of 
furs was collected, with which, early in the spring of 1769, the 
commander returned to Fort Frontenac to get another outfit, while 
Tonti was sent forward to scour the lake coasts, muster together 
the men who had been sent before, collect skins, and explore the 
country. In thus coming and going, buying and trading, the 
summer of this year passed away, and it was the 7th of August 
before the Griffin was ready to sail. Then, with Te Deums and 
the discharge of arquebuses, she began her voyage up Lake Erie. 

Over Lake Erie, through the strait beyond, across the lake they 
named St. Clair, and into Huron, the voyagers passed most happily. 
In Huron they were troubled by storms, dreadful as those upon 
the ocean, and were at last forced to take refuge in the road of 
Michilimackinac. This was upon the 27th of August. At this 
place La Salle remained until the middle of September, founded a 
fort there, and sent men therefrom in various directions to examine 
the country. He then went on to Green Bay, the "Baie cles 
Puans," of the French; and, finding there a large quantity of skins 
and furs collected for him, he determined to load the Griffin, 
and send her back to Niagara. Accordingly upon the 18th of 
September, she was dispatched under the charge of a pilot, 
supposed to be competent and trustworthy, while La Salle himself, 
with fourteen men, proceeded up Lake Michigan, paddling along 
its shores in the most leisurely manner; Tonti, meanwhile, was 
sent to find stragglers, with whom he was to join the main body at 
the head of the lake. 

From the 19th of September till the 1st of November, the time 
was occupied by La Salle in his voyage up the sea in question. 
On the day last named, he arrived at the mouth of the river of the 
Miamis, or St. Josephs, as it is now called. Here he built a fort 
and remained for nearly a month, when hearing nothing from his 
Griffin, he determined to push on before it was too late. 

On the 3d of December, having mustered all his forces, thirty 

laborers and three monks, after having left ten men to garrison the 

fort, La Salle started again upon "his great voyage and glorious 

undertaking." Ascending the St. Josephs river in the south- 

5 



58 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1680. 

western part of Michigan to a point where, by a short portage, they 
passed to the " The-a-ki-ki," now corrupted into Kankakee, a 
main branch of the Illinois river. Proceeding slowly, the better 
to observe the country, about the last of December, they reached a 
village of the Illinois Indians, perhaps near the Buffalo Rock, in 
La Salle county, Illinois, containing some five hundred cabins, but, 
at that moment, no inhabitants. The Sieur La Salle, being in 
great want of bread-stuffs, took advantage of this absence of the 
Indians to help himself to a sufficiency of maize, of which large 
quantities were found hidden in holes under the huts or wigwams. 
This done, the voyagers betook themselves to the stream again, 
and toward evening on the 4th of January, 1680, fell into a lake 
which must have been the lake of Peoria. Here the natives were 
met with in large numbers, but they were gentle and kind, and 
having spent some time with them, La Salle determined in that 
neighborhood to build another fort, for he found that already some 
of the adjoining tribes were trying to disturb the good feeling 
which existed; and, moreover, some of his own men were dis- 
posed to complain. A spot upon rising ground, near the river, 
was accordingly chosen, about the middle of January, and the fort 
of Crevecceur* (Broken Heart,) commenced; a name expressive of 
the very natural anxiety and sorrow, which the loss of the Griffin, 
his consequent impoverishment, the danger of hostility on the part 
of the Indians, and of mutiny on the part of his men, might well 
cause him. 

Nor were his fears by any means groundless. In the first place, 
his discontented followers, and afterward emissaries from the 
Mascoutens, tried to persuade the Illinois that he was a friend of 
the Iroquois, their most deadly enemies ; and that he was among 
them for the purpose of enslaving them. But La Salle was an 
honest and fearless man, and, as soon as coldness and jealousy 
appeared on the part of his hosts, he went to them boldly and 
asked the cause, and by his frank statements, preserved their good 
feeling and good-will. 

Meanwhile the winter wore away, and the prairies were 
beginning to look green again; but La Salle heard no good news, 
received no reinforcement ; his property was gone, his men were 
fast deserting him, and he had little left but his own strong heart. 
The second year of his hopes, and toils, and failures, was half gone, 
and he further from his object than ever; but still he had that 

* The site of Crevecceur is unknown. 



1680. EXPEDITION OP LA SALLE. 59 

strong heart ; and it was more than men or money. He saw that 
he must go back to Canada, raise new means, and enlist new men ; 
but he did not dream therefore, of relinquishing his projects. On 
the contrary, he determined, that while he was on his return, a 
small party should go to the Mississippi and explore that stream 
toward its source ; and that Tonti, with the few men that remained, 
should strengthen and extend his relations among the Indians. 

For the leader of the Mississippi exploring party, he chose 
Father Louis Hennepin ; and, having furnished him with all the 
necessary articles, started him upon his voyage on the last day of 
February, 1680. 

Having thus provided against the entire stagnation of discovery 
during his forced absence, La Salle at once betook himself to his 
journey eastward; a journey scarce conceivable now, for it was to 
be made by land from Fort Crevecoeur round to Fort Frontenac, 
a distance of at least twelve hundred miles, at the most trying 
season of the year, when the rivers and the lakes would be full of 
floating ice, and offer to the traveler neither the security of winter, 
nor the comfort of summer. But the chevalier was not to be 
daunted by any obstacles ; his affairs were in so precarious a state 
that he felt he must make a desperate effort, or all his plans would 
be forever broken up; so through snow, ice and water, he found 
his way along the southern borders of Lakes Michigan, Erie and 
Ontario, and at last reached his destination. He found, as he 
expected, every thing in confusion ; his Griffin was lost, his agents 
had cheated him, his creditors had seized his goods. Had his 
spirit been one atom less elastic and energetic, he would have 
abandoned the whole undertaking ; but La Salle knew neither fear 
nor despair, and by mid-summer he was once more on his way to 
rejoin his little band of explorers on the Illinois. This pioneer 
body, meanwhile, had suffered greatly from the jealousy of the 
neighboring Indians, and the attacks of bands of Iroquois, who 
wandered all the way from their homes in New York, to annoy 
the less warlike savages of the prairies. Their sufferings, at length, 
in September, 1680, induced Tonti to abandon his position, and 
seek the lakes again, a point which, with much difficulty, he effected. 
"When, therefore, La Salle, who had heard nothing of all these 
troubles, reached the posts upon the Illinois, in December, 1680, 
or January, 1681, he found them utterly deserted; his hopes again 
crushed, and all his dreams again disappointed. There was but 
one thing to be done, however, to turn back to Canada, enlist more 
men, and secure more means ; this he did, and in June, 1681, had 



60 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1681. 

the pleasure to meet his comrade, Lieutenant Tonti, at Mackinaw, 
to whom he spoke with the same hope and courage which he 
had exhibited at the outset of his enterprise. 

Hennepin meanwhile left Fort Crevecceur, on the 29th of 
February, 1680. In seven days he reached the Mississippi, and 
paddling up its icy stream, as he best could, by the 11th of April 
had gone no further than the Wisconsin. Here he was taken 
prisoner by a band of northern Indians, who treated him and his 
comrades with considerable kindness, and took them up the river 
until about the 1st of May, when they reached the Falls of 
St. Anthony, which were then so named by Hennepin, in honor pf 
his patron saint. Here they took to the land, and traveling nearly 
two hundred miles towards the northwest, brought him to their 
villages. These Indians were the Sioux. 

Here Hennepin and his companions remained about three 
months, treated kindly and trusted by their captors ; at the end of 
that time, he met with a band of Frenchmen, headed by one Sieur 
de Luth, who, in pursuit of trade and game, had penetrated thus 
far by the route of Lake Superior; and, with these fellow country- 
men, the Franciscan returned to the borders of civilized life, in 
November, 1680, just after La Salle had gone back to the 
wilderness. Hennepin soon after went to France, where, in 1684, 
he published a work narrating his adventures. 

This volume, called " A Description of Louisiana," he, thirteen 
years afterward, enlarged and altered, and published with the title 
"New Discovery of a Yast Country situated in America, between 
New Mexico and the Frozen Ocean." In this new publication, he 
claimed to have violated La Salle's instructions, and, in the first 
place, to have gone down the Mississippi to its mouth, before 
ascending it. His claim was doubted, and examination has proved 
it to be a complete fable — the materials being taken from Le 
Clercq's account of the voyage of La Salle, published in 1691. Le 
Clercq's account is derived from the letters of Father Zenobe 
Mambre, who was with La Salle on his voyage. 

To return again to the chevalier himself, he met Tonti, at 
Mackinaw, in June, 1681 ; thence he went down the lakes to Fort 
Frontenac, to make the needful preparations for prosecuting his 
western discoveries ; in August, 1681, he was on his way up the lakes 
again, and on the 3d of November at the St. Josephs, as full of 
confidence as ever. The middle of December had come, however, 
before all were ready to go forward ; and then, with twenty-three 
Frenchmen, eighteen eastern Indians, ten Indian women, and three 



1682. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE, 61 

children, he started, not as before by the way of the Kankakee, but 
by the Chicago river, traveling on foot, and with the baggage on 
sledges. It was upon the 5th or 6th of January, 1682, that 
the band of explorers left the borders of Lake Michigan, crossed 
the portage, passed down to Fort Crevecoeur, which they found in 
good condition, and on the 6th of February were upon the banks 
of the Mississippi. On the 13th they commenced their downward 
passage, but nothing of interest occurred until, on the 26th of the 
month, at the Chickasaw Bluffs, a Frenchman named Prudhomme, 
who had gone out with others to hunt, was lost ; a circumstance 
whic^L led to the erection of a fort upon the spot, named from the 
missing man, who was found, however, eight or nine days after- 
ward. Pursuing their course, they at length, upon the 6th of April, 
1682, discovered the three passages by which the Mississippi dis- 
charges its water into the gulf. 

" A process verbal," in the French archives, describes the cere- 
mony with which possession was taken of the country, in the name 
of the French king. It thus proceeds : " We landed on the bank 
of the most western channel, about three leagues from its mouth. 
On the 7th, M. de la Salle went to reconnoitre the shores of the 
neighboring sea, and M. de Tonti likewise examined the great 
middle channel. They found these two outlets beautiful, large and 
deep. On the 8th, we re-ascended the river, a little above its con- 
fluence with the sea, to find a dry place, beyond the reach of inun- 
dations. The elevation of the North Pole was here about twenty- 
seven degrees. Here we prepared a column and a cross, and to the 
said column we affixed the arms of France, with this inscription : 

LOUIS LE GRAND, R0I DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE, REGNE, 

1682. 

The whole party, under arms, chaunted the Te Deum, the Exaudiat, 
the Domine salvumfac Begem ; and then, after a salute of firearms 
and cries of Vive le Roi, the column was erected by M. de la Salle, 
who, standing near it, said with a loud voice in French : 

" ' In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and victo- 
rious prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of France 
and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, this ninth day of April, 
one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in virtue of the com- 
mission of his majesty, which I hold in my hand, and which may 
be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now take, 
in the name of his majesty and of his successors to the crown, 



62 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1682. 

possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, 
bays, adjacent straits ; and all the nations, people, provinces, cities, 
towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams and rivers, com- 
prised in the extent of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the 
great river St. Louis, on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, 
Alighin, Sipore or Chukagona, and this with the consent of the 
Chaounons, Chickachaws, and other people dwelling therein, with 
whom we have made alliance; as also along the river Colbert, or 
Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein, from 
its source beyond the country of the Kious or Nadouessious, and 
this with their consent, and with the consent of the Montantees, 
Illinois, Mesigameas, batches, Koroas, which are the most con- 
siderable nations dwelling therein, with whom also we have made 
alliance, either by ourselves or by others in our behalf,* as far as 
its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the twenty-seventh 
degree of the elevation of the North Pole, and also to the mouth 
of the river of Palms ; upon the assurance, which we have received 
from all these nations, that we are the first Europeans who have 
descended or ascended the said river Colbert ; hereby protesting 
against all those who may in future undertake to invade any or all 
of these countries, people or lands, above described, to the preju- 
dice of the right of his majesty, acquired by the consent of the 
nations herein named. Of which, and of all that can be needed, 
I hereby take to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of 
the Notary, as required by law.' 

" To which the whole assembly responded with shouts of Vive le 
Hoi, and with salutes of firearms. Moreover, the said Sieur de la 
Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree, to which the cross 
was attached, a leaden plate, on one side of which were engraved 
the arms of France, and the following Latin inscription : 

LVDOVICYS MAGNVS REGENT. 
NONO APRILIS CIO IOC LXXXII. 
ROBERTVS CAVELLIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTT, LEGATO, R. P. ZENOBI 
MEMBRE, RECOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN, INDE AB 
ILINEORVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT, EJVSQVE OSTIVM FECIT PERVIVVM, NONO 
APRILIS, ANNI CIO IOC LXXXII. 



* There is an obscurity in this enumeration of places and Indian nations, -which may 
be ascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the country ; but it seems to be the 
design of the Sieur de la Salle to take possession of the whole territory watered by the 
Mississippi from its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing into it on botii 
sides. — Sparks. 



1682. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 63 

After which the Sieur de la Salle said, that his majesty, as eldest 
son of the church, would annex no country to his crown without 
making it his chief care to establish the Christian religion therein, 
and that its symbol must now be planted ; which was accordingly 
done at once, by erecting a cross, before which the Vexilla and the 
Domine salvumfac Begem were sung. Whereupon the ceremony 
was concluded with cries of Vive le Hoi. 

" Of all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la Salle having 
required of us an instrument, we have delivered to him the same, 
signed by us, and by the undersigned witnesses, this ninth day of 
April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two. 

LA METAIRE, Notary. 
De la Salle, Jaques Cauchois, 

P. Zenobe, Recollect Missionary, Pierre You, 
Henry de Tonty, Giles Meucrat, 

Francois de Boisrondet, Jean Michel, Surgeon, 

Jean Bourdon, Jean Mas, 

Sieur dAutray, Jean Dulignon, 

Nicholas de la Salle." 

Thus was the foundation fairly laid for the claim of France to 
the Mississippi valley, according to the usages of European powers. 
But La Salle and his companions could not stay to examine the 
land they had entered, nor the coast they had reached. Provisions 
with them were exceedingly scarce, and they were forced at once 
to start upon their return for the north. This they did without 
serious trouble, although somewhat annoyed by the savages, until 
they reached Fort Prudhomme, where La Salle was taken violently 
sick. Finding himself unable to announce his success in person, 
the chevalier sent forward Tonti to the lakes, to communicate with 
Count de Frontenac : he himself was able to reach the fort at the 
mouth of the St. Josephs, toward the last of September. From 
that post he sent with his dispatches Father Zenobe, to represent 
him in France, while he pursued the more lucrative business of 
attending to his fur trade, in the north-west, and completing his 
long-projected Fort of St. Louis, upon the high and commanding 
bluff of the Illinois, now known as Rock Fort; a bluff two hundred 
and fifty feet high, and accessible only on one side.* Having seen 



* There is an uncertainty in regard to the site of Rock Fort. Buffalo Rock, three 
miles below Ottawa, on the north side of the river, is about fifty or sixty feet high, and 
contains about 600 acres. Starved Rock, three miles above La Salle, so named from 
the tradition that a band of Illinois Indians were starved there by their enemies, is on 



64 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1684. 

this completed, and the necessary steps taken to preserve a good 
understanding with the Indians, and also to keep up a good trade 
with them, in the autumn of 1683 the chevalier sailed for his native 
land, which he reached Decemher 13th. 

At one time he had thought probably of attempting to establish 
a colony on the Mississippi, by means of supplies and persons sent 
from Canada ; but further reflection led him to believe his true 
course was to go from France to the mouth of the Mississippi, with 
abundant means of settling and securing the country; and to obtain 
the necessary ships, stores, and emigrants, was the main purpose 
of his visit to Europe. But he found his fair fame in danger, in 
the court of his king. His success, his wide plans, and his over- 
bearing character were all calculated to make him enemies ; and 
among the foremost was La Barre, who had succeeded Frontenae 
as governor of Canada. Notwithstanding the influence of these, 
through the notoriety acquired by the publication of Hennepin's 
book, and especially by means of his own address and perseverance, 
La Salle overcame the obstacles in his way, secured the friendship 
of the minister Seignelay, and the favor of the king ; and received 
the grant of a fleet to transport a colony to America, and take pos- 
session of the mouth of the Mississippi on behalf of the crown. 

On the 24th of July, 1684, twenty-four vessels sailed from 
Rochelle to America, four of which were for the discovery and 
settlement of the famed Louisiana. These four carried two 
hundred and eighty persons, including the crews; there were 
soldiers, artificers, and volunteers, and also u some young women." 
No doubt this brave fleet started full of light hearts, and vast, 
vague hopes; but it had scarcely sailed when discord began; for 
La Salle and the commander of the fleet, M. de Beaujeu, were 
well fitted to quarrel one with the other, but never to work together. 
In truth, La Salle seems to have been no wise amiable, for he was 
overbearing, harsh, and probably selfish to the full extent to be 
looked for in a man of worldly ambition. However, in one of the 
causes of quarrel which arose during the passage, he acted, if not 
with policy, certainly with boldness and humanity. It was when 
they came to the Tropic of Cancer, where, in those times, it was 
customary to dip all green hands, as is still sometimes done under 
the Equator. On this occasion the sailors of La Salle's little 



the south side of the Illinois river, and ninety or one hundred feet high, and accessible 
only on one side. There are no other points along the river that -will meet the descrip- 
tion of Rock Fort. Distances and measurements were overrated by the early French 
explorers. 



1685. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 65 

squadron promised themselves rare sport and much plunder, grog, 
and other good things, the forfeit paid by those who do not wish a 
seasoning; but all these expectations were stopped, and hope 
turned into hate, by the express and emphatic statement on the 
part of La Salle, that no man under his command should be ducked, 
whereupon the commander of the fleet was forced to forbid the 
ceremony. 

With such beginnings of bickering and dissatisfaction, the 
Atlantic was crossed, and upon the 20th of December, the island 
of St. Domingo was reached. Here certain arrangements were to 
be made with the colonial authorities; but, as they were away, it 
became necessary to stop there for a time. And a sad time it was. 
The fever seized the new-comers; the ships were crowded with 
sick; La Salle himself was brought to the verge of the grave; and 
when he recovered, the first news that greeted him, was that of his 
four vessels, the one wherein he had embarked his stores and 
implements, had been taken by the Spaniards. The sick man had 
to bestir himself thereupon to procure new supplies; and while he 
was doing so, his enemies were also bestirring themselves to seduce 
his men from him, so that with death and desertion, he was likely 
to have a small crew at the last. But energy did much; and, on 
the 25th of November, the first of the remaining vessels, she that 
was "to carry the light," sailed for the coast of America. In her 
went La Salle and the historian of the voyage, Joutel. 

For a whole month were the diconsolate sailors sailing, and 
sounding, and stopping to take in water and shoot alligators, and 
drifting in utter uncertainty, until, on the 28th of December, the 
main land was fairly discovered. But "there being," as Joutel 
says, "no man among them who had any knowledge of that bay," 
and there being also an impression that they must steer very much 
to the westward to avoid the currents, it was no wonder they missed 
the Mississippi, and wandered far beyond it, not knowing where 
they went. At last, La Salle, out of patience, determined to land 
some of his men, and go along the shore toward the point where 
he believed the mouth of the Mississippi to be, and Joutel was 
appointed one of the commanders of this exploring party. They 
started on the 4th of February, and traveled eastward three days, 
when they came to a great stream which they could not cross. 
Here they made fire signals, and, on the 13th, two of the vessels 
came in sight ; the mouth of the river, or* entrance of the bay, for 
such it proved to be, was forthwith sounded, and the barks sent in 
to be under shelter. But La Salle's old fortune was at work here 



66 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1686. 

again; the vessel which bore his provisions and most valuable 
stores, was run upon a shoal by the grossest neglect, or, as Joutel 
thinks, with malice prepense ; and soon after, the wind coming in 
strong from the sea, she fell to pieces in the night, covering the 
bay with casks and packages, which could not be saved, or were 
worthless when drawn from the salt water. From this untimely 
fate La Salle rescued but a small part of his second stock of 
indispensables. As if to add to the misfortunes of the colonists 
just at this juncture, Beaujeu set sail and returned to France, leaving 
to them eight pieces of cannon, but without balls; and without 
even provisions for their sustenance. Leaving his people under 
the protection of a rude fortification, made of the timbers of their 
vessel, La Salle explored the surrounding region and the streams 
that emptied into the bay, in the hope that some of them might 
prove the outlet of the Mississippi. He was disappointed, but found 
on a river he named the Yaches, a fit location for a fort. To this 
point the camp was removed; and, after incredible labor, a 
fortification, sufficient to protect them from the Indians, was 
made of timbers dragged for a league over the plain by the men. 
The fort was named St. Louis, and was located at the head of 
Matagorda Bay. 

"As soon as the work was somewhat advanced,* M. de la Salle 
gave Joutel orders to finish it; left him the command of it and 
about one hundred men ; he took the rest of his people and embarked 
on the river, with the resolution of going up as high as he could. 
Joutel stayed but a short time after him in the fort which had been 
begun ; every night the savages were roving in the neighborhood ; 
the French defended themselves, but with losses that weakened 
them. On the 14th of July, Joutel received an order from M. de 
la Salle to join him with all his people. Many good stout men 
had been killed or taken by the Indians; others were dead with 
fatigue, and the number of sick increased every day; in a word, 
nothing could be more unhappy than M. de la Salle's situation. 
He was devoured with grief, but he dissimulated it pretty well ; by 
which means his dissimulation degenerated into a morose obstinacy. 
As soon as he saw all his people together, he began in good earnest 
to think of making a settlement, and fortifying it. He was the 
engineer of his own fort, and being always the first to put his hand 
to work, everybody worked as well as he could to follow his ex- 
ample. Nothing was wanting but to encourage this good will of 

* Bossu's statement in Dillon's Indiana. 



1687. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 67 

the people ; but M. de la Salle had not sufficient command of his 
temper. At the very time when his people spent their force with 
working, and had but just as much as was absolutely necessary to 
live upon, he could not prevail on himself to relax his severity a 
little, or alter his inflexible temper, which is never seasonable, 
and less so in a new settlement. 

"It is not sufficient to have courage, health, and watchfulness, to 
make any undertaking succeed. Many other talents are requisite. 
Moderation, patience, and disinterestedness are equally necessary. 
M. de la Salle punished the least of faults with severity, and seldom 
any word of comfort came from his mouth to those who suffered 
with the greatest constancy. He had, of course, the misfortune to 
see all his people fall into a state of languor and despondency, 
which was more the effect of despair than of excess of labor or 
scantiness of good nourishment. Having given his last orders at 
his fort, he resolved to advance into the country, and began to 
march on the 12th of January, 1687, with M. de Cavelier, his bro- 
ther, Moranget and the young Cavelier, his nephews, Father Anas- 
tasius, a Franciscan friar, Joutel, Duhaut, L'Archeveque, De Marne, 
a German, whose name was Hiens, a surgeon named Liotot, the 
pilot Tessier, Saget, and an Indian who was a good huntsman. As 
they advanced further into the country they found it inhabited ; 
and when they were but forty leagues from the nation of the Cenis, 
they heard that there was a Frenchman among those Indians. It 
was a sailor from Lower Bretany, who had lost himself when M. 
de la Salle first came down the Mississippi. Joutel went to fetch 
him from among those Indians. He only quitted them to be wit- 
ness of a crime. 

"March 17th, Moranget being on a hunting-party, and having, as 
it is said, abused with words, Duhaut, Hiens, and the surgeon 
Liotot, those three men resolved to get rid of him as soon as pos- 
sible, and to begin with the servant of M. de la Salle, and his 
Indian huntsman, who was called E"ika, who both accompanied 
Moranget, and could have defended him. They communicated 
their design to L'Archeveque and the pilot, Tessier, who approved 
of it, and desired to take part in the execution. They did not 
speak of it to the Sieur de Marne, who was with them, and whom 
they wished to have been able to get away. The next night, while 
the three unhappy victims whom they would sacrifice to revenge, 
slept very quietly, Liotot gave each of them several blows with the 
hatchet on the head. The Indian and the servant died imme- 
diately. Moranget raised himself so as to sit upright, without 



68 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1687. 

speaking a word, and the murderers obliged the Sieur de Marne to 
dispatch him, threatening to kill him, too, if he refused; thus, 
by making him an accomplice of their crime, they wanted to 
secure themselves against his accusing them. The first crime is 
always followed by uneasiness. The greatest villains find it diffi- 
cult to conquer it. The murderers conceived that it would not be 
easy to escape the just vengeance of M. de la Salle, unless by mur- 
dering him ; and this they resolved upon, after deliberating on the 
means of effecting it. They thought the safest way was to meet 
him and surprise all that accompanied him ; and so open them- 
selves a way for the murder which they intended to perpetrate. 
So strange a resolution could only be inspired by that blind despair 
which hurries villains into the abyss which they dig for themselves. 
An unexpected incident became favorable to them, and delivered 
into their hands the prey which they sought for. A river that 
separated them from the camp, and which was considerably in- 
creased since they passed it, kept them two days ; this retardment, 
which at first seemed an obstacle to their project, facilitated the 
execution of it. M. de la Salle wondering that his nephew, Mo- 
ranget, did not return, nor either of the two men that were with 
him, determined to go and seek them himself. It was remarked 
that he was uneasy when he was going to set out, and inquired, 
with a kind of uncommon concern, whether Moranget had quar- 
reled with any one. He then called Joutel, and entrusted him 
with the command of his camp, ordering him to go his rounds 
in it from time to time, and to light fires, that the smoke might 
bring him on his road again, in case he should lose his way. He 
likewise bid him give nobody leave to absent himself. He set out 
on the 20th, attended by Father Anastasius and an Indian. 

"As he approached the place where the assassins had stopped, he 
saw some vultures soaring pretty near the spot, and concluded that 
there was some carrion : he fired his gun ; and the conspirators, 
who had not yet seen him, guessing that it was he who was coming, 
got their arms in readiness. The river was between him and them. 
Duhaut and L'Archeveque crossed it, and seeing M. de la Salle 
advancing slowly, they stopped. Duhaut hid himself in the long 
grass, with his gun cocked; L'Archeveque advanced a little more ; 
and a moment after, M de la Salle knowing him, asked him where 
his nephew was. He answered that he was lower down. At the 
same instant Duhaut fired. M. de la Salle received the shot in his 
head, and fell down dead. It was the 20th of March, 1687, that 
this murder was committed, near the Cenis. Father Anastasius, 



1687. EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. Q9 

seeing M. de la Salle drop down at his feet, expected that the mur- 
derers would not spare him, though they should have no other 
view in it than to get rid of a witness of their crime. Duhaut 
came near to quiet him, and told him that what they had done was 
an act of despair, and that they had long thought of revenging 
themselves on Moranget, who had endeavored to ruin them. Father 
Anastasius informed M. Cavelier of his brother's death. That 
gentleman told them that if it was their intention to kill him like- 
wise, he would forgive them his death beforehand; and he only 
demanded, as a favor, a quarter of an hour to prepare himself for 
death. They replied that he had nothing to fear, and that nobody 
complained of him. Joutel was not then in the camp. L' Archeveque, 
who was his friend, ran to inform him that his death was certain, 
if he showed any resentment of what had happened, or if he pre- 
tended to take advantage of the authority with which M. de la 
Salle had invested him. Joutel, who was of a very gentle temper, 
answered that they should be content with his conduct, and that 
he believed that they ought to be pleased with the manner in which 
he had hitherto behaved ; and then he returned to the camp. As 
soon as Duhaut saw Joutel, he called out to him that every one 
should command by turns. He had already taken all the authority 
into his hands, and the first use he made of it, was to make himself 
master of the magazine. He divided it afterward with L'Arche- 
veque, saying that every thing belonged to him. There were about 
thirty thousand livres worth of goods, and near twenty-five thousand 
livres both in coin and in plate. The assassins had force and bold- 
ness on their side ; they had shown themselves capable of the 
greatest crimes ; accordingly they met with no resistance at first. 
They soon divided and quarreled among themselves. They found 
difficulties in dividing the treasure ; they came to blows, and Heins 
fired his pistol at Duhaut' s head, who reeled, and fell four yards 
from the place where he stood. At the same time, Rutel, the sailor 
whom Joutel fetched from the Cenis, fired a gun at Liotot. That 
wretch lived yet several hours, though he had three balls in his 
body. So the two assassins, one of M. de la Salle, and the other 
of his nephew, Moranget, were themselves the victims of that spirit 
of fury which they had inspired into this unhappy colony. The 
Indians knew not what to think of these murders. They were quite 
scandalized by them. They were in the right, and could with more 
reason treat those Frenchmen as barbarians, than we had to con- 
sider them as such. Be that as it will, such was the tragic death 
of Robert Cavelier Sieur de la Salle, a man of abilities, of a great 



70 EXPEDITION OF LA SALLE. 1688. 

extent of genius, and of a courage and firmness of mind which 
might have carried him to something very great, if, with these good 
qualities, he had known how to get the better of his sullen, morose 
mind, to soften his severity, or rather the roughness of his temper, 
and check the haughtiness with which he treated not only those 
who depended entirely upon himself, but even his associates." 

As soon as the Indians along the coast learned the death of La 
Salle, they attacked the fort and massacred all the colonists, except 
three sons and a daughter of Talon, and a young man named Bre- 
men. All of these, except one of the sons of Talon, were after- 
ward rescued by the Spaniards. Talon and Munier were recovered, 
and employed afterward as interpreters for the Spanish missiona- 
ries. L'Archeveque and Grollet were captured by the Spaniards, 
and condemned to the mines of E~ew Mexico; Anastasius, the 
brother and the nephew of La Salle, Joutel, and Tessier set out in 
May for the Illinois, and in July reached a French station at the 
mouth of the Arkansas ; on the 14th of September they reached Fort 
St Louis, and in the next spring passed on to Quebec and sailed 
to France, where they arrived on the 9th of October, 1688. 

When La Salle sailed for France, in 1683, Tonti was left in com- 
mand of Fort St. Louis. In the fall of 1684, he was informed that 
La Salle had sailed from Rochelle, for the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and with a company of forty men he went down the Mississippi to 
the gulf, and waited for La Salle till the spring of 1685.* Hearing 
nothing of La Salle or of the colonists, that were hopelessly wan- 
dering along the shores of Texas, he returned ; and on his arrival 
at the mouth of the Arkansas, he says : " My French companions, 
delighted with the beauty of the climate, asked my permission to 
settle there. As our intention was only to civilize and humanize 
the savages, by associating with them, I readily gave my consent. 
I formed the plan of a house for myself at the Arkansas ; I left ten 
Frenchmen of my company there, with four Indians, to proceed 
witb the building, and I gave them leave to lodge there themselves, 
and to cultivate as much of the land as they could clear. This little 
colony has since then so increased and multiplied, that it has 
become a resting-place for the Frenchmen who travel in that 
country. "f "When Joutel and his companions arrived at Fort St. 
Louis, Tonti was absent on an expedition against the Iroquois. On 
his return, they concealed from him the fact of the death of La 
Salle, and presenting a letter with his signature, requesting the 

* American State Papers, vol. xii, p. 90. f Tonti's Narrative, Paris, 1697. 



1688. THE WAR OF THE ALLIANCE. 71 

delivery to them of money or goods, received from the unsus- 
pecting commandant furs to the value of four thousand livres, and 
other effects. After they had gone, Couture, to whom they had 
communicated the facts, in regard to the failure of the expedition 
and the death of La Salle, at the mouth of the Arkansas, came up 
to Fort St. Louis. Surprised and grieved at his revelations, Tonti, 
early in 1689, put himself at the head of an expedition to rescue 
the colonists at the Fort St. Louis on Matagorda Bay. He marched 
through the country of the Cenis Indians until within seven days' 
march of the Spaniards, when some of his men deserted, and he 
was obliged to return, after an absence of ten months. He re- 
mained several years at Fort St. Louis as commandant of the 
Illinois, joined afterward Iberville, in 1700, at the mouth of the 
Mississippi, and two years later was employed on a mission to the 
Chickasaws, but of his subsequent history nothing is known. 

When Joutel and his companions arrived in France, with the 
news of the failure of the expedition and of the death of La Salle, 
Europe was on the eve of a general war.* The League of Augs- 
burg was formed, in 1687, by the princes of the empire, to restrain 
the ambition of Louis XIV., and, in 1688, he commenced hostili- 
ties by the capture of Philipsburgh. England, in the next year, 
under the government of William III., joined the alliance ; and 
Louis found himself compelled, with only the aid of the Turks, to 
contend with the united forces of the Empire, of England, Spain, 
Holland, Denmark, Sweden and Savoy. And yet the tide of 
battle wavered. In 1689, the French were defeated at Walcourt, 
and the Turks at Widdin ; in 1690, the French were victorious at 
Charleroy and Beachy Head, and the Turks at Belgrade. In 1691, 
victory inclined to the French; in 1692, the victories of Neer- 
winden and Heidelberg were achieved ; but in 1693, Louvois and 
Luxemberg were dead, and Namur surrendered to the allies. The 
war extended to the New World ;f and was maintained by the 
French with more than equal success, in proportion to the disparity 
of population and resources. In 1688, a census of all French North 
America showed only a population of 11,249; the English in North 
America were twenty times that number. At first the war was 
prosecuted with vigor. In 1689, De Ste. Helene and D'Iberville, 
two of the sons of Charles le Morne, crossed the wilderness and 



* Russell's Modern Europe, vol. 2. 

f Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. 3. 



72 EXPEDITION or d'iberville. 1698. 

reduced the English forts on Hudson's Bay. But in August of the 
same year the Iroquois, the hereditary allies of the English, cap- 
tured and burned Montreal. Frontenac, then absent on an expe- 
dition by sea to reduce New York, was recalled, Fort Frontenac 
was abandoned, no French posts between Trois Eivieres and 
Mackinaw remained, and the "West was only saved by the Jesuit 
missionaries. To recover their influence over the Indians, and to 
avenge their losses, three expeditions were planned. De Mantet, 
De Ste. Helene and D'iberville led a war party, in January, 1690, 
twenty-two days through the snow, from Montreal to Schenectady. 
The village was surprised and burned, its people were massacred 
or carried to Canada; a few only escaped to Albany. From Trois 
Eivieres, Hertel led a party to Salmon Falls, destroyed the village, 
and carried away fifty-four women and children captives ; and 
Portneuf, from Quebec, surprised and destroyed the settlement at 
Casco Bay. On the other hand, Nova Scotia was reduced by the 
colonies; an expedition to Montreal proceeded to Lake Champlain, 
but failed through the dissensions of its leaders; and an expedition 
of thirty-four ships from Boston appeared before Quebec, but failed 
through the incompetence of Sir William Phipps. In the succeed- 
ing years a border warfare, with various successes, was maintained 
along the whole line of the English and French colonies. The 
peace of Byswick, in 1697, closed the war, and France retained 
Hudson's Bay, and all the places of which she was in possession in 
1688 ; but the boundaries of the English and French claims were 
left in dispute. 

The conclusion of peace left the French court at liberty to pur- 
sue its scheme of colonization in the Mississippi valley; and, in 
1698, D'iberville, who had distinguished himself by the conquest of 
Hudson's Bay, and afterward at the massacre of Schenectady, was, 
through the influence of Count Ponchartrain, appointed governor, 
and De Bienville, his brother, intendant of Louisiana; and, on the 
24th of September, they set sail from Rochelle, with four vessels 
and two hundred colonists, for the mouth of the Mississippi; and, 
on the 24th of January, 1699, they anchored at the island of St. 
Rose. From thence they sailed to Dauphin island, and afterward 
landed at Ship island, at the mouth of the Pascagoula river. From 
thence D'iberville and De Bienville, with ten barges and forty- 
eight men, explored the coast, and, on the 2d of March, they entered 
the " Hidden River," (Mississippi). The appearance of the mouth 
differed from what D'iberville had been led to expect, and he 
doubted whether he had really reached the great river of the West, 



1699. THE ENGLISH CLAIM THE MISSISSIPPI. 73 

but all doubt was dispelled when, after reaching an Indian village 
at Paseagoula, he was shown a letter left by Tonti, in 1685, for La 
Salle; and, after proceeding up the river as far as the mouth of Red 
river, he returned by the way of the lakes he named Maurepas and 
Ponchartrain, to Ship Island; established his colony at Biloxi, 
fifteen miles north of the island, and leaving it in command of 
Bienville, returned to France. 

In September, 1699, De Bienville went round to explore the mouths 
of the Mississippi, and take soundings. Engaged in this business, 
he had rowed up the main entrance some twenty-five leagues, 
when, unexpectedly, and to his no little chagrin, a British corvette 
came in sight, a vessel carrying twelve cannon, slowly creeping up 
the swift current. M. Bienville, nothing daunted, though he had 
but his leads and lines to do battle with, sent a message on board 
that if this vessel did not leave the river without delay, he had 
force enough at hand to make her repent it. This had its effect; 
the Britons turned and stood to sea again, growling as they went, 
and saying that they had discovered that country fifty years before, 
that they had a better right to it than the French, and would soon 
make them know it. The bend in the river where this took place 
is still called " English turn." This was the first meeting of those 
rival nations in the Mississippi valley, which, from that day, was a 
bone of contention between them till the conclusion of the French 
war of 1756. Nor did the matter rest long with this visit from the 
corvette. Englishmen began to pass over the mountains from 
Carolina, and trading with the Chicachas, or Chickasaws of our 
day, stirred them up to acts of enmity against the French. 

When D 'Iberville returned from France, in January, 1700, and 
heard of this encroachment of the English, he again took formal 
possession of the Mississippi valley in the name of the king ; and 
built, for the protection of the river, a small fort about fifty-four 
miles above its mouth. Meanwhile Tonti arrived, in February, 
from the Illinois, and, in company with him, D'Iberville explored 
the river as far as the villages of the Natchez, where, on an elevated 
bluff, he selected a location for the future capital of his colony, and 
surveyed the site of a fort to be named Rosalie, in honor of the 
Countess of Ponchartrain, which was afterward built in 1714. In 
1702, the head quarters of the colony were removed to the Bay of 
Mobile ; a fort was built on its western shore, and the Perdido was 
agreed on as the boundary between the French claims in Louisiana 
and the Spanish in Florida ; and on the west the French claims 
extended to the Bay of St. Bernard. Explorations were made 
6 



74 DEATH OF d'iberville. 1706. 

along the Mississippi and its branches ; treaties were made with 
the Indian tribes ; but, from sickness and hardships, little progress 
in settlement was made, and, in 1705, the colony was reduced to 
one hundred and fifty persons. In 1706, D'iberville died, at 
Havana, and the colony remained under the direction of Bienville 
until 1711. At that time it had increased to three hundred and 
eighty persons, settled at Ship Island, Cat Island, Biloxi, and 
Mobile ; but deprived of the aid of the mother country, little pro- 
gress was made. In that year Louisiana, which had previously 
been politically a dependence of Canada, was erected into a royal 
province, and D'Artaguette appointed commissary. During all 
this period the colony was left to its own resources. France was 
engaged in a continental war. In 1701, Louis violated the treaty 
of Eyswick, by acknowledging the pretender James as the lawful 
king of England, war was declared, an alliance was formed between 
the Empire, Holland, England, Savoy and Portugal against France ; 
the object of which was declared to be, besides the protection of 
England and Holland, to prevent a union of the Spanish and 
French crowns, and thus hinder the French from possessing the 
Spanish colonies in America. The war w r as marked by a constant 
success of the allies ; the great ministers of Louis were gone, and 
the great battles of Blenheim, in 1704, Eamillies, in 1706, and 
Malplaquet, in 1709, completely humbled the pride and prostrated 
the power of France. In America a border war raged all along 
the extended frontiers of the English and French colonies, marked 
as usual by massacres and cruelties, but distinguished by no suc- 
cesses further than the conquest of Nova Scotia, in 1710. The 
treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, closed the war; England gained the 
assiento, the monopoly of the slave trade, and in America, Hudson's 
Bay, Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. A pledge was extorted that 
France should never molest the Five Nations, subject to the 
dominion of Great Britain; but, notwithstanding the advice of 
William Penn, no settlement of boundary between the British colo- 
nies and French Louisiana was made. 

Immediately after the suspension of hostilities, the French court, 
in the belief that a private man of means and energy could do more 
for the advancement of the colony than the government, granted, 
on the 14th of September, 1712, the monopoly of Louisiana to 
Anthony Crozat,* for fifteen years; and the ownership of any 



* Dillon's Indiana, p. 33. 



1717. THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. 75 

mines lie might open. Crozat, with whom was associated Cadillac, 
the founder of Detroit, and governor of Louisiana, relied mainly 
upon two things for success in his speculation ; the one, the dis- 
covery of mines ; the other, a lucrative trade with E~ew Mexico. 
In regard to the first, after many years' lahor, he was entirely dis- 
appointed ; and met with no better success in his attempt to open 
a trade with the Spaniards, although he sent to them both by sea 
and land. Crozat, therefore, being disappointed in his mines and 
his trade, and having withal managed so badly as to diminish the 
colony, at last, in 1717, resigned his privileges to the king again, 
leaving in Louisiana not more than seven hundred souls.* 

Then followed the enterprises of the far-famed Mississippi Com- 
pany, or Company of the "West, established to aid the immense 
banking and stock-jobbing speculations of John Law, a gambling, 
wandering Scotchman, who seems to have been possessed with 
the idea that wealth could be indefinitely increased by increasing 
the circulating medium in the form of notes of credit. The public 
debt of France was selling at 60 to 70 per cent, discount; Law was 
authorized to establish a bank of circulation, the shares in which 
might be paid for in public stock at par; and to induce the public 
to subscribe for the bank shares, and to confide in them, the Com- 
pany of the "West was established in connection with the .bank, 
having the exclusive right of trading in the Mississippi country 
for twenty-live years, and with the monopoly of the Canada beaver 
trade. This was in September, 1717. In 1718 the monopoly of 
tobacco was also granted to this favored creature of the State ; in 
1719, the exclusive right of trading in Asia and the East Indies ; 
and soon after, the farming of the public revenue, together with an 
extension of all these privileges to the year 1770 ; and, as if all this 
had been insufficient, the exclusive right of coining for nine years 
was next added to the immense grants already made to the Com- 
pany of the West.f Under this hot-bed system, the stock of the 
company rose to 500, 600, 800, 1000, 1500, and at last 2050 per 
cent. This was in April, 1720. At that time the notes of the bank 
in circulation exceeded two hundred millions of dollars, and this 
abundance of money raised the price of every thing to twice its 
true value. Then the bubble burst ; decree after decree was made 
to uphold the tottering fabric of false credit ; but in vain. In 



* By Louisiana here is to be understood Louisiana proper ; not the Illinois country 
commonly included at that period. 

f After 1719, called the Company of the Indies. 



76 SETTLEMENT OF NEW ORLEANS. 1718. 

January, 1720, Law had been made minister of finance, and as 
such he proceeded first, to forbid all persons to have on hand more 
than about one hundred dollars in specie ; any amount beyond that 
must be exchanged for paper, and all payments for more than 
twenty dollars were to be made in paper ; and this proving insuffi- 
cient, in March, all payments over two dollars were ordered to be 
in paper, and he who dared attempt to exchange a bill for specie 
forfeited both. Human folly could go no further ; in April the 
stock began to fall ; in May the company was regarded as bankrupt, 
the notes of the bank fell to ten cents on the dollar, and though a 
decree made it an offense to refuse them at par, they were soon 
worth little more than waste paper. 

Under the direction of a company thus organized and controlled, 
and closely connected with a bank so soon ruined, but little could 
be hoped for a colony which depended on good management to 
develop its real resources for trade and agriculture.* In 1718, 
colonists were sent from Europe, and ]^ew Orleans laid out with 
much ceremony and many hopes ; but in January, 1722, Charlevoix 
writing thence, says : "If the eight hundred fine houses, and the 
Rye parishes, that were two years since represented by the journals 
as existing here, shrink now to a hundred huts, built without order, 
a large wooden magazine, two or three houses that would do but 
little credit to a French village, and half of an old store-house, 
which was to have been occupied as a chapel, but from which the 
priests soon retreated to a tent, as preferable ; if all this is so, still 
how pleasant to think of what this city will one day be, and, instead 
of weeping over its decay and ruin, to look forward to its growth 
to opulence and power."f And again, " The best idea you can 
form of New Orleans, is to imagine two hundred persons sent to 
build a city, but who have encamped on the river-bank, just shel- 
tered from the weather, and waiting for houses. They have a 
beautiful and regular plan for this metropolis ; but it will prove 
harder to execute than to draw. "J Such, in substance, were the 
representations and hopes of the wise historian of New France, 
respecting the capital of the colony of Law's great corporation ; 
and it may be certain that with the chief place in such a condition. 



* A set of regulations for governing the company, passed in 1721, may be found in 
Dillon's Indiana, pp. 41 to 44. 
f Charlevoix, iii. 430 — ed. 1744. 
I Charlevoix, iii. 441 — ed. 1744. 



1729. MASSACRE OF THE NATCHEZ. 77 

not much had been clone for the permanent improvement of the 
country about it. The truth was, the same prodigality and folly 
which prevailed in France during the government of John Law. 
over credit and commerce, found their way to his western posses- 
sions ; and though the colony then planted survived, and the city 
then founded became in time what had been hoped, it was long- 
before the influence of the gambling mania of 1718, '19 and '20 
passed away. Indeed the returns from Louisiana never repaid 
the cost and trouble of protecting it, and, in 1732, the company 
asked leave to surrender their privileges to the crown, a favor 
which was granted them. 

But though the Company of the West did little for the enduring 
welfare of the Mississippi valley, it did something ; the cultivation 
of tobacco, indigo, rice and silk was introduced, the lead mines of 
Missouri were opened, though at vast expense and in hope of find- 
ing silver ; and, in Illinois, the culture of wheat began to assume 
some degree of stability and of importance. In the neighborhood 
of the river Kaskaskia, Charlevoix found three villages, and about 
Fort Chartres, the head-quarters of the company in that region, 
the French were rapidly settling. 

All the time, however, during which the great monopoly lasted, 
was in Louisiana a time of contest and trouble. The English, who 
from an early period had opened commercial relations with the 
Chickasaws, through them constantly interfered with the trade of 
the Mississippi. Along the coast from Pensacola to the Rio del 
Norte, Spain disputed the claims of her northern neighbor : and at 
length the war of the Natchez struck terror into the hearts of both 
white and red men. Amid that nation, D'Iberville had marked 
out Fort Rosalie, in 1700, and fourteen years later its erection had 
been commenced. The French, placed in the midst of the natives, 
and deeming them worthy only of contempt, increased their 
demands and injuries until they required even the abandonment of 
the chief town of the Natchez, that the intruders might use its site 
for a plantation. The inimical Chickasaws heard the murmurs of 
their wronged brethren, and breathed into their ears counsels of 
vengeance ; the sufferers determined on the extermination of their 
tyrants. On the 28th of November, 1729, every Frenchman in 
that colony died by the hands of the natives, with the excep- 
tion of two mechanics. The women and children also were 
spared. It was a fearful revenge, and fearfully did the avengers 
suffer for their murders. Two months passed by, and the French 



78 WAR WITH THE CHICKASAWS. 1736- 

and Choctaws in one day took sixty of their scalps; in three 
months they were driven from their country, and scattered among 
the neighboring tribes ; and within two years the remnants of the 
nation, chiefs and people, were sent to St. Domingo and sold into 
slavery. So perished this ancient and peculiar race, in the same 
year in which the Company of the West yielded its grants into the 
the royal hands. 

When Louisiana came again into the charge of the government 
of France, it was determined, as a first step, to strike terror into 
the Chickasaws, who, devoted to the English, constantly interfered 
with the trade on the Mississippi. For this purpose the forces of 
New France, from New Orleans to Detroit, were ordered to meet 
in the country of the inimical Indians, upon the 10th of May, 1736, 
to strike a blow which should be final. D'Artaguette, governor of 
Illinois, with the young and gallant Yincennes, leading a small 
body of French, and more than a thousand northern Indians, on 
the day appointed, was at the spot; but Bienville, who had 
returned as the king's lieutenant to that southern land which he had 
aided to explore, was not where the commanders from above expected 
to meet him. During ten days they waited, and still saw nothing, 
heard nothing of the forces from the south. Fearful of exhausting 
the scant patience of his red allies, at length D'Artaguette ordered 
the onset; a first and a second of the Chickasaw stations were 
carried successfully, but in attacking a third, the French leader 
fell ; when the Illinois saw their commander wounded, they turned 
and tied, leaving him and Yincennes, who would not desert him, 
in the hands of the Chickasaws. Five days afterward, Bienville 
and his followers, among whom were great numbers of Choctaws, 
bribed to bear arms against their kinsmen, came up the stream of 
the Tombecbee; but the savages were on their guard, English 
traders had aided them to fortify their position, and the French in 
vain attacked their log fort. On the 20th of May, D'Artaguette 
had fallen ; on the 27th, Bienville had failed in his assault ; on 
the 31st, throwing his cannon into the river, he and his white 
companions turned their prows to the south again. Then came 
the hour of barbarian triumph, and the successful Chickasaws 
danced around the flames in which were crackling the sinews of 
D'Artaguette, Yincennes, and the Jesuit Senat, who stayed and 
died of his own free-will, because duty bade him. 

Three years more passed away, and again a French army of 
nearly four thousand white, red and black men, was gathered 
upon the banks of the Mississippi, to chastise the Chickasaws. 



1750. CONDITION OF LOUISIANA. 79 

From the summer of 1739 to the spring of 1740, this body of men 
sickened and wasted at Fort Assumption, upon the site of Memphis. 
In March of the last named year, without a blow struck, peace was 
concluded, and the province of Louisiana once more sunk into 
inactivity. 

There remains little that is interesting in the history of Lower 
Louisiana. An idea of its condition, in 1750, may be inferred from 
a letter of the Jesuit Yivier, written on November 7th of that year. 
He says : 

"For fifteen leagues above the mouth of the Mississippi, one 
sees no dwellings, the ground being too low to be habitable. 
Thence to New Orleans the lands are partially occupied. New 
Orleans contains, black, white and red, not more, I think, than 
twelve hundred persons. To this point come all kinds of lumber, 
brick, salt-beef, tallow, tar, skins and bear's grease; and above all, 
pork and flour from the Illinois. These things create some 
commerce; forty vessels and more have come hither this year. 
Above New Orleans, plantations are again met with; the most 
considerable is a colony of Germans, some ten leagues up the river. 
At Point Coupee, thirty-five leagues above the German settlement, 
is a fort. Along here, within &ve or six leagues, are not less than 
sixty 'habitations.' Fifty leagues farther up is the Natchez post, 
where we have a garrison who are kept prisoners by their fear of 
the Ohickasaws and other savages. Here and at Point Coupee, 
they raise excellent tobacco. Another hundred leagues brings us 
to the Arkansas, where we have also a fort and garrison, for the 
benefit of river traders. There were some inhabitants about here 
formerly, but in 1748 the Chickasaws attacked the post, slew 
many, took thirteen prisoners, and drove the rest into the fort. 
From the Arkansas to the Illinois, near jive hundred leagues,* 
there is not a settlement. There should, however, be a good fort 
on the Ouabache (Ohio,) the only path by which the English can 
reach the Mississippi. In the Illinois are numberless mines, but 
no one to work them as they deserve. Some individuals dig lead 
near the surface, and supply the Indians and Canada. Two 
Spaniards, now here, who claim to be adepts, say that our mines 
are like those of Mexico, and that if we would dig deeper, we 
should find silver under the lead; at any rate the lead is excellent. 



* Distances are overrated in all the old French journals. The distance, in fact, 
about 500 English miles, instead of French leagues. 



80 DIFFERENT ROUTES TO THE MISSISSIPPI. 1679. 

There are also in this country, copper mines, beyond doubt, as 
from time to time large pieces are found in the streams."* 

Upper Louisiana, or the Illinois, was probably occupied by the 
French without interruption, from the time of the first visit of 
La Salle, in 1679.| Of necessity, their missions and settlements 
were formed along the routes of travel between Canada and the 
mouth of the Mississippi. The only mode of communication used, 
was by canoes; and of consequence only the navigable rivers, 
tributary to the Mississippi and to the St. Lawrence, interlocking 
each other, were explored. 

From the hostility of the Iroquois, the earliest missionaries and 
traders were cut off from the Lakes Ontario and Erie ; and their 
route to Superior and Green Bay was, from Montreal, up the 
Ottowa river to Lake Mpissing, and down the French river to 
Lake Huron. 

The route followed by Marquette, was from Mackinaw to Green 
Bay; thence up the Fox river of Wisconsin, to Winnebago Lake ; 
thence up the Wapacca to a portage in Portage County, 
Wisconsin, to the Wisconsin river and to the Mississippi. 

The route followed by La Salle, was from Magara up Lakes 
Erie, St. Clair and Huron, to Mackinaw ; thence down Lake 
Michigan to the mouth of the river St. Joseph's, up that river 
to a portage of three miles, in St. Joseph's county, Indiana, 
to the Kankakee river; thence down to the Illinois, and to the 
Mississippi. 

Another route was established about 1716, from the head of 
Lake Erie up the Maumee to the site of Fort Wayne ; thence by a 
portage to the Wabash ; thence, by way of that river, to the Ohio 
and Mississippi. At a later period another route was opened. It 
passed from Lake Erie at Presquille, over a portage of fifteen miles 
to the head of French creek, at Waterford, Pa.; thence down that 
stream to the Allegheny, and to the Ohio. 

Along these lines the French posts were confined, and, as there 
were no agricultural communities, except the Illinois settlement, 
in the West during the whole period of the French occupation, the 
posts were either trading stations or forts, built for the protection of 
the traders, or to secure the French ascendency over the Indians. 



*Lettres Edifiantes, (Paris, 1781,) vii. 79 to 106. 

f There is no certainty, however, of any settlement previous to 1712. 



1742. SETTLEMENT OF VINCENNES. 81 

At the most northern point of the Southern peninsula of 
Michigan, and nine miles south-west of the Island of that name, La 
Salle founded Fort Mackinaw, in 1679. 

At the mouth of the St. Joseph's river he built Fort Miami, in 
1679 ; which was burned, however, by some deserters from Tonti, 
two years afterward. 

In 1680, he built Fort Crevecceur on the Illinois river, near the 
site of Peoria. 

In the same year Tonti built Fort St. Louis, or the Rock Fort, 
in La Salle county, Illinois ; but its exact location is unknown. 

These posts served as points of settlement for the traders and 
voyagers, who followed immediately in the track of La Salle, and 
for the Jesuit missionaries that accompanied or followed him. The 
climate and soil of Lower Illinois were inviting, and accordingly 
the first settlements were made in that region. The exact date is 
uncertain. 

It is conjectured, that before the close of the seventeenth century, 
traders passed down south from the St. Joseph's to Eel river and 
Wabash; and a report* of La Salle to Frontenac, made perhaps 
in 1682, mentions the route by the Maumee and Wabash, as the 
most direct to the Mississippi. That route was indeed established 
in 1716; but of the date of settlements on the Lower "Wabash, 
there is no certain information. The uncertainty that is connected 
with the settlement of Yincennes f is a case in point. Yolney, 
by conjecture, fixes the settlement of Yincennes about 1735; j 
Bishop Brute, of Indiana, speaks of a missionary station there in 
1700, and adds, "The friendly tribes and traders called to Canada 
or protection, and then M. de Yincennes came with a detachment, 
I think, of Carignan, and was killed in 1736." || Mr. Bancroft says 
a military establishment was formed there in 1716, and in 1742, a 
settlement of herdsmen took place. § Judge Law regards the post 
as elating back to 1710 or 1711, supposing it to be the same with 
the Ohio settlement, and quotes also an Act of Sale, existing at 
Kaskaskia, which, in January, 1735, speaks of M. de Yinsenne, as 
"Commandant au Poste de Ouabache."lf Again, in a petition 



* Hennepin's New Discovery, London, 1698, p. 312. 

f Che-pe-ka-kek (Brusk Wood,) was tke Indian name of Yincennes, and was tke seas 
of tke Peean-kee-skaws Indians. 
% Volney's View, p. 336. 

|| Butler's Kenbecky, Introduction, XIX, note. 
I Bancroft's History of tke United States, III, 346. 
fl Law's Address, p. 21. 



82 SETTLEMENT OF VINCENNES. 1742. 

of the old inhabitants at Yincennes, dated in November, 1793, is 
found the settlement spoken of, as having been made before 1742 ; * 
and such is the general voice of tradition. On the other hand, 
Charlevoix, who records the death of Yincennes, which took place 
among the Chickasaws, in 1736, makes no mention of any jDost on 
the Wabash, or any missionary station there; neither does he 
mark any upon his map, although he gives even the British forts 
upon the Tennessee and elsewhere. Yivier, in 1750, says nothing 
of any mission on the Wabash, although writing in respect to 
western missions, and speaks of the necessity of a fort upon the 
"Ouabache." By this, it is true, he meant doubtless the Ohio, 
but how natural to refer to the post at Yincennes, if one existed. 
In a volume of "Memoires" on Louisiana, compiled from the 
minutes of M. Dumont, and published in Paris, in 1753, but 
probably prepared in 1749, though there is an account of the 
Wabash, or St. Jerome, its rise and course, and the use made of it 
by the traders, not a word is found touching any fort, settlement 
or station on it. Yaudreuil, when Governor of Louisiana, in 1751 
mentions even then no post on the Wabash, although he speaks of 
the need of a post on the Ohio, near to where Fort Massac, or 
Massacre, was built afterward, and names Fort Miami, on the 
Maumee.f Still further, in " The Present State of North America," 
a pamphlet published in London, in 1755, with which is a map of 
the French posts in the west, it is stated that in 1750 a fort was 
founded at Yincennes, and that in 1754, three hundred families 
were sent to settle in that region. 

The records of the church of St. Francois Xavier, at Yincennes, 
show no earlier date than 1749. They are given % as interesting 
memorials of western history. 



* American State Papers, XVI, 32. 

f There were four places called "Miami," one at the junction of the Little St. Joseph 
and Ste. Marie, in Indiana, now called Fort Wayne. 

The second was at the mouth of the St. Joseph's river of Michigan. 

The third was on the Illinois river, and placed by Charlevoix on his Map of New 
France, 1723. 

The fourth was the fort erected by the British, early in 1794, at the foot of the rapids 
of the Maumee, about fifteen miles from the west end of Lake Erie. 

Some of the authorities quoted, by the " Ouabache" mean the Ohio river, which had 
the name of " Ouabache" in French and English documents until about 1735. 

% These records were furnished to the publisher through the politeness of Rev. E. 
Audruin, Parish Priest of St. Xavier's Church, at Vincennes. But few of the old records 
of the early French missions are available. In 1840, the publisher visited Rev. Dr. 
Wiseman, of St. Mary's Seminary, in Missouri, to inquire for the materials of the early 



1749. ANCIENT RECORDS OF VINCENNES. 83 

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine, and on 
the 21st day of April, after having published three bans, between 
Julien Trothier Des Rivieres, son of Julien Trothier Des Eivieres, 
of the Parish of Montreal, and Josette Marie, daughter of Antoine 
Marie and Marianne Chicamise, her father and mother, residing in 
this parish ; there having been no impediment, I, the undersigned, 
missionary of the company of Jesus, doing the duties of Curate, 
having received their mutual consent of marriage, give unto them 
the nuptial benediction, with the ceremonies prescribed by the 
Holy Church. In the presence of Monsieurs De St. Ange, Lieu- 
tenant of a detached company of Marine, Commandment of Post 
Vincennes, and of Jean Baptiste Guilbert, Toussaint, Antoine 
Bouchard, Jean B. Pudet, Louis G-ervais. 

S. L. MEURIX, Jesuite. 

"Witnesses who did sign with me. 

St. Ange, Commandant of Post Vincennes. 

J. C. RlDDAY, 

Louis Gervais, 
Bouchard, 

FlLLATRAUX." 

" On the 4th of June, 1749, I baptized Jean Baptiste, son of 
Pierre Yiapichagane, "Little Chief," and Catharine Mskicse. The 
god-father and mother were Francois Fillatraux and Marie Mikil- 
chensecse Laframboise. 

SEBAST. LUD. MEURLS", S. Jr 

"I, the undersigned, gave the nuptial benediction to Pierre 
Yiapichagane, Little Chief, and Mskicse, united previously by a 
natural marriage, June 26th, 1749. 

S. L. MEURLN", J"." 

From this date until 1780, after the conquest of Illinois, there 
were about fifty marriages of the French, and one more only of the 
Indians, (in July, 1749,) and one hundred and ninety baptisms, a 



history of those missions, and -was informed by Mm that after a great flood of the western 
waters, during the French domination of Louisiana, many of the inhabitants who had 
emigrated from New Orleans became alarmed and returned thither, and, at the sugges- 
tion of the clergy, carried the greater portion of the mission and church records with 
them, for greater safety. There they were deposited in a vault of the principal church 
of that place, where they remained for many years untoiiched. When afterward they 
were brought to light and examined, it was discovered that they were entirely decom- 
posed by the humidity of the atmosphere. 



84 SETTLEMENT OF CAHOKIA. 1700. 

portion of whom were adults. In the same period there are 
recorded the baptisms of sixteen Indian slaves and four Africans. 

Among these records is the following statement : 

"Pierre Godere, son of Francois Godere and Agnes "Richard, 
was born at Ouias, and married the 5th of May, 1760, at Yincennes, 
to Susan Bolon, daughter of Gabriel Bolon and Susan Menard — 
which Susan Menard was born at St. Joseph, and supposed to be 
the first white child born in Indiana." 

In the same church is found the following, being the earliest 
records of the settlement at Ouitenon : * 

" To-day, 21st of the month of May, feast of Whit-Sunday, of the 
year 1752, I baptized, solemnly, Charles Mary, the legitimate son of 
Charles Boneau, and of Genevieve Dudevoir, who have settled at 
this post ; said child being born yesterday evening at ten o'clock. 
The god-father was M. Francois Mary Merchant, Esquire, Sire De 
Ligneris, Captain of Infantry, commanding for the king at this 
post. The god-mother, Elizabeth Cardinal, wife of Claude 
Dudevoir, and grandmother to the child. 

Done at Ouitenon, the year and day above mentioned. 
Signed, P. DU JATTOAY, 

Missionary of the Company of Jesus. 

Charles Boneau, Marehant Des Ligneris. 

Soon after the visit of La Salle, Allouez, with some traders, 
located themselves at the site of Kaskaskia, which was named 
" the Village of the Immaculate Conception of the Holy Virgin." 
In 1690, Gravier succeeded Allouez, and Pinet established a mis- 
sion at Cahokia, then called ""Notre Dame des Kahokias." Rasle 
came to Kaskaskia in 1692, and remained in charge of the mission 
for two years ; and subsequently Marest succeeded him, and was 
remaining there in 1712 ; and, during the greater part of the time, 
seems to have had all the missions under his charge. During the 
same period, Eibourde and Mambre were employed mainly, it is 
probable, about Fort St. Louis. The success of these missions was, 
it appears from the letters of the missionaries, not flattering, but 
they served as points of attraction for the French traders in the 
west ; and accordingly Kaskaskia, in 1712, had become a village ; 
land titles were acquired, and it was chosen as the capital of the 
Illinois. 



* Wah-wee-ah-tenon was the Indian name of the residence of Ouias, and was a French 
missionary station and fort. 



1701. . SETTLEMENT OF DETROIT. 85 

The treaty of Pyswick contained a claim of jurisdiction, on the 
part of England, over the Iroquois; but the French afterward dis- 
regarded the claim, and sought, through the influence cf the Jesuits, 
to secure a peace with, and an ascendency over, that powerful con- 
federacy. They were successful, and in 1700 a treaty was nego- 
tiated by De Callieres between the French and their allies on the 
one side, and the Iroquois on the other; by which the French 
secured peace and trade with all the tribes from the English bor- 
ders to the Mississippi, and the possession of the line of the lakes. 
To secure the benefits of that treaty to France, De Callieres sent 
out De la Motte Cadillac, with a Jesuit missionary and one hundred 
colonists, to take possession of the Detroit river. In July of that 
year, he arrived, and built a fort, which he named Ponchartrain, 
on the site of the present city of Detroit. In 1705, Cadillac was 
invested by the king with authority to cede the lands about that 
post to French settlers. The terms of one of these grants* will 
show the tenure by which they were held, and will illustrate the 
policy the French government pursued in regard to its colonies, 
and the meager encouragement it bestowed upon the great interest 
of agriculture. The grantee was bound to pay a rent of fifteen 
livres a year, in peltries, to the crown forever; to improve the 
grant within three months from the date of the contract ; to plant 
a May-pole, on May-day, in each year, before the door of the 
manor-house ; to make fences for his grant in a prescribed manner, 
and, when required, to assist in making his neighbors' fences. He 
was forbidden to buy or sell articles of merchandise, carried to or 
from Montreal, through servants, clerks, or foreigners ; to work, 
directly or indirectly, for ten years, at the business of a blacksmith, 
locksmith, armorer, or brewer ; to sell brandy to the Indians ; or 
to mortgage the land without consent of the government. The 
crown reserved the property of all minerals, and of timber for 
military purposes. The grantor reserved the right of hunting rab- 
bits, hares, partridges, and pheasants ; and the right to grind all 
the grain produced on the land, receiving toll according to the 
custom of Paris. On every sale of the land a tax was levied, and 
the government reserved the right to take precedence of any buyer, 
and take the land at the price offered. Agriculture, under such 
restrictions as these, could not prosper. At Detroit, as elsewhere 
throughout New France, except in favored localities, the cultivation 



* Dillon's Indiana, p. 29. 



86 EXPEDITION OF LA SEUR. 1700. 

of the soil was neglected, the attention of the settlers was directed 
to trade, mining, and hunting; and, consequently, when the day 
of trial came, the French were found unable to contend with the 
more powerful and more compact colonies of the English. The 
climate and scenery of Detroit, nevertheless, invited emigration ; 
a French village grew up around Fort Ponchartrain ; a village of 
Hurons and one of Ottawas were built under the protection of the 
fort ; and Detroit became one of the most flourishing of the French 
posts in the west. In 1713, the Foxes from the west attacked the 
fort, then under the command of Du Boison.* The fort was de- 
fended by only twenty men, till Du Boison was enabled to collect 
a force from the friendly tribes, and the hostile band was compelled 
to surrender. The warriors were put to death, their women and 
children were divided among the victors. 

Aside from the permanent settlements of Detroit, Yincennes, 
and the Illinois, explorations were made, and in some instances 
posts established, at different points along the Mississippi and Mis- 
souri rivers. In 1695, La Seurf was sent out to establish peaceful 
relations with the Chippewas and Sioux, whose acquaintance had 
been made by Hennepin, in 1680. For this purpose he established 
a fort on the Mississippi, opposite the mouth of the Chippewa ; left 
there a garrison, and, after exploring the St. Croix and the St. 
Pierre for forty leagues, where he discovered, as he supposed, cop- 
per mines, he returned to Montreal, with a chief of the Chippewas 
and one of the Sioux. A treaty was made between these, as repre- 
sentatives of their tribes, and Frontenac; and it was stipulated 
that La Seur should return to the St. Peter's in the next year; but 
the Sioux chief died during the winter, and he returned to France 
to obtain the privilege of opening the mines he had discovered. 
He received his commission in 1697, and on his return to Canada, 
was captured by the English cruisers, and threw his commission 
overboard, to avoid a discovery of his plans. After the peace of 
Byswick, he returned to France, received a new commission, in 
1698, and joined the expedition of D'Iberville to the mouth of the 
Mississippi, for the purpose of ascending that river, under the 
direction of L'Huillier, contractor-general of the crown, with thirty 
workmen, to the mines. On the 12th of July, 1700, he set out to 



* Du Boison' s report, Detroit, 1845. 
f Long's Expedition, vol. 2, p. 318. 



1720. INVASION OF THE SPANIARDS. 87 

ascend the river, and on the 1st of October reached the mouth of 
Blue Earth river, forty-four leagues up the St. Peter's, and on the 
14th finished a fort, which he named L'Huillier. In the spring he 
opened the mine, and in twenty-two days secured thirty thousand 
pounds of supposed copper ore, of which four thousand were 
selected, and with that La Seur descended the Mississippi, and 
arrived at its mouth on the 10th of February, 1702. It is not known 
how long the forts, L'Huillier and La Seur, were maintained, but 
it is probable that no further effort was made to prosecute the busi- 
ness of mining in that region, and that they were deserted. 

Up the Missouri, early explorations were made.* Dutisne passed 
up the Salene river, three hundred and fifty miles, to the villages 
of the Osages, made the acquaintance of the Pawnees, Poncas and 
Missouris, and took formal possession of the country. In 1705, Le 
Seur ascended the Missouri to the mouth of the Kansas ; was well 
received by the Missouris and Kansas, and opened a profitable trade 
with them. These movements of the French to the West, and 
especially up the Missouri, awakened the jealousy of the Spaniards. 
"The Spaniards, desirous of removing an active neighbor from the 
vicinity of New Mexico, induced them, in 1720, to adopt the scheme 
of forming a considerable colony far beyond the boundaries, within 
which they had hitherto confined themselves. The numerous cara- 
vans that were to compose this colony, set out from Santa Fe. 
They directed their march toward the Osages, whom they wished 
to induce to take up arms against their eternal enemies, the Mis- 
souris, whose territory they had resolved to occupy. The Spaniards 
missed their way, and came directly to that nation, the ruin of 
which they were meditating ; and, mistaking these Indians for the 
Osages, communicated their design without any reserve. The 
chief of the Missouris, who became acquainted by this singular 
mistake, with the danger that threatened him and his people, dis- 
sembled his resentment. He told the Spaniards he would gladly 
concur in promoting the success of their undertaking, and only 
desired eight and forty hours to assemble his warriors. When 
they were armed to the number of two thousand, they fell upon 
the Spaniards, whom they had amused with sports, and slew them 
in their sleep. All were massacred, without distinction of age or 
sex; the chaplain, who alone escaped the slaughter, owed his preser- 



* Du Pratz Louisiana. 



88 INTRODUCTION OP SLAVES INTO ILLINOIS. 1720. 

vation to the singularity of his dress. This catastrophe having 
secured the tranquillity of Louisiana on the side where it was most 
threatened, the colony could only be molested by the natives ; but 
these, although more numerous at that time than they are in our 
day, from a destitution of firearms, were not very formidable. 
Furthermore, they were divided into several nations, all of them 
feeble and at enmity with each other, though separated by immense 
deserts."* The settlements of Upper Louisiana, with the excep- 
tion of the post at Detroit, under a military commandment, were 
without any definite political organization before the year 1718. 
At that time the company of the West sent out Boisbriant as 
intenclant, with a small force to the Illinois, to establish a post, and 
to assume the direction of the colony. In the same year, he estab- 
lished a post on the Mississippi, fifteen miles above the village of 
Kaskaskia, which he named Fort Chartres. The fort, which was 
first built of wood, was badly located. It was on an alluvial bottom, 
on a site subject to inundation, on a river whose banks were con- 
stantly changing, and was valueless as a defense against civilized 
foes ; but doubtless served for the head-quarters of the government 
and for the defense of the settlements. 

The company of the "West was formed with the special purpose 
of developing the mineral resources of Louisiana; and the upper 
Louisiana was regarded as especially rich in minerals. To open 
and work them, Philip Francis Renault was sent out, in 1719, with 
two hundred mechanics, miners and laborers. On his way, he 
bought, in the name of the company, live hundred slaves at St. 
Domingo, for working the mines, and arrived at the Illinois in 1720. 
This was the first introduction of slavery into the territory of 
the North "West; about the same time it was introduced into the 
South West, and there soon acquired a permanent establishment. 
Of course, in the first instance here as elsewhere, it existed without 
law, but was sanctioned and regulated by subsequent legislation. 
The "ordinance for the government and administration of justice, 
police discipline and traffic in negro slaves, in the province of 
Louisiana," though sufficiently cruel to disgrace even a French 
king of the old regime, yet compares favorably with the slave codes 
of a later day. 

"Louis, by the grace of God, king of France and Navarre, to all 



* Abbe Raynal. 



1720. SLAVES IN ILLINOIS. 89 

present, and to come, greeting: The Directors of the Indies Com- 
pany having represented that the province and colony of Louisiana 
is extensively settled by a great number of our subjects who employ 
negro slaves in the cultivation of the soil, we have deemed it con- 
sistent with oar authority and justice, for the protection of that 
colony, to establish there a system of laws in order to maintain the 
discipline of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church, and to regulate 
the estate and condition of slaves in the said country. And desiring 
to provide therefor, and show our subjects residing there, and 
those who may settle there in future, that, although they dwell in 
regions infinitely remote, we are always present to them by the 
extent of our sovereignty and by our earnest study to yield them 
aid. For these reasons, and others, moving us thereunto, by the 
advice of our council, and from our certain knowledge, plenary 
power and royal authority, we have enacted, ordained and decreed, 
and do enact, ordain and decree in our will and pleasure, as 
follows : * 

"All slaves who may be in our said province, shall be educated 
in the Apostolic Roman Catholic religion, and be baptized. 

"We command those colonists who purchase slaves recently 
imported, thus to have them instructed and baptized within a 
reasonable time, under pain of an arbitrary line. We charge the 
directors general of said company, and all our officers, to enforce 
this strictly. 

"¥e prohibit any other religious rites than those of the Apos- 
tolic Roman Catholic Church; requiring that those who violate 
this, shall be punished as rebels, disobedient to our commands. We 
prohibit all meetings for this purpose. Such we declare to be 
unlawful and seditious assemblages, subject to the same penalties 
inflicted upon masters who shall permit or suffer it with respect to 
their slaves. 

"No overseers shall be set over the negroes to prevent their pro- 
fessing the Apostolic Roman Catholic Religion, under pain of 
forfeiture of such slaves by the masters appointing such overseers, 
and of arbitrarily punishing the overseers who shall have accepted 
said superintendence. 

"We admonish all our subjects, of every rank and condition, to 
observe, scrupulously, Sundays and holidays. We prohibit their 
laboring, or causing their slaves to labor, on those days, (from the 



* Dillon's Indiana, p. 46. 



90 SLAVES IN ILLINOIS. 1720- 

hour of midnight to the following midnight) in the culture of the 
soil, or any other service, under penalty of a fine and arbitrary 
punishment to be inflicted upon the masters, together with forfeiture 
of those slaves who shall be detected by our officers at work. Keserv- 
ing to them, nevertheless, the privilege of sending their slaves to 
market. 

"We prohibit white subjects of both sexes, from contracting 
marriages with the blacks, under pain of punishment and an arbi- 
trary fine, and we prohibit all Chaplains of vessels, priests and 
missionaries, whether secular or regular, from solemnizing marriages 
between them. 

"We also prohibit our white subjects as well as blacks, affran- 
chized, or born free, from living in a state of concubinage with the 
slaves; enacting that those who shall have had one or more chil- 
dren by such cohabitation, shall be severally condemned, as well as 
the master permitting it, to pay a fine of three hundred livres. 
And, if they are masters of the slaves, by whom they shall have such 
children, we decree that, beside the fine, they be deprived of both 
the slave and children, who shall be adjudged the property of the 
hospital of the district, without the capacity of subsequent affran- 
chisement. Provided, that this article is of none effect, when the 
black man, either free-born or manumitted, who was not married 
during such cohabitation with his slave, shall espouse her according 
to the forms prescribed by the church ; which act shall affranchise 
her, and make her children free and legitimate. 

"Masters shall be obliged to inter in holy ground, within the 
cemeteries set apart for that purpose, their slaves who have been 
baptized. 

"It is our will that the officers of our Superior Council of Louisi- 
ana, shall furnish an opinion as to the quantity of food, and the 
quality of clothing, it is proper for masters to furnish their slaves, 
in order that we may enact a statute thereupon. In the meantime, 
we permit said officers to regulate, by express provision, said food 
and raiment; interdicting the giving of any kind of spirituous 
liquors by masters to said slaves, in lieu of said victuals and 
clothing. 

"We forbid, in like manner, their releasing themselves from the 
charge of feeding and supporting said slaves, by permitting them 
to labor a certain day in the week on their own account. 

"Slaves who are not fed, clad and maintained by their masters, 
may give notice thereof to the Procureur General of said council, 
or the officers of the inferior courts, and place their complaints in 



1720. SLAVES IN ILLINOIS. 91 

their hands; upon which, and even of their own accord, if the 
notice shall have come to them in some other way, the master shall 
be prosecuted on motion of the Procureur General, without cost; 
which course we direct to be pursued in case of crimes and cruel 
treatment of slaves by their masters. 

"Slaves enfeebled by old age, sickness, or otherwise, whether 
the debility be incurable or not, shall be maintained and supported 
by their masters ; and, in case they have abandoned them, said 
slaves shall be quartered upon the nearest hospital, to which their 
masters shall be condemned to pay eight sous per day for the main- 
tenance and support of each slave — for the payment of which sum 
said hospital shall have a lien upon the plantations of said masters, 
into whose possession soever they may pass. 

"We decree that the husband, his wife, and their children under 
age, cannot be seized and sold separately, if they are all within the 
power of one and the same master — declaring void, seizures and 
separate sales which may be made of them. This rule, it is our 
will, should govern in voluntary sales, under a penalty to be inflicted 
on those effecting such sales, of surrendering that one or those over 
whom they had control, who are adjudged to the purchasers, with- 
out being compelled to pay any remainder due upon the price of 
sale. 

" It is also our will, that slaves of the age of forty years and 
upward, to that of sixty, attached to the lands and tenements, and 
engaged in actual labor there, shall not be seized for any other 
debt than what may be due upon the price of their original pur- 
chase, unless the lands and tenements were actually seized ; in 
which case we direct that they be included in the actual seizure, 
and prohibit, as nullities, all proceedings by actual distress and 
adjudication by decree upon the lands and tenements, without 
embracing the slaves of the aforesaid age engaged there in actual 
service. 

"We direct all guardians, both noblemen and commoners, 
tenants, lessees, and others, enjoying the profit of lands to which 
are attached slaves, who labor thereupon, to govern them in a 
parental manner; in consideration of which they shall not be com- 
pelled, after their term of management has expired, to account for 
those who have died, or been enfeebled by sickness, old age, or 
otherwise, without fault of theirs ; but they may not retain as profits 
for their advantage, the children born of said slaves during their 
term of administration, whom we direct to be maintained and given 
up to those who are their owners and proprietors." 



92 vivier's account of Illinois. 1750. 

Of the years which followed, there is little that is interesting in the 
history of the Illinois; but its condition in 1750 may be inferred 
from a letter written in that year by Father Vivier. Writing 
u Aux Illinois," six leagues from Fort Chartres, June 8th, 1750, 
Vivier says: "We have here whites, negroes and Indians, to say 
nothing of cross-breeds. There are five French villages, and three 
villages of the natives, within a space of twenty-one leagues, situ- 
ated between the Mississippi and another river called the Karka- 
diad (Kaskaskias.) In the live French villages are, perhaps, eleven 
hundred whites, three hundred blacks, and some sixty red slaves 
or savages. The three Illinois towns do not contain more than 
eight hundred souls, all told. Most of the French till the soil ; 
they raise wheat,* cattle, pigs and horses, and live like princes. 
Three times as much is produced as can be consumed ;f and great 
quantities of grain and flour are sent to New Orleans." In this 
letter, also, Vivier says that which shows Father Marest's fears of 
French influence over the Indian neophytes to have been well 
founded. Of the three Illinois towns, he tells us, one was given 
up by the missionaries as beyond hope, and in a second, but a poor 
harvest rewarded their labors ; and all was owing to the bad example 
of the French, and the introduction by them of ardent spirits.^ 



* Imlay says that in 1746, eight hundred thousand pounds of flour, equal to 4,285 
barrels, were exported from Illinois to New Orleans. 

| In 1769, the French at the Illinois made upward of one hundred hogsheads strong 
wine from the American wild grape. — Report of the Superintendent of the Census, 1851. 

J Brandy and rum entered largely into the commerce of Louisiana, and great quanti- 
ties of those articles were shipped from New Orleans to the Illinois, for the Indian trade, 
during the whole period of the French domination. 



PERIOD II. 

1698 — 1765. 

The French title to the valley of the Mississippi rested upon the 
fact of the explorations of Marquette and La Salle, the fact of occu- 
pation, and upon their construction of the respective treaties of 
Ryswick, Utrecht and Aix la Chapelle. The English claims to the 
same region were based on the fact of a prior occupation of the 
corresponding coast, on an opposite construction of the same 
treaties, and on alleged cession of the rights of the Indians. The 
rights acquired by discovery were conventional, and in equity were 
good only between European powers, and could not affect the rights 
of the natives; but the distinction was disregarded by both the 
French and English governments ; and the inquiry of the Indian 
chief embodies the whole controversy in brief: "Where are the 
Indian lands, since the French claim all on the north side of the 
Ohio, and the English all on the south side of it?" 

The English charters granted to all the original colonies expressly 
extended their grants westward to the South Sea, and the claims 
thus set up to the West, though held in abeyance, were never relin- 
quished. The English colonies were fixed agricultural communi- 
ties. The French colonies were rather trading, military and 
missionary establishments. And this fact furnishes in part the 
reason why the French were familiar with the whole valley of the 
Mississippi before the English passed the Alleghenies. 

Explorations west of the Alleghenies were, however, made at 
different times during the period of the French occupation, mainly 
through individual enterprise, and efforts were made to induce the 
home government to colonize and occupy the valley of the Mis- 
sissippi. 

A volume called "A Description of the English province of Caro- 
lana, by the Spaniards called Florida, and by the French called La 
Louisiane, as also of the great and famous river Meschacebe, or 
Mississippi, the five vast navigable lakes of fresh water, and the 
parts adjacent, together with an account of the commodities of the 
growth and production of the said province,' ' was published by Daniel 
Coxe, at London, in 1722. Charles I., in 1630, granted to Sir 
Robert Heath, all that part of America lying between thirty-one 



94 SPOTTSWOOD EXPLORES THE ALLEGHENIES. 1710. 

and thirty-six degrees north latitude, from sea to sea, out of the 
limits of which the province of Carolina was afterward taken. This 
large grant was conveyed in 1638 to the Earl of Arundel, and after- 
ward came into the possession of Dr. Daniel Coxe. In the prose- 
cution of this claim, it appears * that Colonel "Wood, of Virginia, 
from 1654 to 1664, explored several branches of the Ohio and 
"Meschacebe," the authority for which is a journal of Mr. Need- 
ham, who was employed by Col. Wood — that there was in existence 
before 1676, the journal of some one who had explored the Missis- 
sippi to the Yellow, or Missouri river — that in 1678 several persons 
went from New England as far as New Mexico, one hundred and 
fifty leagues beyond the Meschacebe, and on their return rendered 
an account of the government at Boston. Further, that Coxe him- 
self, and through his agents, had entered the valley from Carolina 
and Pennsylvania, that in 1698 he had fitted out two vessels under 
the command of Captain Barr, one of which ascended the Missis- 
sippi one hundred miles, and that the English designed to make a 
settlement of the Huguenot refugees on the "Meschacebe," but 
that the death of Lord Lonsdale, who was the chief promoter of the 
scheme, frustrated the project. It is the main object of "The 
Description of Carolana," which was written by the son of the pro- 
prietor, to describe the topography of the Mississippi valley, from 
the journals and reports of all these explorers; and, though he 
borrows evidently from the French explorations, yet there is an 
exactness in his descriptions, that is a strong evidence of the truth 
of the journals on which it is based. There is even a remarkable 
sagacity and foresight in some of its allusions and suggestions. 
The south pass over the Eocky Mountains is marked as a great 
conveniency; there are tracts of country in the West "that would 
suit very well with camels;" the great importance of the cotton 
culture is affirmed ; even the gold of California and the Sandwich 
Islands come under the notice of the writer. Yet, with the excep- 
tion of the report of the English vessel met by Bienville at the 
"English turn," the description of which agrees with that of the 
vessel commanded by Captain Barr, there is no corroboration of 
any of these statements. 

The policy of occupying the Mississippi valley was for a time 
neglected. It was revived by Alexander Spottswood, f who was, 



* Coxe's Memorial to King William, in 1699, 
f Grahame's Colonial History. 



1742. JOHN HOWARD DESCENDS OHIO. 95 

in 1710, made Governor of Virginia. Spottswood was gifted with 
more than ordinary foresight and breadth of view. The purpose, 
even then entertained by the French, of enclosing the English 
colonies within the mountains, did not escape his penetration, and 
accordingly he proposed a system of measures to counteract their 
schemes. Through his representation, the Assembly of Virginia 
was induced to make appropriations to defray the expense of an 
exploration of the Alleghenies, then popularly believed to be 
impassable, for the purpose of discovering a passage to the valley 
beyond. Gov. Spottswood led the expedition in person. A prac- 
ticable pass was discovered, a route was marked out for future 
emigrants, and the party returned to Williamsburg. There, as a 
memorial of the event, Spottswood established the " Transmontane 
Order, or Knights of the Golden Horse Shoe," conferred the honor 
of this novel knighthood on each of the companions of his expedi- 
tion, and, in allusion to the horse shoes they used, which were not 
employed in the sandy soil of Eastern Virginia, he gave, as the 
badge of the order, a golden horse shoe, inscribed with the motto, 
u Sic jurat transcendere monies" With more wisdom, he pre- 
sented a memorial to the English government, in which, with great 
force and acuteness, he exposed the French scheme of military occu- 
pation, foretold the course they would pursue in the effort to limit 
the English colonies to the Atlantic coast, and advised the building 
of a chain of forts across to the Ohio, and the formation of settle- 
ments to counteract them. Nothing was done to carry out his 
suggestions, his recall prevented him from prosecuting his favorite 
plans, and the subject was lost sight of under the pressure of other 
affairs. Forty years later, the British colonies had occasion to 
remember the policy of Governor Spottswood, and to regret that 
it was so thoughtlessly abandoned. 

Individuals, however, from time to time passed into the valley, 
for the purposes of trade or location. There are vague accounts 
that English traders were known on the Ohio as early, perhaps, as 
1730. In 1742, John Howard crossed the mountains from Vir- 
ginia, descended the Ohio in a skin canoe, and was taken prisoner 
by the French on the Mississippi. Soon after that time traders 
undoubtedly began to flock thither from Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania. In 1748, Conrad Weiser,* a German of Herenberg, who 



* Early History of Pennsylvania, App„ 10. 



96 WEISEB, TEEATS WITH INDIANS AT LOGSTOWN. 1748. 

had in early life acquired the Mohawk tongue, by a residence 
among them, was sent on an embassy to the Shawanees, on the 
Ohio. Mr. Weiser proceeded to Logstown,* a Shawanee village 
on the north side of the Ohio, seventeen miles below the site of 
Pittsburgh, where he met the chiefs of the tribe, delivered presents 
to them, and received assurances of their support against the French. 

But the principal ground of claim of the British to the country 
west of the Alleghenies, was by treaties of purchase from the 
"Five Nations," or Iroquois. This was the only confederacy of 
Indian tribes that deserved the name of government in this part of 
North America. They had the rude elements of a confederated 
republic, and they were the conquerors of most of the other tribes 
from Lower Canada to the Mississippi, and even beyond. Different 
from the policy of all the other tribes, they left the conquered 
nations to manage their own internal affairs as they might choose, 
but exacted tributes, and especially claimed the right as conquerors 
to dispose of their country. On this right the Five Nations sold, 
in treaty with the British authorities, the country on the Ohio, 
including Western Virginia, and Kentucky, a large part of Illinois, 
and the country along the northern lakes into Upper Canada. 

"Waiving for the present all questions as to the justice of their 
claims, it is a fact now fully established, that this confederacy did 
set up claims to the whole country now embraced in Kentucky and 
Western Virginia north of the Cherokee claims, and the North- 
western Territory, except a district in Ohio and Indiana, and a 
small section in Southwestern Illinois, which was claimed and 
held by the Miami confederacy. 

In 1684, Lord Howard, Governor of Virginia, held a treaty with 
the Five Nations, at Albany, when, at the request of Colonel 
Dungan, Governor of New York, they placed themselves under 
the protection of the British nation. f They made a deed of sale, 
by treaty, to the British government of a vast tract of country 
south and east of the Illinois river, and extending across Lake 
Huron into Canada. Another formal deed was drawn up, and 
signed by the chiefs of the national confederacy in 1726, by which 
their lands were conveyed in trust to England, " to be protected 



* Weiser's Journal. Early History of Pennsylvania. App. 12, 
f " Plain Facts,"— Philadelphia, 1781, pp. 22, 23. 



1744. TREATY WITH THE IROQUOIS AT LANCASTER. 97 

and defended by his majesty, to and for the use of the grantors 
and their heirs."* 

If the Six Nations had a good claim to the western country, 
there could be but little doubt that England was justified in defend- 
ing that country against the French, as France, by the treaty of 
Utrecht, had agreed not to invade the lands of Britain's Indian 
allies. This claim of the New York savages has been disputed ; 
but the evidence nevertheless is very strong, that, before 1680, the 
Six Nations had overrun the western lands, and were dreaded from 
Lakes Erie and Michigan to the Ohio, and west to the Mississippi. 
In 1673, Allouez and Dablon found the Miamis upon Lake Michi- 
gan, fearing a visit from the Iroquois. In 1680, La Salle found 
them on the Illinois. The upper Ohio was called by the early 
French the river of the Iroquois ; and was long unexplored for 
fear of their hostility. And the evidence from many sources is 
conclusive, that the Iroquois confederacy, rendered strong by the 
arms they received from the Dutch of New York, overran not only 
the regions north and south of their original seats, but that they, 
during the early part of the eighteenth century, extended their 
conquests and incursions to the Mississippi. But they retained no 
fixed possession of the regions they had thus overrun, and, indeed, 
through the influence of the French over the western tribes, and 
with the aid of the arms they furnished to them, confederacies 
were formed against the Iroquois; they were confined within nar- 
rower limits, and their title to such extended regions, if it ever 
existed, was extinguished. 

But some of the western lands were also claimed by the British, 
as having actually been purchased- This purchase was said to have 
been made at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in 1744, when a treaty was 
held between the colonists and the Six Nations, relative to some 
alleged settlements that had been made upon the Indian lands in 
Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland ; of which there is a very 
good and graphic account, written by Witham Marshe, who went 
as secretary with the commissioners for Maryland. The Maryland 
commissioners reached Lancaster upon the 21st of June, before 
either the governor of Pennsylvania, the Virginia commissioners, 
or the Indians had arrived; though all but the natives came that 
evening. 



* This may be found at length in Pownall's "Administration of the Colonies," fourth 
edition. 



98 TREATY OF LANCASTER. 1744. 

The next forenoon wore wearily away, and all were glad to sit 
down, at one o'clock, to a dinner in the court-house, which the 
Virginians gave their friends, and from which not many were 
drawn, even by the arrival of the Indians, who came, to the num- 
ber of two hundred and fifty-two, with squaws and little children 
on horseback, and with their fire-arms, and bows and arrows, and 
tomahawks, and, as they passed the court-house, invited the white 
men with a song to renew their former treaties. On the outskirts 
of the town, vacant lots had been chosen for the savages to build 
their wigwams upon, and thither they marched on, with Conrad 
Weiser, their friend and interpreter,* while the Virginians " drank 
the loyal healths," and finished their entertainment. A scene of 
festivity and drunkenness of the Indians followed, which continued 
at intervals for several days. It appears, however, in Marshe's 
journal, that the chiefs " narrowly scanned" the goods paid by the 
commissioners of Maryland for the lands that colony purchased, 
amounting to <£220, Pennsylvania currency. The commissioners 
of Virginia paid <£200 in gold, and a like sum in goods, with a 
promise that as settlements increased more should be paid. The 
commissioners from Virginia, at this treaty of Lancaster, were Col. 
Thomas Lee and Col. "William Beverly. 

Such was the treaty of Lancaster, upon which, as a corner-stone, 
the claim of the colonists to the "West, by purchase, rested ; and 
upon this, and the grant from the Six Nations, Great Britain relied 
in all subsequent steps. 

The Shawanee Indians, on the Ohio, who had long shown symp- 
toms of disaffection to the English, and subserviency to the French 
cause, now openly assumed a hostile character. Peter Chartiez, a 
half-blood and trader, was a French spy, who dwelt chiefly in Phi- 
ladelphia. In 1743, he endeavored to engage the Shawanees in 
war with the Six Nations. This offense was overlooked by the 
Pennsylvania government, from an apprehension that his punish- 
ment would serve as a pretext for violence to their traders ; but 
being reprimanded by Governor Thomas, for some other impro- 
priety, he became alarmed, fled to the Shawanees, and persuaded 
them to declare for the French. Soon after, at the head of four 
hundred of their warriors, he lay in wait on the Allegheny river 
for the provincial traders, captured two of them, and, exhibiting a 
captain's commission from France, seized their property to the 
value of sixteen hundred pounds. 

* Early History of Pennsylvania. 



1748. OEIO COMPANY. 99 

As settlements extended, and the Indians became more hostile, 
the promise of further pay was called to mind, and Weiser was 
sent across the Alleghenies to Logstown, in 1748, with presents, 
to conciliate them; and to sound them, probably, as to their 
feeling with regard to large settlements in the West, which some 
Virginians, with Col. Thomas Lee, the Lancaster commissioner, at 
their head, were then contemplating. The object of these propo- 
sed settlements, was not the cultivation of the soil, but the monopoly 
of the Indian trade, which, with all its profits, had till that time 
been in the hands of unprincipled men, half civilized, half savage, 
who, through the Iroquois, had from the earliest period penetrated 
to the lakes of Canada, and competed everywhere with the French 
for skins and furs. It was now proposed in Virginia, to supersede 
these beyond the mountains, by means of a great company, which 
should hold lands and build trading-houses, import European 
goods regularly, and export the furs of the West, in return, to 
London. Accordingly, after Weiser' s conference with the Indians 
at Logstown, which was favorable to their views, Thomas Lee, 
with twelve other Virginians, among whom were Lawrence and 
Augustine, brothers of G-eorge Washington, and also Mr. Hanbury, 
of London, formed an association which they called the " Ohio 
Company," and in 1748, petitioned the king for a grant beyond 
the mountains. This petition was approved by the monarch, and 
the government of Virginia was ordered to grant to the petitioners 
half a million of acres within the bounds of that colony, beyond 
the Alleghenies, two hundred thousand of which were to be located 
at once. This portion was to be held for ten years, free of quit- 
rent, provided the company would put there one hundred families 
within seven years, and build a fort sufficient to protect the settle- 
ment; all which the company proposed, and prepared to do at 
once, and sent to London for a cargo suited to the Indian trade, 
which was to come out so as to arrive in November, 1749. 

Other companies were also formed about this time in Virginia, 
to colonize the West. Upon the 12th of June, 1749, a grant of 
800,000 acres, from the line of Canada, on the north and west, was 
made to the Loyal Company; and, upon the 29th of October, 
1751, another of 100,000 acres to the Oreenbriar Company. 

But the French were not blind all this while. They saw, that 
if the British once obtained a strong hold upon the Ohio, they might 
not only prevent their settlements upon it, but must at last come 
upon their lower posts, and so the battle be fought sooner or later. 



100 CELERON BURIES MEDALS ALONG OHIO. 1749- 

To the danger of the English possessions in the West, Vaudreuil, 
the French governor, had been long alive. Upon the 10th of May, 
1744, he wrote home representing the consequences that must 
come from allowing the British to build a trading-house among the 
Creeks; and, in ISTovember, 1748, he anticipated their seizure of 
Fort Prudhomme, which was upon the Mississippi below the Ohio. 
'Nor was it for mere sickly missionary stations that the governor 
feared; for, in the year last named, the Illinois settlements, few as 
they were, sent flour and corn, the hams of hogs and bears, pickled 
pork and beef, myrtle wax, cotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, 
iron, copper, some little buffalo wool, venison, poultry, bear's 
grease, oil, skins, and coarse furs to the New Orleans market. 
Even in 1746, from five to six hundred barrels of flour, according 
to one authority, and two thousand according to another, went 
thither from Illinois, convoys annually going down in December 
with the produce. Having these fears, and seeing the danger of 
the late movements of the British, Gallisoniere, then governor of 
Canada, determined to place along the Ohio, evidences of the 
French claim to, and possession of the country; and for that 
purpose, in the summer of 1749, sent Louis Celeron with a party 
of soldiers, to place plates of lead, on which were written the claims 
of France, in the mounds, and at the mouths of the rivers. 

One of these plates was found at the mouth of the Muskingum ; 
another at Yenango. The following is a translation of the inscrip- 
tion on the latter : 

"In the year 1749, reign of Louis XV., King of France, we, 
Celeron, commandant of a detachment by Monsieur the Marquis 
of Gallisoniere, commander-in-chief of New France, to establish 
tranquillity in certain Indian villages of these cantons, have buried 
this plate at the confluence of the Toradakoin, this twenty-ninth 
of July, near the River Ohio, otherwise Beautiful River, as a 
monument of renewal of possession which we have taken of the 
said river, and all its tributaries ; and of all the land on both sides, 
as far as the sources of said rivers; inasmuch as the preceding 
Kings of France have enjoyed it, and maintained it by their arms 
and by treaties; especially by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix 
La Chapelle." 

The claim of England and her colonies to the same region, was 
thus stated:* "That all the lands, or countries "Westward from 



* Colonial Records of Pennsylvania. 



1753. DEPOSITION OF COFFEN. 101 

the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea, between 48 and 34 degrees 
North Latitude, were expressly included in the grant of King 
James the First, to divers of his Subjects, so long since as the year 
1606, and afterwards confirmed in 1620 ; and under this grant, the 
Colony of Virginia claims extent so far West as the South Sea, and 
the ancient Colonies of the Massachusetts Bay, and Connecticut, were 
by their respective charters made to extend to the said South Sea, 
so that not only the right to the Sea Coast, but to all the Inland 
Countries from Sea to Sea, has at all times been asserted by the 
Crown of England." 

To make good their title to the lands which they had in this 
manner claimed, the French made early and vigorous efforts to 
occupy, and fortify themselves in the Ohio valley. The nature and 
extent of these efforts maybe inferred from a deposition of Stephen 
Coffen, who was for a time a prisoner among them, made on the 
10th of January, 1754, to Col. Johnston, at New York. Aside from 
the information it contains, it is an interesting specimen of the 
style of the olden time. 

"Stephen Coffen of full age being duly sworn deposeth and 
saith : that he was taken Prisoner by the French and Indians of 
Canada at Menis, in the Year 1747, under the Command of Major 
Noble, from whence he was brought to an Indian Village called 
Actagouche about Fifteen Leagues to the Westward of Chebucta, 
where he was kept three Weeks Prisoner ; from thence was carried 
to a French Settlement called Beaubasin, where the French had a 
Wooden Fort then Garrisoned with Twenty-Five Men ; remained 
there Two Months; from thence they took him to Gaspey, a con- 
siderable Fishing place in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, near to the 
Entrance of the River; there are about Three Hundred Families 
settled there; they kept him there working near Four Years; then 
he was brought to a place called Ramouski, inhabited by about 
Twenty-Five French Families, from which Place he sailed two 
Years to and from Quebec in a Sloop carrying Beaver and Furrs, 
Salmon, & ca> ' to Quebec, and in return brought back Brandy, Dry 
Goods, & ca> ; during the Time of the Deponent's residing at Quebec 
he said it was commonly talked or reported that they the French 
intended to settle as many Families as they could to the Westward, 
to make up for the Loss of Two of their Towns sunk in the West 
Indies by an Earthquake. The Deponent further saith that the 
Navigation up the River Saint Lawrence is very dangerous, particu- 
larly so at the Isle aux Coudres and the Isle Orleans ; the North 
Side of the former is the best Navigation, the South Side being very 



102 DEPOSITION OF COFFEN. 1753. 

rapid and rocky, and the Channel not above Two Hundred Yards 
wide, abont six Fathom Water, whereas in the North Channel there 
is Fifteen Fathom ; at the North East End of the latter begin Two 
Sand Banks, which extend a League down said River; the Channel 
is between both Banks, and pretty near the Middle of the River, 
from thence to the Town of Quebec good Navigation, being Fifteen 
Fathom all the Way. The Deponent says there is no possibility 
of going up said River without the Tide serves or a strong North- 
East Wind, especially at the Two aforementioned Islands. In 
September, 1752, the Deponent was in Quebec and endeavoring to 
agree with some Indians to convey him to his own country, New 
England, which the Indians acquainted the Governor of, who im- 
mediately ordered him to Goal, where he lay three Months. At the 
Time of his Releasement the French were preparing for a March to 
Belle Riviere, or Ohio, when he offered his Service, but was 
rejected by the Governor General Le Cain. He the said General 
setting out for Mont Real about the Third of January, 1753, to 
view and forward the Forces; the Deponent applied to Major Ram- 
say for Liberty to go with the Army to Ohio, who told him he 
would ask the Lieutenant De Rouy, who agreed to it, upon which 
he was equipped as a Soldier and sent with a Detachment of Three 
Hundred Men to Montreal, under the Command or Monsieur Ba- 
beer, who set off immediately with said Command by Land and Ice 
for Lake Erie ; they in their Way stopped a couple of Days to 
refresh themselves at Cadarahqui Fort, also at Taranto on the 
North side of Lake Ontario, then at Niagara Fort Fifteen Days ; 
from thence set off by Water, being April, and arrived at Chada- 
koin, on Lake Erie, where they were ordered to fell Timber and 
prepare it for building a Fort there according to the Governor's 
Instructions ; but Mr. Morang coming up with Five Hundred Men 
and Twenty Indians put a Stop to the erecting a Fort at that Place 
by reason of his not liking the Situation, and the River of Chada- 
koins being too shallow to carry any Craft with Provisions, & ca « to 
Belle Riviere. The Deponent says there arose a warm Debate 
between Messieurs Babeer and Morang thereon, the first insisting 
on building a Fort there agreeable to his Instructions, otherwise 
on Morang's giving him an Instrument in Writing to satisfy the 
Governor in that Point, which Morang did, and then ordered Mon- 
sieur Mercie, who was both Commissary and Engineer, to go along 
said Lake and look for a good Situation, which he found and re- 
turned in three days, it being Fifteen Leagues to the South- West 
of Chadakoin; they were then all ordered to repair thither; when 



1753. DEPOSITION OF COFFEN. 103 

they arrived there were about Twenty Indians fishing in the Lake, 
who immediately quit it on seeing the French ; they fell to "Work 
and built a square Fort of Chesnut Logs, squared and lapped over 
each other to the Height of Fifteen Feet, it is about one hundred 
and twenty square — a Log House in each Square — a Grate to the 
Southward and another to the Northward, not one Port Hole cut in 
any Part of it when finished — they called it Fort Le Presque Isle. 
The Indians who came from Canada with them returned very 
much out of Temper, owing as it was said among the Army to 
Morang's dogged Behavior and ill Usage of them (but they the 
Indians said at Oswego it was owing to the French's misleading 
them by telling them Falsehoods, which they said they had now 
found out) and left them. As soon as the Fort was finished they 
marched Southward, cutting a Waggon Road through a fine level 
Country twenty-one Miles to the River aux Bceufs (leaving Cap- 
tain Derponteney with an hundred Men to garrison the Fort La 
Briske Isle); they fell to Work cutting Timber, Boards, & ca - for 
another Fort, while Mr. Morang ordered Monsieur Bite with Fifty 
Men to a Place called by the Indians G-anagarahhare, or the Banks 
of Belle Riviere, where the River aux Bceufs empties into it; in the 
meantime Morang had Mnety large Boats or Battoes made to carry 
down the Baggage and Provisions, k ^ to said Place. Monsieur 
Bite on coming to said Indian Place was asked what he wanted or 
intended. He, upon answering it was their Father the Governor 
of Canada's Intention to build a Trading House for their and all 
their Brethren's Conveniency, was told by the Indians that the 
Lands were their's, and that they would not have them build upon 
it. The said Monsieur Bite returning, met two Englishmen, Tra- 
ders, with their Horses and Goods, whom they Bound and brought 
Prisoners to Morang, who ordered them to Canada in Irons. The 
said Bite reported to Moraug the Situation was good, but the Wa- 
ter in the River aux Boeuf too low at that time to carry down any 
Craft with Provisions, & ca> ; a few Days after the deponent says that 
about one hundred Indians called by the French the Loos, came 
to the Fort La Riviere aux Bceuff to see what the French were 
doing; that Monsieur Morang treated them very kindly, and then 
asked them to carry down some Stores, & ca - to the Belle Riviere 
on Horseback for Payment, which he immediately advanced them 
on their undertaking to do it. They set off with full Loads, but 
never delivered them to the French, which incensed them very 
much, being not only a Loss but a great Disappointment. Mo- 
rang, a man of a very peevish, cholerick Disposition, meeting with 



104 DEPOSITION OF COFFEN. 1753. 

those and other Crosses, and finding the Season of the Year too 
far advanced to build the Third Fort, called all his Officers together 
and told them that as he had engaged and firmly promised the 
Governor to finish the Three Forts that Season, and not being able 
to fulfil the same was both Afraid and Ashamed to return to Can- 
ada, being sensible he had now forfeited the Governor's Favour for 
ever; wherefore rather than live in Disgrace he begged they would 
take him (as he then sat in a Carriage made for him, being very 
Sick some time) and seat him in the middle of the Fort and then 
set Fire to it and let him perish in the Flames, which was rejected 
by the Officers, who (the Deponent says) had not the least regard 
for him, as he had behaved very ill to them all in general. The 
Deponent further Saith that about eight Days before he left the 
Fort La Briske Isle, Chevalier Le Crake arrived Express from 
Canada in a Birch Canoe worked by Ten Men, with Orders (as the 
Deponent afterwards heard) from the Governor Le Cain to Morang 
to make all the Preparation possible against the Spring of the Year 
to build them Two Forts at Chadokoin one of them by Lake Erie 
the other at the End of the Carrying Place at Lake Chadokoin, 
which Carrying Place is Fifteen Miles from one Lake to the Other. 
The said Chevalier brought for Monsieur Morang a Cross x>f Saint 
Louis which the Rest of the Officers would not allow him to take 
until the Governor was acquainted of his Conduct and Beha- 
viour. The Chevalier returned immediately to Canada. After 
which, the Deponent saith, when the Fort La Riviere aux Boeufs 
was finished (which is built of Wood Stockadoed Triangularwise. 
and has Two Log Houses in the inside), Monsieur Morang ordered 
all the Party to return to Canada for the Winter Season except 
Three Hundred Men which he kept to Garrison both Forts and 
prepare Materials against the Spring for the building other Forts. 
He also sent Jean Coeur, an Officer and Interpreter, to stay the 
Winter among the Indians on Ohio, in order to prevail with them 
not only to allow the Building Forts on their Lands, but also to 
perswade them if possible to join the French Interest against the 
English. The Deponent further saith that on the twenty eighth of 
October last he set off for Canada under the Command of Captain 
.Deman, who had the Command of twenty two Battoes with twenty 
Men in each Battoe, the Remainder being Seven Hundred and 
Sixty Men followed in a few Days, the thirtieth arrived at .Chada- 
koin, where they stayed four Days, during which Time Monsieur 
Peon with Two Hundred Men cut a Waggon Road over the Car- 
rying Place from Lake Erie to 'Lake Chadakoin, being fifteen 



1750. gist's expedition. 105 

Miles, viewed the Situation, which proved to their liking, so set off 
November the Third for Niagara where We arrived the Sixth. It 
is a very poor rotten old Wooden Fort with Twenty-Five Men in 
it, they talked of rebuilding it next Summer. We left Fifty Men 
there to build Battoes for the Army against the Spring, also a Store 
House for Provisions, Stores, & ca - staid here two Days, then set off 
for Canada. All Hands being fatigued with rowing all night, 
ordered to put ashore to Breakfast within a Mile of Oswego Garri- 
son. At which Time the Deponent saith that He with a French- 
man slipped off and got to the Fort, where they were both concealed 
until the Army passed ; from thence he came here. The Deponent 
further saith that beside the Three Hundred Men with which he 
went up first under the Command of Monsieur Babeer, and the 
Five Hundred Men Morang brought up afterwards, there came at 
different Times with Stores, & ca -' Seven Hundred more, which made 
in all Fifteen Hundred Men, Three Hundred of which remained to 
Garrison the Two Forts, Fifty at Niagara, the Rest all returned to 
Canada, and talked of going up again this Winter, so as to be 
there the beginning of April. They had Two Six Pounders and 
Seven Four Pounders which they intended to have planted in the 
Fort at Ganagarahhare, which was to have been called the Gover- 
nor's Fort, but as that was not built they left the Guns in the Fort 
La Riviere aux Bceufs, where Morang commands ; further the De- 
ponent saith not." 

Thus the issue between the French and English was made up. 
It admitted no compromise, but the arbitrament of the sword. To 
that, however, neither party desired an immediate appeal, but both 
sought rather to establish and fortify their interests, and to concili- 
ate the Indian tribes. In the fall of 1750, the Ohio Company sent 
out Christopher Gist to explore the regions west of the mountains. 
He was instructed to examine the passes, to trace the courses of the 
rivers, to mark the falls, to seek for valuable lands, to observe the 
strength, and to conciliate the friendship of the Indian tribes. He 
visited Logstown, where he was received with jealousy, passed over 
to the Muskingum, where he found a village of the Ottawas friendly 
to the French, and a village of the Wyandots divided in sentiment. 
There he met Croghan, who had been sent out by Pennsylvania, 
and in concert they held a council with the chiefs, and received 
assurance of the friendship of the tribe. Next, they passed to the 
Shawanee towns on the Scioto, received assurances of friendship 
from them, and then crossed the Miami valley. "Nothing," said 
8 



106 ENGLISH TRADERS EXPELLED. 1752, 

they, "is wanting but cultivation to make it a most delightful 
country." They crossed the Great Miami on a raft of logs, and 
visited Piqua, the chief town of the Pickawillanies, and here they 
made treaties with the Piquas and representatives of the Weas 
(Ouias,) and Piankeshaws. While there, a deputation of the Otta- 
was appeared to solicit an alliance of the Miami confederacy with 
the French. They were repulsed, however, by the address and 
promises of the English agents, and the chiefs of the tribe sent 
back a message with Gist, that their friendship should stand like 
the mountains. Croghan returned, Gist followed the Miami to its 
mouth, passed down the Ohio river until within fifteen miles of the 
falls, then returned by way of the Kentucky river, and over the 
highlands of Kentucky to Virginia, in May, 1751, having visited 
the Mingoes, Delawares, Wyandots, Shawanees and Miamis, pro- 
posed a union among these tribes, and appointed a general council 
at Logstown, .to form an alliance among themselves and with 
Virginia. 

Meanwhile, some traders had established themselves at Lari- 
mie's store, or Pickawillany,* some forty-seven miles north of the 
site of Dayton, Ohio. A party of French and their Ottawa and 
Chippewa allies demanded them of the Miamis as unauthorized 
intruders on French lands. The Miamis refused, a battle ensued, 
fourteen of them were killed, the traders were taken and carried to 
Canada, or, as one account says, burned. It is probable those 
traders were from Pennsylvania, since that province made a gift of 
condolence to the Twigtwees for those slain in their defense. 

Blood had now been shed, and both parties became more deeply 
interested in the progress of events in the West. The English, on 
their part, determined to purchase from the Indians a title to the 
lands they wished to occupy, and, in the spring of 1752, Messrs. 
Fry, Lomax and Patton, were sent from Virginia to hold a confer- 
ence with the natives at Logstown, to learn what they objected to 
in the treaty of Lancaster, of which it was said they complained, 
and to settle all difficulties. On the 9th of June, the commissioners 
met the red men at Logstown, a little village, seventeen miles below 
Pittsburgh, upon the right bank of the Ohio descending. It had long 
been a trading point, but had been abandoned by the Indians in 
1750. Here the Lancaster treaty was produced, and the sales of 
the western lands insisted upon; but the chiefs said that "they had 



* Others affirm that this murder of the English traders was committed at a post on 
the Maumee, and others on the Allegheny. There is no certainty as to the spot. 



1T52. TREATY OF LOGSTOWN. 107 

not heard of any sale west of the warrior's road, which ran at the 
foot of the Allegheny ridge." The commissioners then offered 
goods for a ratification of the Lancaster treaty ; spoke of the pro- 
posed settlement by the Ohio Company; and nsed all their persua- 
sions to secure the land wanted. On the 11th of June, the Indians 
replied: "They recognized the treaty of Lancaster, and the 
authority of the Six Nations to make it, but denied that they had 
any knowledge of the western lands being conveyed to the English 
by that deed, and declined having anything to do with the treaty 
of 1744." "However," said the savages, "as the French have 
already struck the Twigtwees, we shall be pleased to have your 
assistance and protection, and wish you would build a fort at once 
at the forks of the Ohio." But this permission was not what the 
Virginians wanted ; they took aside Montour, the interpreter, who 
was a son of the famous Catharine Montour, and a chief among the 
Six Nations, and persuaded him to use his influence with his fel- 
lows. By that means they were induced to treat, and upon the 13th 
of June, they all united in signing a deed, confirming the Lancaster 
treaty in its full extent, consenting to a settlement south-east of the 
Ohio, and covenanting that it should not be disturbed by them. 
By such means was obtained the first treaty with the Indians in 
the Ohio valley. 

All this time the two powers beyond' the Atlantic were in a 
professed state "of profound peace;" and commissioners were at 
Paris trying to out-maneuver one another with regard to the dispu- 
ted lands in America, though in the West all looked like war. 
The English indeed outwitted the Indians, and secured themselves, 
as they thought, by their politic conduct. But the French proved, 
that they knew best how to manage the natives; and, though they 
had to contend with the old hatred felt towards them by the Six 
Nations, and though they had by no means refrained from strong 
acts, marching through the midst of the Iroquois country, attacking 
the Twigtwees, and seizing the English traders, they did succeed, 
as the British never did, in attaching the Indians to their cause. 
An old chief of the Six Nations said at Easton, in 1758: "The 
Indians on the Ohio left you because of your own fault. When 
we heard the French were coming, we asked you for help and 
arms, but we did not get them. The French came, they treated 
us kindly, and gained our affections. The governor of Virginia 
settled on our lands for his own benefit, and, when we wanted 
help, forsook us." 

So stood matters at the close of 1752. The English had secured 



108 ENCROACHMENTS OF THE FRENCH. 1753. 

a title to the Indian lands southeast of the Ohio, and Gist was at 
work laying out a town and fort there, on Chartier's Creek, about 
two miles below the fork. Eleven families also had crossed the 
mountains to settle at the point where Gist had fixed his own 
residence, west of Laurel Hill, and not far from the Youghiogheny. 
Goods, too, had come from England for the Ohio Company, which, 
however, they dared not carry beyond Wills' creek, the point 
where Cumberland now stauds, whence they were taken by the 
traders and Indians ; and there were even some prospects of a road 
across the mountains to the Monongahela. 

On the other hand, the French were gathering cannon and 
stores upon Lake Erie, and, without treaties or deeds for land, 
were gaining the good will of even inimical tribes, and preparing, 
when all was ready, to strike the blow. Some of the savages, it is 
true, remonstrated. They said they did not understand this 
dispute between the Europeans, as to which of them the western 
lands belonged, for they did not belong to either. But the French 
bullied and flattered, when it served their turn, and all the while 
went on with their preparations, which were in an advanced state 
early in 1753. 

These consisted of a line of forts from Lake Erie to the Ohio. 
Of these, as has been seen, Presquille on Lake Erie, on the site 
of the city of Erie, Pennsylvania, was built in the spring of that 
year. Le Boeuf, on French creek, on the site of Waterford, Erie 
county, Pennsylvania, and Venango, at the mouth of French 
creek, on the Allegheny, on the site of Franklin, Yenango county, 
were built later in the same year. Opposite Fort Yenango, Henry 
de Courcy affirms, on the authority of a map preserved in Quebec, 
Fort Michault was built about the same time. 

In May of that year, the governor of Pennsylvania informed the 
Assembly of the French movements, a knowledge of which was 
derived, in part, at least, from Montour, who had been present at 
a conference between the French and Indians relative to the inva- 
sion of the West. The Assembly, thereupon, voted six hundred 
pounds for distribution among the tribes, besides two hundred for 
the presents of condolence to the Twigtwees. This money was 
not sent, but Conrad Weiser was dispatched in August, to learn 
the state of affairs among the Ohio savages. Yirginia was moving 
also. In June, or earlier, a commissioner was sent westward to 
meet the French, and ask how they dared to invade his Majesty's 
province. The messenger went to Logstown, but was afraid to 
go up the Allegheny, as instructed. Trent was also sent with 



1753. ENCROACHMENTS OF THE FRENCH. 109 

guns, powder, shot and clothing, for the friendly Indians; and 
then it was, that he learned the fact, as to the claim of the French, 
and their hurial of medals in proof of it. While these measures 
were taken, another treaty with the wild men of the debatahle 
land was also in contemplation ; and in September, 1753, William 
Fairfax, met their deputies at Winchester, Virginia, where he 
concluded a treaty, on which was an endorsement, stating that 
such was their feeling, that he had not dared to mention to them 
either the Lancaster or the Logstown treaty * In the month follow- 
ing, however, a more satisfactory interview took place at Carlisle, 
between the representatives of the Iroquois, Delawares, Shawanees, 
Twigtwees, and Wyandots, and the commissioners of Pennsylva- 
nia, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin. At 
this meeting the attack on the Twigtwees and the plans of the French 
were discussed, and a treaty concluded. The Indians had sent three 
messages to the French, warning them away; the reply was, that 
they were coming to build forts at " Wenengo," (Venango,) Moh- 
ongiala forks, (Pittsburgh,) Logstown, and Beaver Creek. The 
red men complained of the traders as too scattered, and killing 
them with rum ; they wished only three trading stations, viz : 
mouth of "Mohongely," (Pittsburgh,) Logstown, and mouth of 
Conawa. 

These encroachments of the French on what was regarded as 
English territory, created much agitation in the colonies, and espe- 
cially in Virginia. The purpose of the French to establish a mili- 
tary corden around the English colonies, and thus prevent their 
extension over the mountains, was clearly seen, and it was inferred 
that this purpose was but the first step in a system of measures 
already planned by the French court to reduce all North America 
under the dominion of France. Under these circumstances, Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie determined to send a messenger to the French 
posts, to demand of the French commandant his designs, and to 
observe the amount and disposition of his forces. George Wash- 
ington, then in his twenty-second year, was selected for this under- 
taking. His knowledge of the Indians, his acquaintance with 
frontier life, and the marked traits of character he had displayed, 
were the qualities that recommended him to the notice of the 
governor, and that fitted him for his dangerous mission. The fol- 
lowing instructions will indicate the nature and purposes of his 
mission. 



Plain Facts, p. 44. 



110 Washington's insteuctions. 1753. 

" Whereas I have received information of a body of French forces 
being assembled in a hostile manner on the river Ohio, intending 
by force of arms to erect certain forts on the said river, within this 
territory, and contrary to the dignity and peace of our sovereign, 
the King of Great Britain — 

" These are therefore to require and direct you, the said George 
Washington, forthwith to repair to Logstown, on the said river 
Ohio, and having there informed yourself where the said French 
forces have posted themselves, thereupon to proceed to such place ; 
and being there arrived, to present your credentials, together with 
my letter, to the chief commanding officer, and in the name of his 
Britannic Majesty, to demand an answer thereto. 

"On your arrival at Logstowiij you are to address yourself to the 
Half-King, to Monacatoocha, and other sachems of the Six Nations, 
acquainting them with your orders to visit and deliver my letter to 
the French commanding officer, and desiring the said chiefs to ap- 
point you a sufficient number of their warriors to be your safeguard, 
as near the French as you may desire, and await your further 
directions. 

"You are diligently to inquire into the numbers and force of the 
French on the Ohio, and the adjacent country; how they are likely 
to be assisted from Canada, and what are the difficulties and con- 
veniences of that communication, and the time required for it. 

"You are to take care to be truly informed what forts the 
French have erected, and where; how they are garrisoned and 
appointed, and what is their distance from each other, and from 
Logstown ; and from the best intelligence you can procure, you are 
to learn what gave occasion to this expedition of the French ; how 
they are likely to be supported, and what their pretensions are. 

""When the French commandant has given you the necessary 
and required dispatches, you are to desire of him a proper guard to 
protect you as far on your return as you may judge for your safety, 
against any straggling Indians or hunters that may be ignorant of 
your character and molest you. 

"Wishing you good success in your negotiations, and safe and 
speedy return, I am, &c. 

EOBEKT DINWIDDIE." 
"Williamsbukg, 30th October, 1753." 

The journal of Washington on this expedition is inserted, 
because it furnishes an interesting account of his first public 

services : 



1753. Washington's journal. Ill 

" I was commissioned and appointed by the Honorable Robert 
Dinwiddie, Esquire, Governor, &c, of Virginia, to visit and deliver 
a letter to the commandant of the French forces at the Ohio, and 
set out on the intended journey on the same day : the next I arrived 
at Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Vanbraam to be my 
French interpreter, and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where 
we provided necessaries. From thence we went to "Winchester, 
and got baggage horses, &c, and from thence we pursued the new 
road to Wills' creek, where we arrived on the 14th November. 

"Here I engaged Mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four 
others as servitors, Barnaby Curran and John McQuire, Indian 
traders, Henry Steward and William Jenkins; and in company 
with these persons left the inhabitants the next day. 

" The excessive rains and vast quantities of snow which had 
fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian trader, at 
the mouth of Turtle creek, on Monongahela river, till Thursday, 
the 22d. We were informed here, that expresses had been sent a 
few days before to the traders down the river, to acquaint them 
with the French general's death, and the return of the major part 
of the French army into winter quarters. 

"The waters were quite impassable without swimming our 
horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe from Frazier, 
and to send Barnaby Curran and Henry Steward down the Monon- 
gahela, with our baggage, to meet us at the forks of Ohio, about 
ten miles below ; there to cross the Allegheny. 

"As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing 
the rivers, and the land in the fork, which I think extremely well 
situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. 
The land at the point is twenty-five feet above the common surface 
of the water; and a considerable bottom of flat, well -timbered land 
all around it, very convenient for building. The rivers are each a 
quarter of a mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right 
angles; Allegheny, bearing north-east; and Monongahela, south- 
east. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift running 
water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall. 

"About two miles from this, on the south-east side of the river, 
at the place where the Ohio company intended to erect a fort, lives 
Shingiss, king of the Delawares. We called upon him to invite 
him to a council at Logstown. 

" As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situa- 
tion at the fork, my curiosity led me to examine this more particu- 
larly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defense or 



112 Washington's journal. 1753. 

advantages ; especially the latter. For a fort at the fork would be 
equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the entire command of 
the Monongahela, which runs up our settlement, and is extremely 
well designed for water carriage, as it is of a deep, still nature. 
Besides, a fort at the fork might be built at much less expense than 
at the other place. 

"Nature has well contrived this lower place for water defense ; 
but the hill whereon it must stand being about a quarter of a mile 
in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will 
render it difficult and very expensive to make a sufficient fortifica- 
tion there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken in, the 
side next the descent made extremely high, or else the hill itself 
cut away: otherwise, the enemy may raise batteries within that 
distance without being exposed to a single shot from the fort. 

" Shingiss attended us to the Logstown, where we arrived be- 
tween sunsetting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after I left "Wil- 
liamsburg. "We traveled over some extremely good and bad land 
to get to this place. 

" As soon as I came into town I went to Monakatoocha, as the 
Half-King was out at his hunting cabin, on Little Beaver creek, 
about fifteen miles off, and informed him by John Davidson, my 
Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French 
general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six 
Nations, to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wampum 
and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the Half-King, 
which he promised to do, by a runner, in the morning, and for 
other sachems. I invited him, and the other great men present, to 
my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned. 

"According to the best observation I could make, Mr. Gist's 
new settlement, w T hich we passed by, bears about west north-west 
seventy miles from Wills' creek ; Shanopins, or the forks, north 
by west, or north, north-west about fifty miles from that; and from 
thence to the Logstown, the course is nearly west about eighteen 
or twenty miles : so that the whole distance, as w ? e went and com- 
puted it, is at least one hundred and thirty-five, or one hundred 
and forty, miles from our back inhabitants. 

****** 

" 3(M. — Last night, the great men assembled at their council- 
house, to consult further about this journey, and who were to go; 
the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with one of 
their best hunters, should be our convoy. The reason they gave 
for not sending more, after what had been proposed at council the 



1753. WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL. 113 

26th, was, that a greater number might give the French suspicions 
of some bad design, and cause them to be treated rudely ; but I 
rather think they could not get their hunters in. 

" We set out about nine o'clock, with the Half-King, Jeskakake, 
White Thunder, and the Hunter, and traveled on the road to Ve- 
nango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without any thing 
remarkable happening but a continued series of bad weather. 

" This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French 
creek, on Ohio ; and lies near north, about sixty miles from the 
Logstown, but more than seventy the way we were obliged to go. 

" We found the French colors hoisted at a house from which 
they had driven Mr. John Frazier, an English subject. I imme- 
diately repaired to it, to know where the commander resided. 
There were three officers, one of whom, Captain Joncaire, informed 
me that he had the command of the Ohio ; but that there was a 
general officer at the near fort, where he advised me to apply for 
an answer. He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with 
the greatest complaisance. 

" The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, 
soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their con- 
versation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their senti- 
ments more freely. 

" They told me, that it was their absolute design to take posses- 
sion of the Ohio, and by G — d they would do it; for that, although 
they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, 
yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent 
any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted 
right to the river, from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty 
years ago : and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling 
on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving 
out in order thereto. From the best intelligence I could get, there 
have been fifteen hundred men on this side Ontario lake. But 
upon the death of the general, all were recalled to about six or 
seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one hundred 
and fifty, or thereabouts, in each. The first of them is on French 
creek, near a small lake, about sixty miles from Venango, near 
north, north-west ; the next lies on Lake Erie, w^here the greater 
part of their stores are kept, about fifteen miles from the other: 
from this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying place, 
at the falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small fort, at which they 
should lodge their goods, in bringing them from Montreal, the 
place from whence all their stores are brought. The next fort lies 



114 WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL. 1753. 

about twenty miles from this, on Ontario lake. Between this fort 
and Montreal, there are three others, the first of which is nearly 
opposite to the English Fort Oswego. From the fort on Lake Erie 
to Montreal is about six hundred miles, which, they say, requires 
no more (if good weather) than four weeks voyage, if they go in 
barks or large vessels, so that they may cross the lake : but if they 
come in canoes, it will require five or six weeks, for they are obliged 
to keep under the shore. 

" December 5th. — Rained excessively all day, which prevented our 
traveling. Captain Joncaire sent for the Half-King, as he had but 
just heard that he came with me. He affected to be much con- 
cerned that I did not make free to bring them in before. I excused 
it in the best manner of which I was capable, and told him I did 
not think their company agreeable, as I had heard him say a good 
deal in dispraise of Indians in general; but another motive pre- 
vented me from bringing them into his company ; I knew that he 
was an interpreter, and a person of great influence among the 
Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them over 
to his interest ; therefore I was desirous of giving him no oppor- 
tunity that could be avoided. 

" "When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at see- 
ing them. He wondered how they could be so near without coming 
to visit him, made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so 
fast, that they were soon rendered incapable of the business they 
came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given. 

" 6th. — The Half-King came to my tent, quite sober, and insisted 
very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the 
French. I fain would have prevented him from speaking any 
thing until he came to the commandant, but could not prevail. 
He told me that at this place a council-fire was kindled, where all 
their business with these people was to be transacted, and that the 
management of the Indian affairs was left solely to Monsieur Jon- 
caire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this, I agreed to 
stay ; but sent our horses a little way up French creek, to raft over 
and encamp ; which I knew would make it near night. 

"About ten o'clock they met in council. The King spoke much 
the same as he had done before to the general, and offered the 
French speech-belt which had before been "demanded, with the 
marks of four towns on it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to 
receive, but desired him to carry it to the fort to the commander. 

" 1th. — Monsieur La Force, commissary of the French stores, and 
three other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We found it 



1753. Washington's journal. 115 

extremely difficult to get the Indians off to-day, as every stratagem 
had been used to prevent their going up with me. I had last night 
left John Davidson, (the Indian interpreter,) whom I brought with 
me from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their com- 
pany, as I could not get them over to my tent, for they had some 
business with Kustalogo, chiefly to know why he did not deliver 
up the French speech-belt which he had in keeping; but I was 
obliged to send Mr. Gist over to-day to fetch them, which he did 
with great persuasion. 

" At twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort, and were prevented 
arriving there until the 11th, by excessive rains, snows, and bad 
traveling through many mires and swamps; these we were obliged 
to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impassable, either 
by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid. 

""We passed over much good land since we left Yenango, and 
through several very extensive and rich meadows, one of which I 
believe, was nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in 
some places. 

"12^. — I prepared early to wait upon the commander, and was 
received and conducted to him by the second officer in command. 
I acquainted him with my business, and offered my commission 
and letter, both of which he requested me to keep until the arrival 
of Monsieur Heparti, Captain at the next fort, who was sent for 
and expected every hour. 

" The commander is a knight of the military order of St. Louis, 
and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an elderly gentleman, 
and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the 
command immediately upon the death of the late general, and 
arrived here about seven days before me. 

" At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when 
I offered the letter, &c, again, which they received, and adjourned 
into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who under- 
stood a little English. After he had done it, the commander 
desired I would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and 
correct it, which I did. 

" 13th. — The chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which 
gave me an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and 
making what observations I could. 

"It is situated on the south or west fork of French creek, near 
the water, and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small 
branch of it, which form a kind of island. Four houses compose 
the sides. The bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, 



116 WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL. 1753. 

standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at the top, with 
port-holes cut for cannon, and loop-holes for the small arms to fire 
through. There are eight six-pound pieces mounted in each bas- 
tion, and one piece of four pounds before the gate. In the bastions 
are a guard-house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's 
private store, round which are laid platforms for the cannon and 
men to stand on. There are several barracks without the fort, for 
the soldier's dwellings, covered, some with bark, and soine with 
boards, made chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, 
such as stables, smith's shop, &c. 

"I could get no certain account of the number of men here; but, 
according to the best judgment I could form, there are a hundred, 
exclusive of officers, of whom there are many. I also gave orders 
to the people who were with me, to take an exact account of the 
canoes which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the 
spring. This they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and a hundred 
and seventy of pine, besides many others, which were blocked out, 
in readiness for being made. 

" 14:th. — As the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily 
became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the care of Barnaby 
Curran and two others, to make all convenient dispatch to Venango, 
and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's 
freezing; if not, then to continue down to Shanapin's town, at the 
forks of Ohio, and there wait until we came to cross the Allegheny, 
intending myself to go down by water, as I had the offer of a canoe 
or two. 

" As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' business, 
and prevent their returning with me, I endeavored all that lay in 
my power to frustrate their schemes, and hurried them on to exe- 
cute their intended design. They accordingly pressed for admit- 
tance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, to 
the commander and one or two other officers. The Half-King told 
me that he offered the wampum to the commander, who evaded 
taking it, and made many fair promises of love and friendship ; 
said he wanted to live in peace and trade amicably with them, as a 
proof of which, he would send some goods immediately down to 
the Logstown for them. But I rather think the design of that is, 
to bring away all our straggling traders they meet with, as I 
privately understood they intended to carry an officer, &c, with 
them. And what rather confirms this opinion, I was inquiring of 
the commander by what authority he had made prisoners of several 
of our English subjects. He told me that the country belonged to 



1753. Washington's journal. 117 

them, that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters, 
and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who attempted 
it on the Ohio, or the waters of it. 

"I inquired of Captain Reparti about the hoy that was carried by 
this place, as it was done while the command devolved on him, 
between the death of the late general, and the arrival of the present. 
He acknowledged that a boy had been carried past, and that the 
Indians had two or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some 
of the Indians at Venango, eight,) but pretended to have forgotten 
the name of the place where the boy came from, and all the partic- 
ular facts, though he had questioned him for some hours, as they 
were carrying past. I likewise inquired what they had done with 
John Trotter and James M'Clocklan, two Pennsylvania traders, 
whom they had taken with all their goods. They told me that they 
had been sent to Canada, but were now returned home. 

" This evening I received an answer to his honor, the Governor's 
letter from the commandant. 

"15th. — The commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, 
provisions, &c, to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be 
extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which 
he could invent, to setour Indians at variance with us, to prevent 
them going until after our departure ; presents, rewards, and every 
thing which could be suggested by him or his officers. I cannot 
say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety, as I did in this 
affair: I saw that every stratagem which the most fruitful brain 
could invent was practiced to win the Half-King to their interest; 
and that leaving him there, was giving them the opportunity they 
aimed at. I went to the Half-King and pressed him in the 
strongest terms to go; he told me that the commandant would not 
discharge him until the morning. I then went to the commandant, 
and desired him to do their business, and complained of ill-treat- 
ment ; for keeping them, as they were part of my company, was 
detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to forward my 
journey as much as he could. He protested he did not keep them, 
but was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though I soon found 
it out. He had promised them a present of guns, &c, if they 
would wait until the morning. As I was very much pressed by 
the Indians to wait this day for them, I consented, on a promise 
that nothing should hinder them, in the morning. 

" 16th. — The French were not slack in their inventions to keep 
the Indians this day also. But as they were obliged, according to 
promise, to give the present, they then endeavored to try the power 



118 Washington's journal. 1753. 

of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other 
time than this ; but I urged and insisted with the King so closely 
upon his word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had 
engaged. 

"¥e had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. 
Several times we had like to have been staved against rocks; and 
many times were obliged, all hands, to get out and remain in the 
water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one 
place the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water ; we 
were, therefore, obliged to carry our canoes across the neck of land, 
a quarter of a mile over. "We did not reach Venango until the 
22d, where we met with our horses. 

"This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the distance 
between the fort and Yenango, cannot be less than one hundred 
and thirty miles, to follow the meanders. 

u 2Sd. — When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the Half- 
King to know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. 
He told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was 
sick, and unable to walk ; therefore, he was obliged to carry him 
down in a canoe. As I found he intended to stay here a day or 
two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme 
to set him against the English, as he had before done, I told him 
I hoped he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine 
speeches influence him in their favor. He desired I might not be 
concerned, for he knew the French too well, for anything to 
engage him in their favor; and that though he could not go down 
with us, he yet would endeavor to meet at the forks with Joseph 
Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his Honor the 
Governor. He told me he would order the Young Hunter to 
attend us, and get provisions, &c, if wanted. 

"Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so 
heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the 
journey would require,) that we doubted much their performing it. 
Therefore, myself and the others, except the drivers, who were 
obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs to assist along with 
the baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking dress, and con- 
tinued with them three days, until I found there was no probability 
of their getting home in reasonable time. The horses became less 
able to travel every day ; the cold increased very fast ; and the 
roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually 
freezing : therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of 
my proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I determined to 



1753. Washington's journal. 119 

prosecute my journey the nearest way through the woods, on 
foot. 

" Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, 
with money, and directions to provide necessaries from place to 
place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient 
dispatch in traveling. 

"I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied 
myself up in a watch coat. Then, with gun in hand, and pack on 
my back, in w T hich were my papers and provisions, I set out with 
Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday, the 26th. 
The day following, just after we had passed a place called Murder- 
ing town, (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the 
country for Shanapin's town,) we fell in with a party of French 
Indians, who had laid in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. 
Gist, or me, not fifteeen steps off, but fortunately missed. We 
took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about nine 
o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the remaining 
part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the 
start, so far as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, 
since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as 
it was light. The next day we continued traveling until quite 
dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shanapin's. 
We expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only 
about fifty yards from each shore. The ice I suppose had broken 
up above, for it was driving in vast quantities. 

" There was no way for getting over but on a raft ; which we set 
about, with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun setting. 
This was a whole day's work : we next got it launched, then went 
on board of it and set off: but before we were halfway over we 
were jammed in the ice, in such a manner that we expected every 
moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my 
setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when 
the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against 
the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water ; but I fortunately 
saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. Notwith- 
standing all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were 
obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it. 

" The cold was so extremely severe that Mr. Gist had all his 
fingers and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut up so 
hard that we found no difficulty in getting off the island on the 
ice, in the morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with 
twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war; but 



120 WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL. 1753. 

coming to a place on the head of the Great Kenhawa, where they 
found seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman with 
very light hair,) they turned about and ran back, for fear the 
inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the mur- 
ders. They report that the bodies were lying about the house, and 
some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. By the marks 
which were left, they say they were French Indians, of the Ottoway 
nation, who did it. 

" As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time 
to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of the 
Youghiogheny, to visit Queen Aliquippa, who had expressed great 
concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a 
present of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was 
thought much the better present of the two. 

" Tuesday, the 1st of January, we left Mr. Frazier's house, and 
arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, the 2d, where I bought a 
horse and saddle. The 6th, w T e met seventeen horses loaded with 
materials and stores for a fort at the forks of the Ohio, and the day 
after, some families going out to settle. This day we arrived at 
Wills' creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to con- 
ceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the first day 
of December to the fifteenth, there was but one day on which it 
did not rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole jour- 
ney we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet 
weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially 
after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the 
inclemency of it. 

" On the 11th, I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take 
necessary rest ; and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 
16th, when I waited upon his Honor the Governor, with the letter 
I had brought from the French commandant, and to give an account 
of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offer- 
ing the foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable 
occurrences which happened in my journey. 

"I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your 
Honor satisfied with my conduct ; for that was my aim in under- 
taking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution 
of it." 

During Washington's absence, steps had been taken to fortify 
and settle the point formed by the junction of the Monongahela 
and Allegheny; and while upon his return he met "seventeen 



1753. PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 121 

horses, loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the forks of the 
Ohio," and, soon after, "some families going out to settle." These 
steps were taken by the Ohio Company ; hut, as soon as Washing- 
ton returned with the letter of St. Pierre, the commander on 
French creek, and it was clear that neither he nor his superiors 
meant to yield the West without a struggle, Governor Dinwiddie 
wrote to the Board of Trade, stating that the French were building 
another fort at Venango, and that in March twelve or fifteen hun- 
dred men would be ready to descend the river with their Indian 
allies, for which purpose three hundred canoes had been collected ; 
and that Logstown was then to be made head-quarters, while forts 
were built in various other positions, and the whole country occu- 
pied. He also sent expresses to the Governors of Pennsylvania 
and New York, calling upon them for assistance ; and with the 
advice of his council, proceeded to enlist two companies, one of 
which was to be raised by Washington, the other by Trent, who 
was a frontier man. This last was to be raised upon the frontiers ; 
and to proceed at once to the forks of the Ohio, there to complete, 
in the best manner and as soon as possible, the fort begun by the 
Ohio Company; and in case of attack, or any attempt to resist the 
settlements, or obstruct the works, those resisting were to be taken, 
and, if need, were to be killed.* 

While Virginia was taking these strong measures, which were 
fully authorized by the letter of the Earl of Holdernesse, Secretary 
of State, f written in the previous August, and which directed the 
Governors of the various provinces, after representing to those who 
were invading his Majesty's dominions, the injustice of the act, to 
call out the armed force of the province, and repel force by force, 
Pennsylvania was discussing the question whether the French were 
really invading his Majesty's dominions, — the governor being on 
one side, and the Assembly on the other; and New York was pre- 
paring to hold a conference with the Six "Nations, in obedience to 
orders from the Board of Trade, communicated in September, 1753. 
These orders had been sent out in consequence of the report in 
England, that the natives would side with the French, because dis- 
satisfied with the occupancy of their lands by the English ; and 
simultaneous orders were sent to the other provinces, directing 
their governors to recommend their Assemblies to send commis- 



* Sparks' Washington, vol. ii. pp. 1 431, 446. — Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 254. 
j Sparks' Franklin, vol. iii. p. 251, where the letter is given. 

9 



122 FRENCH ON THE ALLEGHENY. 1754. 

sioners to Albany, to attend this treaty. New York, however, was 
more generous when called on by Yirginia, than her neighbor on 
the south, and voted, for the assistance of the resisting colony, five 
thousand pounds currency. 

The fort at Yenango was finished in April, 1754, and all along 
the line of French creek, troops were gathering; and the wilderness 
echoed the strange sounds of an European camp, and with these 
were mingled the shrieks of drunken Indians, won over from their 
old friendship by rum and soft words. Scouts were abroad, and 
little groups formed about the tents or huts of the officers, to learn 
the movements of the British. Canoes were gathering, and cannon 
were painfully hauled here and there. All was movement and 
activity among the old forests, and on hill-sides, from Lake Erie to 
the Allegheny. In Philadelphia, meanwhile, Governor Hamilton, 
in no amiable mood, had summoned the Assembly, and asked them 
,if they meant to help the King in the defense of his dominions ; 
and had desired them, above all things, to do whatever they meant 
to perform, quickly. The Assembly debated, and resolved to aid 
the King with a little money, and then debated again, and voted not 
to aid him with any money at all, for some would not give less than 
ten thousand pounds, and others would not give more than five 
thousand pounds; and so, nothing being practicable, they ad- 
journed upon the 10th of April, until the 13th of May. 

In ISTew York, a little, and only a little, better spirit was at work; 
nor was this strange, as her direct interest was much less than that 
of Pennsylvania. Five thousand pounds, indeed, were voted to 
Yirginia ; but the Assembly questioned the invasion of his majesty's 
dominions by the French, and it was not till June that the money 
was sent forward. 

The Old Dominion, however, was all alive. As, under the pro- 
vincial law, the militia could not be called forth to march more 
than five miles beyond the bounds of the colony, and as it was 
doubtful if the French were in Yirginia, it was determined to rely 
upon volunteers. Ten thousand pounds had been voted by the 
Assembly ; so the two companies were now increased to six, and 
Washington was raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and made 
second in command under Joshua Fry. Ten cannon, lately from 
England, were forwarded from Alexandria ; wagons were got ready 
to carry westward, provisions and stores through the heavy spring 
roads; and everywhere along the Potomac men were enlisting 
under the governor's proclamation, which promised to those that 



1754. FRENCH ON THE OHIO. 123 

should serve in that war, two hundred thousand acres of land on 
the Ohio; or, already enlisted, were gathering into grave knots, or 
marching forward to the field of action, or helping on the thirty 
cannon and eighty barrels of gunpowder, which the king had sent 
out for the western forts. Along the Potomac they were gather- 
ing, as far as to Wills' creek, and far beyond Wills' creek, whither 
Trent had come for assistance ; his little band of forty-one men 
was working away, in hunger and want, to fortify that point at the 
forks of the Ohio, to which both parties were looking with deep 
interest. A few Indian scouts were seen, but no enemy seemed 
near at hand; and all was so quiet that Frazier, an old Indian 
trader, who had been left by Trent in command of the new fort, 
ventured to his home at the mouth of Turtle creek, ten miles up 
the Monongahela. But, though all was so quiet in that wilderness, 
keen eyes had seen the low entrenchment that was rising at the 
forks, and swift feet had borne the news of it' up the valley; and, 
upon the 17th of April, Ensign Ward, who then had charge of it, 
was astonished at the sight of sixty batteaux and three hundred 
canoes, filled with men, and laden deep with cannon and stores, on 
the Allegheny. The Commandant, Contrecoeur, immediately sent 
in a summons to surrender the fort. By the advice of the Half- 
King, Ward sought to evade a reply, by referring him to his supe- 
rior, Frazier. It was in vain ; resistance, by his feeble band behind 
unfinished works, against a thousand men, was alike useless ; and 
Ensign Ward surrendered his works, and the next day passed up 
the Monongahela. 

The summons of Contrecoeur, which was first brought to light 
by Neville B. Craig, Esq., is an interesting document. Aside from 
the bold statement of the French claim it sets up, it constituted 
the first act in the long war that followed. The seven years' war 
arose at the forks of the Ohio ; it was waged in all quarters of the 
world; it made England a great imperial power; it drove the 
French from Asia and America, and dissipated the scheme of em- 
pire, so brilliant and so extended, they had so long cherished. 

"A SUMMONS, 

" By order of Monsieur Contrecoeur, Captain of one of the Com- 
panies of the Detachment of the French Marine, Commander in 
Chief of his Most Christian Majesty's Troops, now on the Beauti- 
ful BAver, to the commander of those of the King of Great Britain, 
at the mouth of the river Monongahela. 

" Sir — Nothing can surprise me more than to see you attempt a 



124 contrec<etjr's summons. 1754. 

settlement upon the lands of the king, my master, which obliges 
me now, sir, to send you this gentleman, Chevalier Le Mercier, 
Captain of the Artillery of Canada, to know of you, sir, by virtue 
of what authority you are come to fortify yourself within the domi- 
nions of the king, my master. This action seems so contrary to 
the last Treaty of Peace, at Aix La Chapelle, between his Most 
Christian Majesty and the King of Great Britain, that I do not 
know to whom to impute such a usurpation, as it is incontestible 
that the lands situated along the Beautiful River belong to his 
Most Christian Majesty. 

" I am informed, sir, that your undertaking has been concerted 
by none else than by a Company, who have more in view the ad- 
vantage of a trade, than to endeavor to keep the union and har- 
mony which subsists between the two crowns of France and Great 
Britain, although it is as much the interest, sir, of your nation as 
ours to preserve it. 

"Let it be as it will, sir, if you come out into this place, charged 
with orders, I summon you in the name of the King, my master, 
by virtue of orders which I got from my general, to retreat peacea- 
bly with your troops from off the lands of the king, and not to 
return, or else I will find myself obliged to fulfill my duty, and 
compel you to it. I hope, sir, you will not defer an instant, and 
that you will not force me to the last extremity. In that case, sir, 
you may be persuaded that I will give orders that there shall be no 
damage done by my detachment. 

"I prevent you, sir, from asking me one hour of delay, nor to 
wait for my consent to receive orders from your Governor. He 
can give none within the dominions of the King, my master. 
Those I have received of my General are my laws, so that I cannot 
depart from them. 

" On the contrary, sir, if you have not got orders, and only come 
to trade, I am sorry to tell you, that I can't avoid seizing you, and 
to confiscate your effects to the use of the Indians, our children, 
allies, and friends, as you are not allowed to carry on a contraband 
trade. It is for this reason, sir, that we stopped two Englishmen 
last year, who were trading upon our lands : moreover, the King, 
my master, asks nothing but his right; he has not the least inten- 
tion to trouble the good harmony and friendship which reigns 
between his Majesty and the King of Great Britain. 

"The Governor of Canada can give proof of his having done his 
utmost endeavors to maintain the perfect union which reigns 
between two friendly Princes. As he had learned that the Iroquois 



1754. Washington's first engagement. 125 

and the ISTipissingues of the Lake of the Two Mountains had struck 
and destroyed an English family, towards Carolina, he has barred 
up the road, and forced them to give him a little boy belonging to 
that family, and which Mr. Ulerich, a merchant of Montreal, has 
carried to Boston ; and what is more, he has forbid the savages 
from exercising their accustomed cruelty upon the English, our 
friends. 

"I could complain bitterly, sir, of the means taken all last win- 
ter to instigate the Indians to accept the hatchet and to strike us 
while we were striving to keep the peace. I am well persuaded, 
sir, of the polite manner in which you will receive M. Le Mercier, 
as well out of regard to his business as his distinction and personal 
merit. I expect you will send him back with, one of your officers, 
who will bring me a precise answer. As you have got some Indi- 
ans with you, sir, I join with M. Le Mercier, an interpreter, that 
he may inform them of my intentions on the subject. 
I am, with great regard, Sir, 
Your most humble and most obedient servant, 

COOTRECGEUR. 
Done at our Camp, April 16, 1754." 

Washington was at Wills' creek, with three companies, on his 
march to Redstone, when the news of the surrender of the Forks 
reached him. A consultation with his officers was held, expresses 
were sent to Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland, to ask for rein- 
forcements, and it was determined to advance to Redstone, and 
erect there a fort. On the 9th of May, he reached the Little 
Meadows, where he learned that Contrecoeur had been reinforced 
by eight hundred men ; and French spies and agents were examin- 
ing the Monongahela valley, and bribing the Indians. On the 
27th he arrived at the Great Meadows, where Grist, who then lived 
at the head of Redstone creek, met him and informed him that a 
scouting party of French had been at his house the day previous ; 
and in the evening a messenger arrived from Tanacharison, who 
was then encamped with some of his warriors about six miles off, 
with information that the French were near his encampment. 

Washington immediately started with forty men to join him. 
The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the woods were intri- 
cate, the soldiers often lost their way, but at length they arrived at 
the Indian camp just before sunrise. A council was held ; spies were 
sent out, and discovered the French in an obscure place, surrounded 
hj rocks. A disposition for attack was made, the English on the 



126 DEATH OF JUMONVILLE. 1754. 

right, and the Indians on the left, approached in single file. The 
French discovering their approach, ran to their arms ; a conflict 
ensued. The firing lasted for about fifteen minutes, when the 
French surrendered ; Jumonville, their commander, and ten of his 
men, were slain, twenty-two were taken prisoners, one escaped and 
carried the tidings of the skirmish to Fort Du Quesne. Washing- 
ton's loss was one man killed and two wounded. The Indians re- 
ceived no loss. The French afterward claimed that this was an 
unauthorized attack; and that Jumonville was sent in the charac- 
ter of an embassador, to warn the English to depart from lands 
claimed by them. The circumstances of the case, however, prove 
the fact that they concealed themselves, and reconnoitred "Wash- 
ington's camp; and the fact that they had instruction from Contre- 
cceur with them to examine the country as far as the Potomac, is ap- 
pealed to by him as the proof that they were, as he had been informed, 
not messengers, but spies, and hence enemies, according to the 
usages of war. Deserters from Fort Du Quesne, who afterward 
joined Washington, confirmed the fact that Jumonville and his 
party were sent as spies, and directed to show a summons which 
they bore, only if they were overpowered. 

Washington immediately returned to the Great Meadows ; and 
threw up a fortification, to which he gave the name of Fort 
Necessity, and then proceeded to cut a road through the wilder- 
ness to Gist's plantation. 

From the last of May until the 1st of July, preparations were 
made to meet the French, who were understood to be gathering 
their forces in the West. On the 28th of June, Washington was 
at Gist's house, and new reports coming in, that the enemy was 
approaching in force, a council of war was held, and it was thought 
best, in consequence of the scarcity of provisions, to retreat to 
Great Meadows, and even further, if possible. When, however, 
the retiring body of Provincials reached that post, it was deemed 
impossible to go further in the exhausted state of the troops, who 
had been eight days without bread. Measures were therefore 
taken to strengthen the post, which, from the circumstances, was 
named Fort Necessity. On the 1st of July, the Americans 
reached their position; on the 3d, alarm was given of an approach- 
ing enemy; at eleven o'clock, A. M., nine hundred in number, 
they commenced the attack in the midst of a hard rain ; and from 
that time until eight in the evening, the assailants ceased not to 
pour their fire upon the little fortress. About eight, the French 



1754. SURRENDER OF FORT NECESSITY. 127 

requested some officer to be sent to treat with them ; Captain Van- 
braam, the only person who pretended to understand the language 
of the enemy, was ordered to go to the camp of the attacking 
party, whence he returned, bringing terms of capitulation, which, 
by a nickering candle, in the dripping quarters of his commander, 
he translated to Washington, and, as it proved, mis-translated. By 
this capitulation, the garrison of Fort Necessity were to have leave 
to retire with everything but their artillery; the prisoners taken 
May 28th, were to be returned; and the party yielding were to 
labor on no works west of the mountains, for one year; for the 
observance of these conditions, Captain Vanbraam, the negotiator, 
and Captain Stobo, were to be retained by the French, as hostages. 
These provisions having been agreed to, "Washington and his men, 
hard pressed by famine, hastened to the nearest depot, which was 
at "Wills' creek. At this point, immediately afterward, Fort 
Cumberland was erected, under the charge of Colonel Innes, of 
North Carolina, who, since the death of Colonel Fry, had been 
commander-in-chief. At that time there were in service, the Vir- 
ginia militia, the Independent Companies of Virginia, South 
Carolina, and New York, all of whom were paid by the King ; 
troops raised in North Carolina, and paid by the colony, and 
recruits from Maryland; of these, the Virginia and South Carolina 
troops alone had been beyond the mountains. 

The course pursued by Washington in regard to his Indian 
allies, gave them much offense, and was severely censured by his 
friend, the Half-King: 

"The Colonel," said he,* "was a good natured young man, but had 
no experience; he took upon him to command the Indians as his 
slaves, and would have them every day upon the scout, and to 
attack the enemy themselves, but would by no means take advice 
from the Indians. He lay in one place, from one full moon to the 
other, without making any fortification, except that little thing on 
the Meadow; whereas, had he taken advice, and built such fortifi- 
cation as he (Tanacharison) had advised him, he might easily have 
beat off the French. But the French in the engagement acted 
like cowards, and the English like fools." 

From August to October, little appears to have been done; but 
in the latter month, the Governor of Virginia, Dinwiddie, so 
changed the military organization of the colony as to leave no 



* Thomson's inquiry into the causes of the Alienation of the Delawares and Shawa 
nees, p. 80. 



128 BKADDOCK LANDS IN VIRGINIA. 1755. 

American in the army with a rank above that of captain. This 
was done in order to avoid all contests as to precedence among the 
American officers, it being clear that troops from various provinces 
would be called into the field, and that the different commis- 
sions from the crown, and the colonies, would give large openings 
for rivalry and conflict ; but among the results of the measures, was 
the resignation of Washington, who for a time retired to Mount 
Yernon. 

The next year opened with professions, on both sides, of the 
most peaceful intentions, and preparations on both sides to push 
the war vigorously. France, in January, proposed to restore 
everything to the state it was in, before the last war, and to refer 
all claims to the commissioners at Paris ; to which Britain, on the 
22d, replied, that the west of North America must be left as it 
was at the treaty of Utrecht. On the 6th of February, France 
made answer, that the old English claims in America, were 
untenable; and offered a new ground of compromise, that the 
English should retire east of the Alleghenies, and the French, west 
of the Ohio. This offer was long considered, and at length was 
agreed to by England, on the 7th of March, provided the French would 
destroy all their forts on the Ohio and its branches ; which the French 
government refused to do. While all this negotiation was going 
on, other things had also been in motion. General Braddock, with 
his gallant troops, crossed the Atlantic, and, on the 20th of Febru- 
ary, landed in Virginia, commander-in-chief of all the land forces 
in America; and in the north, preparation was made for an attack 
on Crown Point and Niagara. In France, too, other work had 
been done than negotiation ; at Brest and Rochelle, ships were fit- 
ting out, and troops and stores being collected. England had not 
been asleep, and Boscawen had been busy at Plymouth, hurrying 
on the workmen, and gathering the sailors. In March, the two 
European neighbors were seeking to quiet all troubles; in April 
the fleets of both were crowding sail across the Atlantic, and, in 
Alexandria, Braddock, Shirley, and their fellow officers were taking 
counsel as to the summer's campaign. 

In America, four points were to be attacked; Fort Bu Quesne, 
Crown Point, Niagara, and the French posts in Nova Scotia. On 
the 20th of April, Braddock left Alexandria to march upon Du 
Quesne, whither he was expressly ordered, though the officers in 
America thought New York should be the main point for regular 
operations. The expedition for Nova Scotia, consisting of three 



1755. braddock's march. 129 

thousand Massachusetts men, left Boston on the 20th of May; 
while the troops which General Shirley was to lead against Niagara, 
and the provincials which "William Johnson was to head in the 
attack upon Crown Point, slowly collected at Albany. 

The fearful and desponding colonists waited till midsummer 
anxiously for news ; and, when the news came that Nova Scotia 
had been conquered, and that Boscawen had taken two of the 
French men of war, and lay before Louisburg, hope and joy spread 
everywhere. In July, the report spread through the colonies how 
slowly and painfully Bracldock made progress through the wilder- 
ness, how his contractors deceived him, and the colonies gave little 
help, and neither horses nor wagons could be had, and only one, 
Benjamin Franklin, sent any aid; * and then reports came that he 
had been forced to leave many of his troops, and much of his bag- 
gage and artillery, behind him ; and then, about the middle of the 
month, through Virginia there went a whisper, that the great gene- 
ral had been defeated and wholly cut off; and, as man after man 
rode down the Potomac confirming it, the planters hastily mounted 
and were off to consult with their neighbors ; the country turned 
out; companies were formed to march to the frontiers; sermons 
were preached, and every heart and mouth was full. 

In Pennsylvania the Assembly were called together to hear the 
shocking news, and in New York it struck terror into thoso who 
were there gathered to attack the northern posts. Soldiers deserted ; 
the batteaux men dispersed; and when at length Shirley, since 
Braddock's death, the commander-in-chief, managed with infinite 
labor to reach Oswego, on Lake Ontario, it was too late and stormy, 
and his force too feeble to allow him to more than garrison that 
point, and march back to Albany. Johnson, however, met and 
defeated the Baron Dieskau, but Crown Point was not taken, or 
even attacked. 

The defeat of Braddock was, however, the most prominent event 
of the campaign, and the most terrible reverse the British arms had 
suffered in America. A detailed description of it is given in the 
language of Mr. Sparks : 

"The defeat of General Braddock, on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela, is one of the most remarkable events in American history. 
Great preparations had been made for the expedition, under that 



* Sparks' Washington, vol. ii., p. 77. &c. — Sparks' Franklin, vol. vii., p. 94, &c. 



130 braddock's march. 1755. 

experienced officer, and there was the most sanguine anticipation, 
both in England and America, of its entire success. Such was the 
confidence in the prowess of Braddock's army, according to Dr. 
Franklin, that, while he was on his march to Fort Du Quesne, a 
subscription paper was handed about in Philadelphia, to raise 
money to celebrate his victory by bonfires and illuminations, as 
soon as the intelligence should arrive. 

"General Braddock landed in Virginia on the 20th of February, 
1755, with two regiments of the British army from Ireland, the 
forty-fourth and forty-eighth, each consisting of five hundred men, 
one of them commanded by Sir Peter Halket, and the other by 
Colonel Dunbar. To these were joined a suitable train of artillery, 
with military supplies and provisions. The General's first head- 
quarters were at Alexandria, and the troops were stationed in that 
place and its vicinity, till they marched for Wills' creek. 

" One division of the army, consisting of the "provincials and a 
part of the forty-fourth, set out on the 8th and 9th of April, under 
Sir Peter Halket, for Winchester, Virginia, whence a new road 
had been opened, and was nearly completed, to Cumberland, and 
arrived by that route at Wills' creek, on the 10th of May. On the 
18th of April, Colonel Dunbar, with the remainder of the army, 
bringing the artillery and stores, set out for Frederick, Maryland. 
Arriving there, it was found that there was no road to Wills' creek, 
and Dunbar was compelled to cross the Potomac at the mouth of 
the Conococheague, passed over the Little Cacapon, and again 
ferried the Potomac at Ferry Fields. Thence on the river side, 
through Shawanee Old Town, or Skipton, the army passed the 
narrows, and on the 20th of May arrived at Cumberland. 

"In letters written at Wills' creek, General Braddock, with 
much severity of censure, complained of the lukewarmness of the 
colonial governments and tardiness of the people, in facilitating his 
enterprise, the dishonesty of agents and the faithlessness of contrac- 
tors. The forces which he brought together at Wills' creek, how- 
ever, amounted to somewhat more than two thousand effective men, 
of whom about one thousand belonged to the royal regiments, and 
the remainder were furnished by the colonies. In this number 
were embraced the fragments of two independent companies from 
New York, one of which was commanded by Captain Gates, after- 
ward a Major-General in the Revolutionary war. Thirty sailors 
had also been granted for the expedition by Admiral Keppel, who 
commanded the squadron that brought over the two regiments. 

"At this post the army was detained three weeks, nor could it 



1755. braddock's defeat. 131 

it then have moved, had it not been for the energetic personal ser- 
vices of Franklin, among the Pennsylvania farmers, in procuring 
horses and wagons to transport the artillery, provisions and bag- 
gage. 

"The details of the march were well described in Colonel 
Washington's letters. The army was separated into two divi- 
sions. The advanced division, under General Braddock, con- 
sisted of twelve hundred men, besides officers. The other, under 
Colonel Dunbar, was left in the rear, to proceed by slower 
marches. On the 8th of July, the general arrived with his 
division, all in excellent health and spirits, at the junction of 
the Youghioghehy and Monongahela rivers. At this place 
Colonel Washington joined the advance division, being but par- 
tially recovered from a severe attack of fever, which had been 
the cause of his remaining behind. The officers and soldiers were 
now in the highest spirits, and firm in the conviction that they 
should, within a few hours, victoriously enter the walls of Fort Du 
Quesne. 

" The steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the Monon- 
gahela prevented the army from marching in that direction, and it 
was necessary in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles dis- 
tant, to ford the river twice, and march part of the way on the 
south side. Early on the morning of the 9th, all things were in 
readiness, and the whole train passed through the river, a little 
below the mouth of the Youghiogheny, and proceeded in perfect 
order along the southern margin of the Monongahela. 

" Washington was often heard to say during his lifetime, that 
the most beautiful spectacle that he ever beheld was the display of 
the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly 
dressed in full uniform, the soldiers were arranged in columns and 
marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from their burnished 
arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest 
overshadowed them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers 
and men were equally inspired with cheering hopes and confident 
anticipations. 

" In this manner they marched forward till about noon, when 
they arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort Du 
Quesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to ford the 
river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed, 
they came upon a level plain, elevated but a few feet above the 
surface of the river, and extending northward nearly half a mile 
from its margin. Then commenced a gradual ascent, at an angle 



132 braddock's defeat. 1755. 

of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable 
height, at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording 
place to Fort Du Quesne, led across the plain and up this ascent, 
and thence proceeded through an uneven country, at that time 
covered with woods. 

" By the order of march a body of three hundred men, under 
Colonel Gage, afterward General Gage, of Boston memory, made 
the advanced party, which was immediately followed by another of 
two hundred. JSText came the general with the columns of artil- 
lery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock 
the whole had passed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp 
firing was heard upon the advance parties, who were now ascend- 
ing the hill, and had got forward about a hundred yards from the 
termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was 
poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they 
had of the proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed 
by another on their right flank. They were filled with great con- 
sternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to pro- 
ceed from an invisible foe. They fired in their turn, however, but 
quite at random, and obviously without effect, as the enemy kept 
up a discharge in quick, continued succession. 

" The general advanced speedily to the relief of these detach- 
ments ; but before he could reach the spot which they occupied, 
they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and the other 
columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the 
whole mass with such a panic, that no order could afterward be 
restored. The general and the officers behaved with the utmost 
courage, and used every effort to rally the men, and bring them to 
order, but all in vain. In this state they continued nearly three 
hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, 
shooting down their own officers and men, and doing no percep- 
tible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provincials were the only 
troops who seemed to retain their senses, and they behaved with a 
bravery and resolution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the 
Indian mode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This 
was prohibited by the general, who endeavored to form his men 
into platoons and columns, as if they had been maneuvering on the 
plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed 
in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing 
discharge of musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate 
aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of 
modern warfare. More than half of the whole army, which had 



1755. braddock's defeat. 133 

crossed the river in so proud an array, only three hours before, 
were killed or wounded ; the general himself had received a mortal 
wound, and many of his best officers had fallen by his side. 

"In describing the action a few days afterward, Colonel Orme 
wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania: 'The men were so 
extremely deaf to the exhortations of the General and the officers, 
that they fired away in the most irregular manner all their ammu- 
nition, and then ran off, leaving to the. enemy the artillery, ammu- 
nition, provisions and baggage ; nor could they be persuaded to 
stop till they had got as far as Gist's plantation, nor there only in 
part, many of them proceeding as far as Colonel Dunbar's party, 
who lay six miles on this side. The officers were absolutely sacri- 
ficed by their good behavior, advancing sometimes in bodies, some- 
times separately, hoping by such example to engage the soldiers 
to follow them, but to no purpose. The General had five horses 
shot under him, and at last received a wound through his right arm 
into his lungs, of which he died the 13th instant. Secretary Shir- 
ley was shot through the head ; Captain Morris, wounded ; Colonel 
Washington had two horses shot from under him, and his clothes 
shot through in several places, behaving the whole time with the 
greatest courage and resolution. Sir Peter Halket was killed upon 
the spot. Colonel Burton and Sir John St. Clair were wounded.' 
In addition to these, the other field officers wounded were Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Gage, (afterward so well known as the commander 
of the British forces in Boston, at the beginning of the Revolution, 
Colonel Orme, Major Sparks, and Brigade Major Halket. Ten 
Captains were killed, and twenty-two wounded; the whole num- 
ber of officers in the engagement was eighty-six, of whom tWenty- 
six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. The killed and 
wounded of the privates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen. 
Of these, at least one-half were supposed to be killed. Their 
bodies left on the field of action were stripped and scalped by the 
Indians. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, and baggage, 
everything in the train of the army, fell into the enemy's hands, 
and were given up to be pillaged by the savages. General Brad- 
dock's papers were also taken, among which were his instructions 
and correspondence with the ministry after his arrival in Virginia. 
The same fate befell the papers of Colonel Washington, including 
a private journal and his official correspondence, during his cam- 
paign of the preceding year. 

"M. de Contrecoeur, the commandant of Fort Du Quesne, 
received early intelligence of the arrival of General Braddock and 



134 braddock's defeat. 1755. 

the British regiments in Virginia. After his removal from "Wills' 
creek, French and Indian scouts were constantly abroad, who 
watched his motions, reported the progress of his march, and the 
route he was pursuing. His army was represented to consist of 
three thousand men. M. de Contrecoeur was hesitating what 
measures to take, Relieving his small force wholly inadequate to 
encounter so formidable an enemy, when M. de Beaujeu, a Captain 
in the French service, proposed to head a detachment of French 
and Indians, and meet the enemy in their march. The consent of 
the Indians was first obtained. A large body of them was then 
encamped in the vicinity of the fort, and M. de Beaujeu opened 
to them his plan, and requested their aid. This they at first 
declined, giving as a reason, the superior force of the enemy, and 
the impossibility of success. But at the pressing solicitation of M. 
de Beaujeu, they agreed to hold a council on the subject, and talk 
with him again the next morning. They still adhered to their first 
decision, and when M. de Beaujeu went out among them to inquire 
the result of their deliberations, they told him a second time they 
could not go. This was a severe disappointment to M. de Beaujeu, 
who had set his heart upon the enterprise, and was resolved to 
prosecute it. Being a man of great good nature, affability, and 
ardor, and much beloved by the savages, he said to them, "I am 
determined to go out and meet the enemy. What ! will you suffer 
your father to go out alone ? I am sure we shall conquer." With 
this spirited harangue, delivered in a manner that pleased the 
Indians, and won upon their confidence, he subdued their unwil- 
lingness, and they agreed to accompany him. 

" It was now on the 7th of July, and news came that the Eng- 
lish were within six leagues of the fort. This day and the next 
were spent in making preparations and reconnoitering the ground 
for attack. Two other captains, Dumas and Liquery, were joined 
with M. de Beaujeu, and also four lieutenants, six ensigns, and two 
cadets. On the morning of the 9th they were all in readiness, and 
began their march at an early hour. It seems to have been their 
first intention to make a stand at the ford, and annoy the English 
while crossing the river, and then retreat to the ambuscade on the 
side of the hill, where the contest actually commenced. The trees 
on the bank of the river afforded a good opportunity to effect this 
measure, and the Indian mode of warfare, since the artillery could 
be of little avail against an enemy, where every man was protected 
by a tree, and at the same time the English would be exposed to a 
point blank musket shot in fording the river. As it happened, 



1755. braddock's defeat. 185 

however, M. de Beaujeu and his party did not arrive in time to 
execute this part of the plan. 

" The English were preparing to cross the river, when the French 
and Indians reached the denies on the rising ground, where they 
posted themselves, and waited until Braddock's advanced columns 
came up. This was the signal for the attack, which was made at 
first in front, and repelled by so heavy a discharge from the Bri- 
tish, that the Indians believed it proceeded from artillery, and 
showed symptoms of wavering and retreat. At this moment M. 
de Beaujeu was killed, and the command devolving upon M. Du- 
mas, he showed great presence of mind in rallying the Indians, and 
ordered his officers to lead them to the wings and attack the enemy 
in the flank, while he with the French troops would maintain the 
position in front. This order was promptly obeyed, and the attack 
became general. The action was warm and severely contested for 
a short time ; but the English fought in the European method, 
firing at random, which had little effect in the woods, while the 
Indians fired from concealed places, took aim, and almost every 
shot brought down a man. The English columns soon got into 
confusion ; the yell of the savages, with which the woods resounded, 
struck terror into the hearts of the soldiers, till at length they took 
to flight, and resisted all the endeavors of their officers to restore 
any degree of order in their escape. The route was complete, and 
the field of battle was left covered with the dead and wounded, and 
all the artillery, ammunition, provisions, and baggage of the British 
army. The Indians gave themselves up to pillage, which prevented 
them from pursuing the English in their flight. 

"Such is the substance of the accounts written at the time by the 
French officers, and sent home to their government. In regard to 
the numbers engaged there are some slight variations in the three 
statements. The largest number reported is two hundred and fifty 
French and Canadians, and six hundred Indians. If we take a 
medium, it will make the whole number led out by M. de Beaujeu, 
at least eight hundred and fifty. In an imperfect return, three 
officers were stated to be killed, and four wounded ; about thirty 
soldiers and Indians killed, and as many wounded. When these 
facts are taken into view, the result of the action will appear much 
less wonderful, than has generally been supposed. And this won- 
der will still be diminished, when another circumstance is recurred 
to, worthy of particular consideration, and that is, the shape of the 
ground upon which the battle was fought. This part of the de- 
scription, so essential to the understanding of military operations, 



136 braddock's defeat. 1755. 

and above all in the present instance, lias never been touched 
upon, it is believed, by any writer. We have seen that Braddock's 
advanced columns, after crossing the valley, extending nearly half 
a mile from the margin of the river, began to move up a hill, so 
uniform in its ascent, that it was little else than an inclined plane 
of a somewhat crowning form. Down this inclined surface 
extended two ravines, beginning near together, at about one hun- 
dred and fifty yards from the bottom of the hill, and proceeding in 
different directions, till they terminated in the valley below. In 
these ravines the French and Indians were concealed and pro- 
tected. At this day they are from eight to ten feet deep, and suf- 
ficient in extent to contain at least ten thousand men. At the time 
of the battle, the ground was covered with trees and long grass, so 
that the ravines were entirely hidden from view till they were 
approached within a few feet. Indeed, at the present day, although 
the place is cleared from trees, and converted into pasture, they 
are perceptible only at a very short distance. By this knowledge of 
the local peculiarities of the battle ground, the mystery that the Bri- 
tish conceived themselves to be contending with an invisible foe, is 
solved. Such was literally the fact. They were so paraded between 
the ravines, that their whole front and right flank were exposed to 
the incessant fire of the enemy, who discharged their muskets over 
the edge of the ravines, concealed during the operation by the grass 
and bushes, and protected by an invisible barrier below the surface 
of the earth. William Butler, a veteran soldier, who was in this 
action, and afterward at the plains of Abraham, said, 'We could 
only tell where the enemy was by the smoke of their muskets.' A 
few scattering Indians were behind trees, and some were killed 
venturing out to take scalps, but much the larger portion fought 
wholly in the ravines. 

" It is not probable that either General Braddock, or any one of 
his ofiicers, suspected the actual situation of the enemy during the 
whole bloody contest. It was a fault with the general, for which 
no apology can be offered, that he did not keep scouts and guards 
in advance, and on the wings of the army, who would have made 
all proper discoveries before the whole had been brought into a 
snare. This neglect was the primary cause of his defeat ; which 
might have been avoided. Had he charged with the bayonet, the 
ravine would have been cleared instantly ; or had he brought his 
artillery to the points where the ravines terminated in the valley, 
and scoured them with grape-shot, the same consequence would 
have followed. 



1755. braddock's defeat. 137 

" But the total insubordination of his troops would have pre- 
vented both these movements, even if he had become acquainted 
with the ground in the early part of the action. The disasters of 
this day, and the fate of the commander, brave and resolute as he 
undoubtedly was, are to be ascribed to his contempt of Indian war- 
fare, his overweening confidence in the prowess of veteran troops, 
his obstinate self-complacency, his disregard of prudent counsel, 
and his negligence in leaving his army exposed to a surprise on 
their march. He freely consulted Colonel Washington, whose ex- 
perience and judgment, notwithstanding his youth, claimed the 
highest respect for his opinions ; but the general gave little heed 
to his advice. While on his march, George Croghan, the Indian 
interpreter, joined him with one hundred friendly Indians, who 
offered their services. These were accepted in so cold a manner, 
and the Indians themselves treated with so much neglect, that they 
deserted him one after another. Washington pressed upon him 
the importance of these men, and the necessity of conciliating and 
retaining them, but without effect. 

"When the battle was over, and the remnant of Braddock's 
army had gained, in their flight, the opposite bank of the river, 
Colonel Washington was dispatched by the general to meet Colonel 
Dunbar, and order forward wagons for the wounded with all pos- 
sible speed. But it was not till the 11th, after they had reached 
Gist's plantation, with great difficulty and much suffering from 
hunger, that any arrived. The general was first brought off in a 
tumbrel ; he was next put on horseback, but being unable to ride, 
was obliged to be carried by the soldiers. They all reached Dun- 
bar's camp, to which the panic had already extended, and a day 
was passed there in great confusion. The artillery was destroyed, 
and the public stores and heavy baggage were burnt ; by whose 
order was never known. They moved forward on the 13th, and 
that night General Braddock died, and was buried in the road, for 
the purpose of concealing his body from the Indians. The spot is 
still pointed out, within a few yards of the present national road, 
and about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity, at the great 
meadows. Captain Stewart, of the Virginia forces, had taken par- 
ticular charge of him from the time he was wounded till his death. 
On the 17th, the sick and wounded arrived at Fort Cumberland, 
and were soon after joined by Colonel Dunbar, with the remaining 
fragments of the army." 

The French sent out a party as far as Dunbar's camp, and de- 
10 



138 lewis' expedition. 1756. 

stroyed every thing that was left. Colonel Washington, "being in 
very feeble health, proceeded in a few days to Mount Vernon. 

Although the doings of 1755 could not be looked on as of a very 
amicable character, war was not declared by either France or Eng- 
land until May, the following year; and even then France was the 
last to proclaim the contest which she had been so long carrying 
on, though more than three hundred of her merchant vessels had 
been taken by British privateers. The causes of this proceeding 
are not very clear. France thought, beyond doubt, that George 
would fear to declare war, because Hanover was so exposed to 
attack ; but why the British movements, upon the sea particularly, 
did not lead to the declaration on the part of France, is not easily 
suggested. Early in 1756, however, both kingdoms formed alli- 
ances in Europe. France with Austria, Russia, and Sweden ; Eng- 
land with the great Frederic. And then commenced the Seven 
Years' War, wherein most of Europe, North America, and the 
East and West Indies partook and suffered. 

The defeat of Braddock, and the failure of the expedition, left 
the whole western frontier of the English colonies exposed to the 
hostile excursions of the French and Indians. At that time the 
western settlements extended only to the head waters of the Sus- 
quehanna, the Potomac, the Shenandoah, James, and Roanoke 
rivers. Settlements, indeed, had been made between 1745 and 
1750, near the sources of the Cumberland, Clinch, and Holston 
rivers. These were broken up, and the settlers compelled to retire 
beyond the mountains, by the Cherokees. The valley of the Blue 
ridge was desolated by the Shawanees, and to avenge their inroads 
in Virginia, Governor Dinwidclie, in January, 1756, dispatched 
Col. Lewis to destroy their towns on the Scioto, and to build a fort at 
the mouth of the Great Sandy, as a barrier against their incursions. 

Col. Lewis organized his expedition, and proceeded from Salem, 
across New River, to the Great Sandy, but with supplies inadequate 
for so long a march through an uninhabited country. Before the 
troops reached the Ohio, their provisions were exhausted, and they 
were compelled to depend upon the chase for their subsistence. 
When within ten miles of the Ohio, a message was received from 
the governor, commanding Col. Lewis to abandon the enterprise, 
and return. His men consented with great reluctance to abandon 
their hope of meeting the enemy, and obey orders dictated with a 
regard to their safety. Great suffering ensued. The lateness of 
the season cut off their supply of game, and they were compelled 



1756. Armstrong's expedition. 139 

to subsist on nuts found in the woods. Soon the deep snows cut 
off this resource, and they were obliged to kill their pack horses for 
food. And when this supply failed, it is said, they sought 
and devoured all the skins and leather within their reach. At 
length, after such sufferings as rendered them almost incapable of 
pursuing their march, they reached the settlement in safety.* 

At the same time the frontiers of Pennsylvania were continually 
harassed by the Delawares. To guard against these incursions, a 
chain of forts was erected along the whole border of that province. 
On the east side of the Susquehanna, Fort Henry was built, at the 
pass of the Swatara; Fort Lebanon, at the forks of the Schuylkill ; and 
Fort Allen, at G-nadenhutten. On the west of that river were Fort 
Lowther, at Carlisle; Fort Morris, at Shippensburg; Fort Granville 
and Fort Shirley, on Augwick branch ; Fort Littleton and Fort Lou- 
don, near Conococheague creek. These forts along the west side of 
the Susquehanna were garrisoned by eight companies, under the 
command of Lieutenant Colonel John Armstrong. ^Notwithstanding 
these precautions, the Indians continued their devastations, and 
penetrated beyond the line of the English forts. These incursions 
were made from Kittanning, an Indian village on the Allegheny 
river, where the noted Captain Jacobs, and occasionally Shinghis, 
lived. To break up this rendezvous, and thus to relieve the border 
settlements from the horrors of Indian war, Col. Armstrong planned 
and executed an expedition against it. His official report is a suf- 
ficient history of the expedition. 

"Fort Littleton^ Sept. 14th, 1756. 

"Agreeable to mine of the 29th ult., we marched from Fort 
Shirley the day following, and on Wednesday, the 3d instant, joined 
our advanced party at the Beaver Dams, a few miles from Franks- 
town, on the north branch of the Juniata. We were there informed 
that some of our men having been out on a scout, had discovered 
the tracks of two Indians on this side of the Allegheny mountain, 
and but a few miles from the camp. From the freshness of the 
tracks, their killing of a cub bear, and the marks of their fires, it 
seemed evident that they were not twenty-four hours before us, which 
might be looked upon as a particular Providence in our favor, that 
we were not discovered. ISText morning we decamped, and in two 



* Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, vol. i. p. 312. 

f In Bedford county, on the way from Kittanning to Carlisle. 



140 Armstrong's expedition. 1756. 

days came within fifty miles of Kittanning. It was there adjudged 
necessary to send some persons to reconnoitre the town, and to get 
the best intelligence they could concerning the situation and posi- 
tion of the enemy. "Whereupon an officer, with one of the pilots, 
and two soldiers, were sent off for that purpose. 

"The day following we met them on their return, and they in- 
formed us that the roads were entirely clear of the enemy, and that 
they had the greatest reason to believe they were not discovered ; 
but from the rest of the intelligence they gave it appeared they had 
not been nigh enough the town, either to perceive the situation of 
it, the number of the enemy, or what way it might be most advan- 
tageously attacked. 

" We continued our march, intending to get as near the town as 
possible that night, so as to be able to attack it the next morning 
about daylight, but to our great dissatisfaction, about nine or ten 
o'clock at night, one of our guides came and told us that he per- 
ceived a fire by the roadside, at which he saw two or three Indians, 
a few perches distant from our front. Whereupon, with all possi- 
ble silence, I ordered the rear to retreat about one hundred perches, 
in order to make way for the front, that we might consult how we 
could best proceed without being discovered by the enemy. 

" Some time after, the pilot returned a second time, and assured 
lis, from the best observations he could make, there were not above 
three or four Indians at the fire. On which it was proposed that we 
should immediately surround, and cut them off; but this was thought 
to be too hazardous, for, if but one of the enemy had escaped, 
it would have been the means of discovering the whole design, and 
the light of the moon, on which depended our advantageously post- 
ing our men, and attacking the town, would not admit of our stay- 
ing till the Indians fell asleep. On which it was agreed to have 
Lieut. Hogg go with twelve men and the person who first discov- 
ered the fire, with orders to watch the enemy, but not to attack 
them till break of day, and then, if possible, to cut them off. It 
was also agreed, (we believing ourselves to be but about six miles 
from the town,) to leave the horses, many of them being tired, with 
what blankets and other baggage we then had, and take a circuit 
off of the road, which was very rough and incommodious, on ac- 
count of the stones and fallen timber, in order to prevent our being 
heard by the enemy at the fire-place. This interruption much 
retarded our march, but a still greater loss arose from the igno- 
rance of our pilots, who neither knew the true situation of the town, 
nor the best paths that lead thereto; by which means, after cross- 



1756. Armstrong's expedition. 141 

a number of hills and valleys, our front reached the river Allegheny, 
about one hundred perches below the main body of the town, a 
little before the setting of the moon, to which place, rather than by 
pilots, we were guided by the beating of the drum, and the whoop- 
ing of the warriors, at their dances. 

"It then became us to make the best use of the remaining 
moonlight; but ere we were aware, an Indian whistled in a very sin- 
gular manner, about thirty perches from our front, in the foot of a 
cornfield, upon which we immediately sat down, and after passing 
silence to the rear, I asked one Baker, a soldier, who was our best 
assistant, whether that was not a signal to the warriors, of our 
approach. He answered, no; and said it was the manner of a 
young fellow calling a squaw, after he had done his dance, who, 
accordingly kindled a fire, cleaned his gun, and shot it off before 
he went to sleep. 

"All this time we were obliged to lay quiet, and hush till the 
moon was fairly set. Immediately after, a number of fires 
appeared in different parts of the cornfield, by which, Baker said 
the Indians lay, the night being warm, and that these fires would 
immediately be out, as they were designed only to disperse the 
gnats. 

"By this time it was break of day, and the men having marched 
thirty miles, were mostly asleep; the line being long, the three 
companies of the rear were not yet brought over the last precipice. 
For these, some proper hands were immediately dispatched, and 
the weary soldiers being roused to their feet, a proper number 
under sundry officers, were ordered to take the end of the hill, at 
which we then lay, and march along the top of the said hill, at least 
one hundred perches, and so much further, it being then daylight, 
as would carry them opposite the upper part, or at least the body 
of the town ; for the lower part thereof, and the cornfield, presu- 
ming the warriors were there, I kept rather the larger number of 
the men, promising to postpone the attack on that part, for eighteen 
or twenty minutes, until the detachment along the hill should have 
time to advance to the place assigned them. In doing of which, 
they were a little unfortunate. 

" The time being elapsed, the attack was made in the cornfield., 
and the men with all expedition possible, dispatched through the 
several parts thereof. A party being also dispatched to the houses, 
which were then discovered by the light of day. Captain Jacobs, 
immediately then gave the war whoop, and with sundry other 
Indians, as the English prisoners afterward told us, cried, "the white 



142 Armstrong's expedition. 1756. 

men were at last come, they would have scalps enough," but at 
the same time, ordered their squaws and children to flee to the 
woods. 

"Our men with great eagerness passed through and fired in the 
cornfield, where they had several returns from the enemy, as they 
also had from the opposite side of the river. Presently after, a 
brisk fire began among the houses, which from the house of 
Captain Jacobs, was returned with a great deal of resolution ; to 
which place I immediately repaired, and found, that from the 
advantages of the house, and port-holes, sundry of our people were 
wounded, and some killed; and finding that returning the fire upon 
the house was ineffectual, ordered the contiguous houses to be set 
on fire, which was performed with a great deal of activity — the 
Indians always firing whenever an object presented itself, and 
seldom missing of wounding or killing some of our people; from 
which house, I received, in moving about and giving the necessary 
orders, a wound with a large musket ball in the shoulder. Sundry 
persons during the action, were ordered to tell the Indians to sur- 
render themselves prisoners, but one of the Indians, in particular, 
answered and said, "he was a man, and would not be a prisoner." 
Upon which he was told, in Indian, he would be burnt. To this 
he replied, he did not care, for he would kill four or Rve before he 
died ; and had we not desisted from exposing ourselves, they would 
have killed a great many more ; they having a number of loaded 
guns there. As the fire began to approach, and the smoke grow 
thick, one of the Indian fellows to show his manhood, began to 
sing. A squaw in the same house, and at the same time, was 
heard to cry and to make a noise, but for so doing, was severely 
rebuked by the men ; but, by and by, the fire being too hot for 
them, two Indian fellows and a squaw, sprung out, and made for 
the cornfield, who were immediately shot down by our people; 
then surrounding the houses, it was thought Captain Jacobs tum- 
bled himself out at the garret or cockloft window, at which he was 
shot — our prisoners offering to be qualified to the powder horn and 
pouch, there taken off him, which they say he had lately got from 
a French officer, in exchange for Lieutenant Armstrong's boots, 
which he carried from Fort Greenville, where the lieutenant was 
killed. The same prisoners say they are perfectly assured of his 
scalp, as no other Indians there wore their hair in the same 
manner. They also say they know his squaw's scalp, by a particu- 
lar bob, and also know the scalp of a young Indian called the 
King's son. Before this time, Captain Hugh Mercer, who early in 



1756. ARMSTRONG'S EXPEDITION. 143 

the action was wounded in the arm, had been taken to the top of 
the hill above the town, to where a number of the men and some 
of the officers were gathered ; from whence they had discovered 
some Indians cross the river and take the hill, with an intention, 
they thought, to surround us, and cut us off from our retreat, from 
whom I had sundry pressing messages to leave the house, and 
retreat to the hill, or we should all be cut off; but to this I could 
by no means consent, till all the houses were set on fire ; though 
our spreading on the hill appeared very necessary, yet, it did 
prevent our researches of the cornfield and river side, by which 
means sundry scalps were left behind, and doubtless some squaws, 
children, and English prisoners, that otherwise might have been 
got. 

"During the burning of the houses, which were nearly thirty in 
number, we were agreeably entertained with a quick succession of 
charged guns gradually firing off, as they were reached by the fire ; 
but more so with the vast explosion of sundry bags and large kegs 
of gunpowder, wherewith almost every house abounded. The 
prisoners afterward informing us that the Indians had frequently said 
they had a sufficient stock of ammunition for ten years, to war with 
the English. With the roof of Captain Jacob's house, where the 
powder blew up, was thrown the leg and thigh of an Indian, with 
a child of three or four years old, such a height that they appeared 
as nothing, and fell into the adjacent cornfield. There was also a 
great quantity of goods burnt, which the Indians had received but 
ten days before from the French. 

"By this time, I had proceeded to the hill, to have my wound 
tied up and the blood stopped, when the prisoners, who, in the 
morning had come to our people, informed me that that very day, 
two batteaux of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and 
French Indians were to join Captain Jacobs at Kittanning, and to 
set out early next morning to take Fort Shirley, or, as they called 
it, George Groghan's fort, and that twenty-four warriors who had 
lately come to town, were sent before them the evening before, for 
what purpose they did not know, whether to prepare meat, to spy 
the fort, or to make an attack on some of our back settlements. 

"Soon after, upon a little reflection, we were convinced these 
warriors were all at the fire we had discovered, but the night before, 
and began to doubt the fate of Lieutenant Hogg and his party. 
From this intelligence of the prisoners, our provisions being scaf- 
folded some thirty miles back, except what were in the men's haver- 
sacks, which were left with the horses and blankets with Lieuten- 



144 Armstrong's expedition. 1756. 

ent Hogg and his party, and a number of wounded people then on 
hand, by the advice of the officers it was thought imprudent then 
to wait for the cutting down of the cornfield which was before 
designed, but immediately to collect our wounded and force our 
march back in the best manner we could, which we did by collect- 
ing a few Indian horses to carry off our wounded. 

"From the apprehension of being waylaid and surrounded, 
especially by some of the woodsmen, it was difficult to keep the 
men together; our march for sundry miles not exceeding two miles 
an hour — which apprehensions were heightened by the attempt of 
a few Indians, who, for some time after the march, fired on each 
wing and immediately ran off, from whom we received no other 
damage but one of our men being wounded through both legs. 
Captain Mercer being wounded was induced, as we have reason to 
believe, by some of his men, to leave the main body with his ensign, 
John Scott, and ten or twelve men, they being heard tell him that 
we were in great danger, and that they could take him into the 
road a nigh way, is probably lost, there being yet no account of 
him, and most of the men have come in. A detachment was sent 
to bring him in, but could not find him, and, upon the return of the 
detachment, it was generally reported he was seen with the above 
number of men take a different road. 

"Upon our return to the place where the Indian fire had been 
discovered the night before, we met with a sergeant of Captain 
Mercer's company and two or three others of his men, who had 
deserted us that morning, immediately after the action at the Kit- 
tanning. These men in running away had met Lieutenant Hogg, 
who lay wounded in two different parts of his body, by the road- 
side. He then told them of the fatal mistake of the pilot, who had 
assured us that there were but three Indians at the most, at the 
fire-place; but when they came to attack them that morning, 
according to orders, he found a number considerably superior to 
his, and believes they killed or mortally wounded three of them at 
the first fire, after which a warm engagement began, and continued 
for about an hour, when three of his best men were killed and him- 
self twice wounded ; the residue fleeing off, he was obliged to squat 
in a thicket where he might have lain securely, if this cowardly 
sergeant and others that fled with him, had not taken him away. 

"They had marched but a short space when four Indians appeared, 
on which these deserters began to flee. The lieutenant then, not- 
withstanding his wounds, as a brave soldier, urging and command- 
ing them to stand and fight, which they all refused. 



1756. ARMSTRONG'S EXPEDITION. 145 

" The Indians pursued, killing one man, and wounding the lieu- 
tenant a third time in the belly, of which he died in a few hours ; 
but he, having some time before been put on horseback, rode some 
miles from the place of action. But this last attack of the Indians 
upon Lieutenant Hogg and the deserters was, by the before-men- 
tioned sergeant, represented to us in a very different light ; he tell- 
ing us that there was a far larger number of the Indians there than 
appeared to them, and that they fought five rounds. That he had 
there seen the lieutenant and sundry others killed and scalped, and 
had also discovered a number of Indians throwing themselves be- 
fore us, and insinuated a great, deal such stuff, as threw us into 
much confusion. So that the officers had a great deal to do to 
keep the men together, but could not prevail on them to collect 
what horses and other baggage the Indians had left, after their 
conquest of Lieutenant Hogg, and the party under his command, 
in the morning, except a few of the horses, which some of the 
bravest of the men were prevailed on to collect. So that from the 
mistake of the pilot, who spied the Indians at the fire, and the 
cowardice of the said sergeant, and other deserters, we have sus- 
tained a considerable loss of our horses and baggage. 

" It is impossible to ascertain the exact loss of the enemy killed 
in the action, as some were destroyed by fire, and others in differ- 
ent parts of the cornfield; but, on a moderate computation, it is 
generally believed there cannot be less than thirty or forty killed, 
or mortally wounded, as much blood was found in sundry parts of 
the cornfield, and Indians seen in several parts crawl into the 
woods, on hands and feet, whom the soldiers, in pursuit of others, 
then overlooked, expecting to find and scalp them afterward, and 
also several killed and wounded in crossing the river. 

" On beginning our march back, we had about a dozen of scalps, 
and eleven English prisoners, but now find that four or five of the 
scalps are missing; part of which were lost on the road, and part 
in possession of the men with Captain Mercer, separated from the 
main body, with whom also went four prisoners, the other seven 
being now at this place, where we arrived on Sunday night ; not 
being attacked through our whole march by the enemy, though we 
expected it every day. Upon the whole, had our pilots understood 
the situation of the town, and the paths leading to it, so as to have 
posted us at a convenient place, where the disposition of the men, 
and the duty assigned them could have been performed with greater 
advantage, we had, by divine assistance, destroyed a much greater 
number of the enemy, recovered more prisoners, and sustained 



146 Armstrong's expedition. 1756. 

less damage than what we have at present. But the advantage 
gained over these our common enemies is far from being satisfac- 
tory to us, yet we must not despise the smallest degree of success 
that God is pleased to give, especially at a time when the attempts 
of our enemies have been so prevalent and successful. I am sure 
there was the greatest inclination to do more, had it been in our 
power, as the officers, and most of the soldiers, throughout the 
whole action, exerted themselves with as much activity and resolu- 
tion as could possibly be expected. 

" Our prisoners inform us the Indians have for some time past 
talked of fortifying at the Kittanning, and other towns. That the 
number of French at Du Quesne is about four hundred. That the 
principal part of their provisions came up the river, from the Mis- 
sissippi ; and that in the three other forts, which the French have 
on the Ohio, there are not more men, taken together, than what 
there are at Fort Du Quesne. 

" I hope as soon as possible to receive your Honor's instructions, 
with regard to the distribution or stationing of the sundry compa- 
nies in this battalion ; and, as a number of men are now wanting 
in each of the companies, whether or no they should be immedi- 
ately recruited ; and if the sundry officers are to recruit, that money 
be speedily sent for that purpose. 

"I beg the favor of your Honor, as soon as possible, to furnish 
Governor Morris with a copy of this letter, and the gentlemen 
commissioners for the province another, as my present indisposi- 
tion neither admits me to write or dictate any more at this time. 

" In case a quantity of ammunition is not already sent to Car- 
lisle, it should be sent as soon as possible ; and also if the compa- 
nies are to be recruited and completed, there must be an immediate 
supply of about three hundred blankets, as there have been a great 
many lost in the present expedition. Enclosed is a list of the 
killed, wounded, and missing, of the several companies. I expect 
to get to Carlisle in about four days. 

JOHN" ARMSTRONG." 

The progress of the war in the next year was unfavorable to 
the colonies. The indecision of the British cabinet, the inca- 
pacity of the British officers in America, the want of harmony in 
the colonial governments, conspired to paralyze all effort. A 
project indeed was set on foot to reduce Louisburg, but on the 
information of that post being reinforced by a French fleet, it was 
abandoned. Taking advantage of the absence of the provincial 



1757. PITT MADE MINISTER. 147 

army which was collected at Halifax to aid in the attack on Louis- 
burg, Montcalm laid siege to Fort William Henry. After a 
spirited resistance, Colonel Monroe surrendered. It was stipulated 
that the garrison should be allowed the honors of war, and pro- 
tected to Fort Edward. But no sooner had the soldiers left the 
place, than they were attacked by the Indians in the French army, 
and all who could not escape were massacred. The British fleet, 
too, while cruising off Louisbourg, was dispersed, and many of the 
vessels driven ashore and destroyed. In Europe, too, England 
suffered; the great Frederic was borne down, the navy of England 
was defeated in the Mediterranean, and the British colonies in the 
East were menaced by the activity of the French. 

But on the 29th of June, 1757, the great Pitt was made Prime 
Minister. An immediate re-organization of the military forces of 
the kingdom was made ; measures were taken to prosecute the war 
with vigor, and the year 1758 opened under better auspices. On 
sea and land, in Asia, Europe and America, Britain regained what 
had been lost. The Austrians, Russians and Swedes, all gave way 
before the great captain of Prussia, and Pitt sent his own strong, 
hopeful, and energetic spirit into his subalterns. In North 
America, Louisburg yielded to Boscawen, Fort Frontenac was 
taken by Bradstreet, and Du Quesne was abandoned upon the 
approach of Forbes through Pennsylvania. 

The history of this last capture, was more particularly connected 
with the West. The details of the march may be seen in the 
letters of Washington, who, in opposition to Colonel Bouquet, was 
in favor of crossing the mountains by Braddock's road, whereas, 
Bouquet wished to cut a new one through Pennsylvania. In this 
division, Bouquet was listened to by the general ; and late in the 
season a new route was undertaken, by which such delays and 
troubles w^ere produced, that the whole expedition came near 
proving a failure. Braddock's road had, in early times, been 
selected by the most experienced Indians and frontier men as the 
most favorable whereby to cross the mountains, being nearly the 
route by which the national road has been since carried over them. 
In 1753, it was opened by the Ohio Company. It was afterward 
improved by the provincial troops under Washington, and was 
finished by Braddock's engineers ; and this route was now to be 
given up, and a wholly new one opened, probably, as Washington 
suggested, through Pennsylvania influence, that her frontier might 
thereby be protected, and a way opened for her traders. The 



148 DISSATISFACTION OF THE INDIANS. 1758. 

hardships and dangers of the march from Raystown to Fort Du 
Quesne, where the British van arrived upon the 25th of November, 
may be seen slightly pictured by the letters of Washington, and 
the journal of Post, and may be more vividly conceived by those 
who have passed through the valley of the upper Juniata. 

But the position of things in the West, during the autumn of 
1758, was very unfavorable. The French did their utmost to 
alienate the Six Nations and Delawares from their old connection 
with the British ; and so politic were their movements, so accurate 
their knowledge of Indian character, that they fully succeeded. 
The English had made some attempts to get a claim to the western 
lands, and had even obtained grants of those lands ; but the wild 
men saw they had been deceived, and listened to the French pro- 
fessions of friendship, backed as they were by presents and polite- 
ness, and accompanied by no attempts to buy or wheedle lands 
from them. Early, therefore, many of the old allies of England 
joined her enemies; and the treaties of Albany, Johnson Hall, and 
Easton, did little or nothing towards stopping the desolation of the 
frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The Quakers 
always believed that this state of enmity between the Delawares 
and themselves, or their rulers, might be prevented by a little 
friendly communion; but the persuasions of the French, the 
renegade English traders, and others who had gone to the West, 
were great obstacles to any friendly intercourse on the one side, 
and the common feeling among the whites was an equal difficulty 
on the other. 

The depraved character of the English traders among the Indian s 
doubtless had much to do in exciting and keeping alive their resent- 
ment. They are thus described in a message of the Governor of 
Pennsylvania to the Assembly, immediately after the Lancaster 
Treaty of 1744.* "I cannot," says he, u but be apprehensive that 
the Indian trade, as it is now carried on, will involve us in some 
fatal Quarrel with the Indians. Our Traders, in Defiance of the 
Law, carry spirituous Liquors among them, and take the Advan- 
tage of their inordinate Appetite for it, to cheat them of their Skins 
and their Wampum, which is their Money, and often to debauch 
their Wives into the Bargain. Is it to be wondered at then, if, 
when they recover from their drunken Fit, if they should take some 



* Thompson's Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians. Lon- 
don, 1759, pp. 55 and 76. 



1758. CHARACTER OF THE INDIAN TRADERS. 149 

severe Revenges. If I am rightly informed, the like abuses of the 
Traders in New England were the principal Causes of the Indian 
Wars there, and at length obliged the Government to take the 
Trade into their own Hands. This is a Matter that well deserves 
your attention, and perhaps will soon require your Imitation." 

The Assembly of Pennsylvania, too, in an address to the Gov- 
ernor, in 1754, "bewail the miserable condition of our Indian Trade 
carried on, some few excepted, by the vilest of our own Inhabitants 
and Convicts imported from Great Britain and Ireland, by which 
Means the English Nation is unhappily represented among our 
Indian Allies in the most disagreeable manner. These trade with- 
out Control, either beyond the limits, or at least beyond the power 
of our Laws, debauching the Indians and themselves with spiritu- 
ous Liquors, which they now make, in a great Measure, the princi- 
pal Article of their Trade in direct Violation of our Laws, supplied, 
as we are informed, by some Magistrates, who hold a Commission 
under this Government, and other Inhabitants of our back 
Counties." 

The character of the traders here complained of, is fully borne out 
by the speech of an Indian chief, to the Commissioners at Carlisle, 
in 1753. 

"Your Traders," says he, "bring scarce anything but Rum and 
Flour. They bring little Powder and Lead, or other valuable 
Goods. The Rum ruins us. "We beg you would prevent its coming 
in such Quantities by regulating the Traders. We never under- 
stood the trade was to be for Whisky and Flour. We desire it 
may be forbidden, and none sold in the Indian Country ; but that, 
if the Indians will have any, they may go among the Inhabitants 
and deal with them for it. When these Whisky Traders come, they 
bring thirty or forty Cags, and put them down before us, and make 
us drink, and get all the Skins that should go to pay the Debts we 
have contracted for Goods bought of the fair Traders, and by this 
Means we not only ruin ourselves, but them too. These wicked 
Whisky Sellers, when they have got the Indians in Liquor, make 
them sell the very Clothes from their Backs. In short, if this Prac- 
tice be continued, we must be inevitably ruined. We most earn- 
estly, therefore, beseech you to remedy it." 

In the autumn of 1756, a treaty was held at Easton with the 
Pennsylvania Delawares, and peace agreed to. But this did not 
bind the Ohio Indians even of the same nation, much less the 
Shawanese and Mingoes ; and though the Sachem of the Pennsyl- 
vania savages, Teedyuscung, promised to call his western relatives 



150 FORBES' EXPEDITION. 1758. 

with a loud voice, they did not or would not hear him; the toma- 
hawk was still brandished among the rocky mountain fastnesses of 
the interior. Nor can any heart but pity the red men. They knew 
not whom to believe, nor where to look for a true friend. The 
French said they came to defend them from the English; the 
English said they came to defend them from the French; and 
between the two powers they were wasting away, and their homes 
disappearing before them. "The kings of France and England," 
said Teedyuscung, "have settled this land so as to coop us up as if 
in a pen. This very ground that is under me was my land and 
inheritance, and is taken from me by fraud." Such being the feel- 
ing of the natives, and success being of late nearly balanced between 
the tw^o European powers, no wonder that they hung doubting, and 
knew not which way to turn. The French wished the eastern 
Delawares to move west, so as to bring them within their influence, 
and the British tried to persuade them to prevail on their western 
brethren to leave their new allies and be at peace. 

In 1758, the condition of affairs being as stated, and Forbes' 
army on the eve of starting for Fort Du Quesne, and the 
French being also disheartened by the British success elsewhere, 
and their force at Du Quesne weak, it was determined to make an 
effort to draw the western Indians over, and thereby still further to 
weaken the force that would oppose General Forbes. It was no 
easy matter, however, to find a true and trustworthy man, whose 
courage, skill, ability, knowledge, and physical power, would fit 
him for such a mission. He was to pass through a wilderness filled 
with doubtful friends, into a country filled with open enemies. The 
whole French interest would be against him, and the Indians of the 
Ohio were little to be trusted. Every stream on his way had been 
dyed with blood, every hill-side had rung with the death-yell, and 
grown red in the light of burning huts. The man who was at last 
chosen was a Moravian, who had lived among the savages seven- 
teen years, and married among them; his name, Christian Frederic 
Post. Of his journey, sufferings, and doings, his own journal is 
the evidence, though Heckewelder says that those parts which 
redound most to his own credit he omitted when printing it. He 
left Philadelphia upon the 15th of July, 1758; and, against the 
protestations of Teedyuscung, who said he would surely lose his 
life, proceeded up the Susquehanna, passing " many plantations 
deserted and laid waste." Upon the 7th of August, he came to the 
Allegheny, opposite French creek, and was forced to pass under the 



1758. post's mission to the Indians. 151 

very eyes of the garrison of Fort Venango, but was not molested. 
From Venango he went to "Kushkushkee," which was on or near 
Big Beaver creek. " This place," he says, " contained ninety houses 
and two hundred able warriors." At this place Post had much 
talk with the chiefs, who seemed well disposed, but somewhat 
afraid of the French. The great conference, however, it was deter- 
mined, should be held opposite Fort Du Quesne, where there were 
Indians of eight nations. The messenger was at first unwilling to 
go thither, fearing the French would seize him; but the savages 
said, "they would carry him in their bosom, he need fear nothing," 
and they well redeemed this promise. On the 24th of August, 
Post, with his Indian friends, reached the point opposite the fort ; 
and there immediately followed a series of speeches, explanations, 
and agreements, which are found in his journal. At first he was 
received rather hardly by an old and deaf Onondago, who claimed 
the land whereon they stood as belonging to the Six Nations; but 
a Delaware rebuked him in no very polite terms. "That man 
speaks not as a man," he said, "he endeavors to frighten us by 
saying this ground is his ; he dreams ; he and his father (the French) 
have certainly drank too much liquor ; they are drunk; pray let 
them go to sleep till they are sober. You do not know what your 
own nation does at home, how much they have to say to the Eng- 
lish. You do nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep 
with your father, and when you are sober we will speak to you." 

It was clear that the Delawares, and indeed all the western 
Indians, were wavering in their affection for the French; and, 
though some opposition was made to a union with the colonists, 
the general feeling produced by the prospect of a quick approach 
of Forbes' army, and by the truth and kindness of Post himself, 
was in favor of England. The Indians, however, complained 
bitterly of the disposition which the whites showed in claiming and 
seizing their lands. "Why did you not fight your battles at home 
or on the sea, instead of coming into our country to fight them?" 
they asked again and again, and were mournful when they thought 
of the future. " Your heart is good," they said to Post, "you speak 
sincerely; but we know there is always a great number who wish 
to get rich ; they have enough ; look ! we do not want to be rich, 
and take away what others have. The white people think we have 
no brains in our heads; that they are big, and we a little handful; 
but remember, when you hunt for a rattlesnake you cannot find it, 
and perhaps it will bite you before you see it." When the war of 
Pontiac came, this saying might have been justly remembered. 



152 grant's defeat. 1758. 

At length, having concluded a peace, Post turned toward Phila- 
delphia, setting out on the 9th of September ; and, after the greatest 
sufferings and perils from French scouts and Indians, reached the 
settlements uninjured. 

While Post was engaged upon his dangerous mission, the van of 
Forbes' army was pressing forward under the heats of August, from 
Raystown. (Bedford,) toward Loyalhanna, hewing their way as they 
went. Early in September, the general reached Raystown, whither 
he had also ordered Washington, who had till then been kept 
inactive among his sick troops at Fort Cumberland. Meantime 
two officers of the first Virginia regiment had gone separately, 
each with his party, to reconnoitre Fort Du Quesne, and had 
brought accounts of its condition up to the 13th of August. It 
being deemed desirable, however, to have fuller statements than 
they were able to give, a party of eight hundred men under Major 
Grant, with whom went Major Andrew Lewis, of Virginia, was 
sent forward on the 11th of September, to gain the desired infor- 
mation. 

" The third day after their march, they arrived within eleven 
miles of Fort Du Quesne, and halted till three o'clock in the after- 
noon, then marched within two miles of the fort, and left their 
baggage there under a guard, and arrived, at eleven o'clock at 
night, upon a hill a quarter of a mile distant from it. Major Grant 
sent two officers and fifty men to attack all the Indians they could 
find lying out of the fort; they saw none, nor were they chal- 
lenged by the sentries. As they returned, they set fire to a large 
store-house, which was put out as soon as they left it. At break 
of day, Major Lewis was sent, with four hundred men, to lie in 
ambush, a mile and a half from the main body, on the path on 
which they left their baggage, imagining the French would send a 
force to attack the baggage-guard and seize it. Four hundred men 
were posted along the hill facing the fort, to cover the retreat of 
Captain M'Donald's company, who marched with drums beating 
toward the fort, in order to draw a party out of it, as Major Grant 
had some reason to believe there were not more than two hundred 
men there, including Indians ; but, as soon as they heard the drums, 
they sallied out in great numbers, both French and Indians, and 
fell upon Captain M'Donald, and two columns that were posted 
lower on the hill to receive them. The Highlanders exposed them- 
selves without any covers, and were shot down in great numbers, 
and soon forced to retreat. The Carolinians, Marylanders, and 



1755. grant's defeat. 153 

Lower Country men, concealing themselves behind trees and the 
brush, made a good defense, but were overpowered by numbers; 
and, not being supported, were obliged to follow the rest. Major 
Grant exposed himself in the thickest of the fire, and endeavored 
to rally his men, but all to no purpose, as they were by this time 
flanked on all sides. Major Lewis and his party came up and 
engaged, but were soon obliged to give way, the enemy having the 
hill of him, and flanking him every way. A number were driven 
into the river, most of whom were drowned. Major Grant retreated 
to the baggage, where Captain Bullet was posted with fifty men, 
and again endeavored to rally the flying soldiers, by entreating 
them in the most pathetic manner to stand by him, but all in vain, 
as the enemy were close at their heels. As soon as the enemy 
came up to Captain Bullet, he attacked them very furiously for 
some time, but not being supported, and most of his men killed, 
was obliged to give way. However, his attacking them stopped 
the pursuit, so as to give many an opportunity of escaping. The 
enemy followed Major Grant, and at last Captain Bullet was 
obliged to make off. He imagined the major must be taken, as he 
was surrounded on all sides, but the enemy would not kill him, 
and often called to him to surrender. The French gave quarter 
to all that would accept it."* The loss sustained in this engage- 
ment was two hundred and seventy killed, forty-two wounded, and 
several, including Major Grant, taken prisoners.f "It was," says 
"Washington, " a very ill-concerted, or a very ill-executed plan, 
perhaps both, but it seems to be generally acknowledged that 
Major Grant exceeded his orders, and that no disposition was made 
for engaging." 

The French and Indians, emboldened by their victory over 
Grant, made an attack, on the 14th of October, on the advance- 
guard of the army, at Loyalhanna. The attacking party con- 
sisted of twelve hundred French and two hundred Indians, and the 
attack was continued for four hours, and afterward renewed at 
night. But the assailants gained no advantage, and retired to Fort 
Du Quesne. The returns of the army show a loss in this engage- 
ment of twelve killed, seventeen wounded, and thirty-one prisoners. 

On the 18th of November, the army marched from Loyalhanna, 
and, on the evening of the 24th, arrived at Turtle creek. "Here," 
says Mr. Ormsby, a commissary in the army, " a council of war 



* Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 74. f Early History of Pennsylvania, p. 138. 
11 



154 FRENCH EVACUATE FORT DU QUESNE. 1758, 

was held, the result of which was, that it was impracticable to pro- 
ceed ; all the provisions and forage being exhausted. On the gene- 
ral's being told of this, he swore a furious oath that he w r ould sleep 
in the fort, or in a worse place, the next night. It was a matter of 
indifference to the emaciated general where he died, as he was car- 
ried the whole distance from Philadelphia and back on a litter. 
About midnight a tremendous explosion was heard from the west- 
ward, on which Forbes swore that the French magazine was blown 
up, by design or accident, which revived our spirits. This con- 
jecture of the ' head of iron' was soon confirmed by a deserter from 
Fort Du Quesne, who said that the Indians, who had watched the 
English army, reported that they were as numerous as the trees in 
the woods. This so terrified the French, that they set fire to their 
magazines, barracks, &c, and pushed off in their boats, some up, 
and some down the Ohio, so that the next morning we took peace- 
able possession of the remains of the fort. The place had a most 
desolate appearance, as all the improvements made by the French 
had been burnt to the ground." 

Thus the forks of the Ohio, the occupation of which had been the 
cause of the war, came again into the possession of the English. It 
was necessary to make immediate provision for securing the posses- 
sion of that point, which had cost so much blood and treasure to 
acquire, and a small fortification was thrown up on the bank of the 
Monongahela, and named, in honor of the great minister, Fort Pitt. 
Colonel Hugh Mercer, of Virginia, was left in command, with two 
hundred men, and the main army marched back to the settlements. 
It reached Philadelphia on the 17th of January, 1759, and, on the 
11th of March, Gen. Forbes died, and was buried in the chancel of 
Christ church. 

Christian Frederic Post, meanwhile, had been sent westward 
with the chiefs of the Six Nations, with a report of the treaty of 
Easton. He followed after General Forbes, from whom he received 
messages to the various tribes, with which he once more sought 
their chiefs; and was again instrumental in preventing any junc- 
tion of the Indians with . the French. Indeed, but for Post's 
mission, there would in all probability have been gathered a strong 
force of western savages to waylay Forbes and defend Fort Du 
Quesne; in which case, so adverse was the season and the way, 
so wearied the men, and so badly managed the whole business, that 
there would have been great danger of a second "Braddock's field;" 
so that the humble Moravian played no unimportant part in secu- 
ring again to his British Majesty the key to western America. 



1759. CAPTURE OF QUEBEC. 155 

The French garrison of Fort Da Quesne, consisting of about four 
hundred men, separated after leaving the ruins. A part of them 
passed down the Ohio, and, according to some accounts, established 
Fort Massac, thirty-six miles above its mouth. Of this there may, 
however, be a doubt; but it is certain that the fort was built 
between the years 1755 and 1758. One hundred of them retired 
to Presqu' Isle by land ; and the remainder, about two hundred, with 
M. De Lignery, the commandant, passed up the Allegheny to 
Venango, where he told the Indians he intended to stay during 
the winter, and dislodge the British from the forks of the Ohio 
in the spring. A small post, too, was occupied by the French at 
Kushkushkee, a Delaware village located on an elevated plateau of 
rich bottom land, on the south-west side of the Mahoning river, 
four miles above its junction with the Shenango, where they con- 
stitute the Big Beaver river. At these points the French were 
busied in preparing stores and arms, and in securing the aid of 
the Indian tribes for an attack in the spring on Fort Pitt, then 
imperfectly fortified, and garrisoned by only two hundred and 
eighty men.* 

The success of the campaign of 1758 opened the way for the 
execution of the great scheme of Pitt — the complete reduction of 
Canada. Accordingly, in 1759, three expeditions were planned, by 
which Canada, already suffering and exhausted by the pressure of 
the war, was to be invaded on all sides. On the west, Prideaux 
was to attack Niagara ; in the centre, Amherst was to advance on 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and on the east, "Wolfe was to 
besiege Quebec ; and all these points gained, the three armies were 
to unite their forces in the heart of Canada. 

Amherst appeared on the 22d of July, before Ticonderoga. 
The French blew up their works, and retired to Crown Point. 
Driven from there by the British army, they retired to Isle Aux 
Nois, and entrenched themselves; but the lateness of the season 
prevented further operations, and Amherst went into winter quar- 
ters at Crown Point. 

Early in June, General Wolfe, with eight thousand men, ap- 
peared before Quebec. On the night of the 12th of September, 
Wolfe, with five thousand men, silently passed up the river, 
climbed the Heights of Abraham, and formed in order of battle. 
Montcalm, who had trusted to his defenses, was compelled to offer 
battle. The British columns, flushed with success, attacked his 



* Craig's Olden Time, vol. 1. \M. 



156 d'aubry AT VENANGO. 1759. 

half-formed lines, charged with the bayonet, and dispersed the 
French with a loss of fifteen hundred. Both Montcalm and Wolfe 
fell in the engagement; but, on the 18th of September, Quebec, 
the key of all Canada, was surrendered to the British. 

Meanwhile, General Prideaux moved up Lake Ontario, and, on 
the 6th of July, invested Niagara. Its capture was of great im- 
portance, since its possession would cut off the French of Canada 
from the West; and, accordingly, every effort was made by the 
French and Indians to raise the siege. That necessity saved Fort 
Pitt. A letter written by Colonel Mercer, at that post, on July 
17th, 1759, says : 

"Again, on the 15th instant, we had the following accounts from 
two Six Nation Indians, sent to spy at Yenango, who left this 
place on the 7th. They found at Yenango seven hundred French 
and four hundred Indians. The commanding officer told them he 
expected six hundred more Indians ; that as soon as they arrived 
he would come and drive us from this place. Next day two hun- 
dred Indians came to Yenango, and the same number the next 
day, and the third clay ; they were all fitted off for the expedition 
by the 11th at night, and three pieces of cannon brought from Le 
Bceuf, the others expected every hour, with a great many batteaux 
loaded with provisions. In the morning, the 12th, a grand council 
was held, in which the commandant thanked the Indians for attend- 
ing him, threw down the war belt, and told them he would set off 
the next day. The Indians consented, but were somewhat dis- 
concerted by one of the Six Nations, who gave them wampum, 
telling them to consider what they did, and not to be in too 
great a hurry ; soon after, messengers arrived, with a packet for 
the officer who held the council, at which he and the other officers 
appeared much concerned, and at length he told the Indians — 
6 Children, I have received bad news; the English are gone against 
Niagara. "We must give over thoughts of going down the river, 
till we have cleared that place of the enemy. If it should be taken, 
our road to you is stopped, and you must become poor. Orders 
were immediately given to proceed with the artillery, provisions, 
&c, up French creek, which the spies saw set off, and the Indians . 
making up their bundles to follow. They reckon there were up- 
ward of one thousand Indians, collected from twelve different 
nations, at Yenango."* 



* Craig's Olden Time, vol. i., p. 194. 



1759. SURRENDER OF NIAGARA. 157 

The French and Indians who were collected to attack Fort Pitt, 
the garrison and defenses of which were little able to withstand 
them, were thus withdrawn to the defense of Niagara. It was, 
indeed, a great effort they had planned to retake the forks of the 
Ohio, and thus to recover all that they had lost in the preceding 
year. And to that all the French in the valley had contributed. 
M. d'Aubry, commandant at the Illinois, brought to join the enter- 
prise four hundred men, and two hundred thousand pounds of 
flour, from Kaskaskia to Yenango. Cut off, by the abandonment 
of Fort Du Quesne, from the route of the Ohio, he proceeded with 
his force down the Mississippi, and up the Ohio to the Wabash, 
thence up that river to the portage at Fort Miami, or Fort "Wayne, 
and carried his stores over to the Maumee, passed down that river, 
and along the shore of Lake Erie to Presqu' Isle, and carried again 
his stores over the portage, to Le Boeuf ; thence descended French 
creek to Yenango.* 

D'Aubry was chosen to lead the expedition, and embarked again 
at Presqu' Isle, with seventeen hundred men, collected from the Illi- 
nois, Detroit, and the Allegheny, and from the Indian allies of the 
French, and hastened to raise the siege of Niagara. Prideaux had 
been killed by the bursting of a cohorn ; Sir William Johnson, 
who had succeeded to the command, advanced to meet D'Aubry 
and his reinforcement, defeated them, and pursued them for five 
miles through the woods. On the next day, Niagara, cut off from 
succor, surrendered. 

General John Stanwix was appointed to the command,, immedi- 
ately after the death of General Forbes, and proceeded, in July, to 
the forks of the Ohio, to carry out the orders of William Pitt in 
regard to that important point. Mr. Pitt was strongly impressed 
with the importance of securing the forks as a military position, to 
protect the colonial frontiers, and to overawe the Indians ; so much 
so indeed, that, immediately upon hearing of the abandonment of 
Fort Du Quesne, under date of January 23d, 1759. he wrote : 

" Sir, — I am now to acquaint you that the king has been pleased, 
immediately upon receiving the news of the success of his arms on 
the river Ohio, to direct the commander-in-chief of his majesty's 
forces, in North America, and General Forbes, to lose no time in 
concerting the properest and speediest means for completely re- 



* An account of Bouquet's Expedition, in 17G4. Londou, 1766. App. II. 



158 ERECTION OF FORT PITT. 1759. 

storing, if possible, the ruined Fort Du Quesne, to a defensible and 
respectable state, or for erecting another in the room of it, of suffi- 
cient strength, and every way adequate to the great importance of 
the several objects of maintaining his majesty's subjects in the un- 
disputed possession of the Ohio ; of effectually cutting off all trade 
and communication this way, between Canada and the western and 
south-western Indians; of protecting the British colonies from the 
incursions to which they have been exposed since the French built 
the above fort, and thereby made themselves masters of the navi- 
gation of the Ohio; and of fixing again the several Indian nations 
in their alliance with and dependence upon his majesty's govern- 
ment."* 

General Stanwix, immediately upon his arrival, perhaps early in 
August, commenced the building of Fort Pitt. It was of five 
sides ; the two facing the country were supported by a revetment, 
a brick work, nearly perpendicular, supporting the rampart on the 
outside ; the other three were protected by a line of pickets, fixed 
on the outside of the foot of the slope of the rampart. Around the 
whole work was a wide ditch, which would be filled with water 
when the river was at a moderate stage. Great anticipations were 
entertained at the time of the security and permanence that would 
accrue to the British government from the position of Fort Pitt. 
A letter from that post, dated September 24th, 1759, says : 

"It is now near a month since the army has been employed .in 
erecting a most formidable fortification, such a one as will, to latest 
posterity, secure the British empire on the Ohio. There is no 
need to enumerate the abilities of the chief engineer, nor the spirit 
shown by the troops, in executing the important task ; the fort will 
soon be a lasting monument of both."f 

Fifteen years later it was abandoned, by order of the British 
government, and now nothing of Fort Pitt is left, no memorial 
even of the British possession of the Mississippi valley remains, 
but a single redoubt, built in 1764 by Col. Bouquet, outside the 
fort, and now used as a dwelling. 

"With the fall of Fort Du Quesne, and the capture of Niagara, 
all direct contest between the British and French in the "West was 
closed. With the defeat of the French, the hostility of the Indians 



* Craig's Oldeu Time, vol. L, p. 310. 
t Craig's Olden Time, vol. i., p. 194. 



1760. HOSTILITIES CEASE. 159 

abated, and peace was restored to the border of the English 
colonies. 

Along the frontiers of Pennsylvania and northern Virginia, the 
old plantations had been, one by one, re-occupied since 1758, and 
settlers were slowly pushing further into the Indian country, and 
traders were once more bearing their burdens over the mountains, 
and finding a way into the wigwams of the natives, who rested, 
watching silently, but narrowly, the course of their English de- 
fenders and allies. For it was, professedly, in the character of 
defenders, that Braddock and Forbes had come into the "West; and, 
while every British finger itched for the lands as well as the furs of 
the wild men, with mistaken hypocrisy they would have persuaded 
them that the treasure and the life of England had been given to 
preserve her old allies, the Six Nations, and their dependents, the 
Delawares and Shawanese, from French aggression. But the 
savages knew whom they had to deal with, and looked at every 
step of the cultivator with jealousy and hate. 

In 1760, the Ohio Company once more prepared to pursue their 
old plan, and sent to England for such orders and instructions to 
the Virginia government as would enable them to do so.* During 
the summer of that year, also, General Monkton, by a treaty at 
Fort Pitt, obtained leave to build posts within the wild lands, each 
post having ground enough about it to raise corn and vegetables 
for the use of the garrison. Nor were the settlements of the Ohio 
Company, and the forts, the only inroads upon the hunting-grounds 
of the savages. In 1757, by the books of the Secretary of Virginia, 
three millions of acres had been granted west of the mountains. 
Indeed, in 1758, that State attempted by law to encourage settle- 
ments in the "West ; and the report of John Blair, Clerk of the 
Virginia Council, in 1768 or 1769, states that most of the grants 
beyond the mountains were made before August, 1754. 

The fall of Quebec did not immediately produce the submission 
of Canada. M. de Levi, on whom the command devolved, retired 
with the French army to Montreal. In the spring of 1760, he 
besieged Quebec. But the arrival of an English fleet raised the 
siege, and De Levi retired to Montreal. Amherst and Johnson 
meanwhile effected a junction of their forces, and advanced against 



* Plain Facts, p. 120, -where a letter from the Company, dated September 9th, 1761, 
is given. 



160 SURRENDER OF CANADA. 1760. 

him. The combination of these two armies convinced the French 
that resistance would be useless ; and, accordingly, on the 8th of 
September, M. de Vaudreuil, the Governor of Canada, surrendered 
Montreal, Detroit, Mackinaw, and all the other posts within the 
goverment of Canada, to the English commander-in-chief, General 
Amherst, on condition that the French inhabitants should, during 
the war, be " protected in the free exercise of their religion, and 
the full enjoyment of their civil rights, leaving their future desti- 
nies to be decided by the treaty of peace." 

Negotiations for peace followed immediately after the surrender 
of Canada. They were not successful, and "the family compact" 
was entered into between France and Spain, in which both parties 
were bound to share and balance all losses, in the war which it 
was declared was to be waged to oppose the growing power of Eng- 
land. The continuance of the war only contributed to the successes 
of England, and accordingly negotiations were re-opened, and on 
the 3d of November, 1762, preliminaries were agreed to and signed, 
and afterward ratified at Paris, in February, 1763. To secure the 
restoration of Havana, Spain was obliged to cede to Great Britian 
East and West Florida. To compensate Spain, under the terms of 
the family compact, France ceded, by a secret article, all Louisiana 
west of the Mississippi, to Spain. The following articles comprise 
the most essential provisions of that treaty, in regard to the origi- 
nal subject of dispute. 

"His most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he 
has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or Arcadia, 
in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of it, and with all its 
dependencies, to the King of Great Britain : moreover, his most 
Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to his said Britannic Ma- 
jesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as 
the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in 
the gulf and river of St. Lawrence; and, in general, every thing that 
depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the 
sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty 
or otherwise, which the most Christian King and crown of France 
have had, till now, over the said countries, islands, lands, places, 
coasts, and their inhabitants; so that the most Christian King cedes 
and makes over the whole to the said King, and to the crown of 
Great Britain, and that in the most ample manner and form, with- 
out restriction, and without any liberty to depart from the said 
cession and guarantee, under any pretense, or to disturb Great 
Britain in the possessions above mentioned. 



1763. TREATY OF PARIS. 161 

" In order to establish peace on solid and durable foundations, 
and to remove forever all subjects of dispute with regard to the 
limits of the British and French territories on the continent of 
America, it is agreed that for the future, the confines between the 
dominions of his Britannic Majesty and those of his most Christian 
Majesty in that part of the world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a 
line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its source 
to the river Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the 
middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Ponchartrain, to 
the sea; and for this purpose the most Christian King cedes, in full 
right, and guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the river and port 
of the Mobile, and every thing which he possesses, or ought to pos- 
sess on the left side of the river Mississippi, with the exception of 
the town of !N"ew Orleans, and of the island in which it is situated, 
which shall remain to France ; it being well understood that the 
navigation of the river Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to 
the subjects of Great Britain as to those of France, in its whole 
breadth and length, from its source to the sea; and expressly, that 
part which is between the said island of IsTew Orleans, and the 
right bank of that river, as well as the passage both in and out of 
its mouth. It is further stipulated, that the vessels belonging to 
the subjects of either nations shall not be stopped, visited, or sub- 
jected to the payment of any duty whatsoever." 

The war was over.* Canada, with all its dependencies, was sur- 
rendered to the victorious English ; and it remained only to take 
possession of the western oufposts of the French. It was not an 
easy task. All the Indian tribes of the valley were in alliance 
with the French. Accustomed as they were to regard Englishmen 
as their natural foes, they felt no obligation to submit to them be- 
cause they had conquered the French. The surrender of Quebec, 
and the capitulation of Montreal, were events they could little 
comprehend, and it did not occur to them that they were in any 
way bound to respect the acts of Bougainville or Vaudreuil. The 
West, too, was then overrun by the traders and emissaries of the 
discomfited French, who possessed the implicit confidence of the 
Indians; whose ruling passion was hatred of the English, and 
whose interest conspired with their feelings to arouse the fears and 



* The authorities in relation to this subject are, mainly, Parkman's Conspiracy of Pon- 
tiac, an Account of Bouquet's Expedition against the Ohio Indians, and Butler's History 
of Kentucky. 



162 SURRENDER OF THE POSTS. 1763. 

inflame the passions of their savage allies. It was obviously a dif- 
ficult and delicate task to extend the authority of England over the 
uncivilized regions of the "West, to allay the hostility and conciliate 
the friendship of its barbarous inhabitants, and thus to secure 
what they had so hardly earned — the blessings of peace to the 
exhausted colonies, and the fruits of its great conquest to the Eng- 
lish Crown. The great importance of the work was overlooked by 
those to whom its execution was intrusted. 

On the 12th of September, 1760, Major Eobert Eogers, received 
orders from General Amherst to ascend the lakes, and take pos- 
session of the French fort in the north-west. Eogers was well 
fitted for the task. On the borders of New Hampshire, with Put- 
nam and Stark, he had earned a great reputation as a partisan offi- 
cer; and Eogers' Eangers, armed with rifle, tomahawk, and knife, had 
rendered much service, and won a great name. Later, that reputa- 
tion was tarnished by greater crimes. Tried for an attempt to betray 
Mackinaw to the Spaniards, he abandoned the country, and entered 
the service of the Dey of Algiers. At the war of Independence, he 
entered the American service, was detected as a spy, passed over 
to the British, and was banished by an act of his native state. Such 
was the man who was sent to plant the British flag in the great 
valley. Immediately upon receiving his orders, he set out to ascend 
the St. Lawrence, with two hundred men in fifteen boats. 

On the 7th of November they landed at the mouth of Cuyahoga 
creek. Here they were met by a party of Indians, who were deputed 
to them to say that Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawas, was near, 
and to demand that they should advance no further till they should 
receive his permission. During the day the great chief appeared, 
and imperiously demanded why the army was there without his 
consent. Eogers replied that Canada had been conquered, and 
that he was on his way to occupy the French posts, and to restore 
peace to the Indians. Pontiac only replied that he would stand in 
his path till morning. On the next day he delivered a formal reply 
to the English officer, that he consented to live at peace with the 
English as long as they treated him with due deference. The calumet 
was smoked, and an alliance made. Pontiac accompanied his new 
friends to Detroit. On the way a band of Indians, sent out by the 
governor of Detroit, were waiting to destroy them. The influence 
of Pontiac was interposed, and the hostile Indians were induced to 
ally themselves with the English. A messenger was dispatched to 
Beletre, the governor, to demand the surrender of Detroit. He 
refused, avowed his intention to defend the post, and sought to 



1763. HOSTILITY OF THE INDIANS. 163 

arouse the Indians. It was in vain. Rogers arrived below the vil- 
lage. Captain Campbell was dispatched with an order from 
Vaudreuil, commanding the surrender, and Beletre was compelled 
to obey. On the 29th of November, 1760, the colors of France 
were taken down, and the royal standard of England planted 
within the fort ; and the garrison and inhabitants, amidst the shouts 
of the Indians, who looked on the strange scene with mingled awe 
of the English power, and astonishment at their forbearance. The 
lateness of the season prevented further operations, but early in 
the next year, Mackinaw, Green Bay, Ste Marie, St. Josephs, and 
Ouiatenon were surrendered, and nothing remained to the French 
but the settlements of the Illinois. 

A great change had been wrought over the Indians of the valley, 
by the occupation of the French. It was their characteristic policy 
to render the savages dependent on themselves, and to that end 
they sedulously cultivated among them a taste for European goods, 
and in this way, from the Alleghenies to the Mississippi, all the 
tribes were dependent on the French posts for their arms and 
clothing. It was their interest to secure peace, under the protec- 
tion of France, to all the tribes, and thus to familiarize their minds. 
Artfully, too, the pride of the natives had been fed by the agents 
of France ; they were the children of the great king who had sent 
his people among them only to protect them from their implacable 
enemies, the English. And while the long contest between the 
rival nations lasted, they held the balance of power between them, 
and, in consequence, were free from the rapacity of either. All 
this was changed now. The accustomed presents which French 
policy bestowed on them were withheld. English traders robbed, 
bullied, and cheated them. English officers treated them with 
rudeness and contempt. Especially, the steady advance of the 
population over the mountains, occupying their lands, and driving 
away their game. The wrongs and neglect the Indians felt were 
inflamed by the French. They had every motive to excite the 
tribes against the English ; their old national rancor, their religious 
antipathies, the fear of losing their trade, and the hope of reveng- 
ing the loss of an empire, all conspired to make them treacherous 
and dangerous. Accordingly, they used all the influence they 
possessed, to precipitate the Indians on the English garrisons. 
Scattered through the countiy, they held secret councils with the 
savages, and artfully appealed to their fears and their hopes. The 
English, they averred, designed to destroy the whole Indian race. 



164 SCHEME OF PONTIAC. 1763. 

They had hemmed them in on the east by their settlements, they 
were occupying the country on the north by their forts, and they 
were instigating the Cherokees to attack them on the south. But 
there was hope. Their father, the great king, had been asleep, and 
the English had stolen Canada, but he was now awake, and he 
was coming with a great army, to drive away his enemies and pro- 
tect his people. 

Discontent, under such circumstances, was natural, and soon all 
the tribes from the mountains to the Mississippi were in a ferment. 
In the summer of 1761, a plot for the surprise of the western posts 
was discovered, and arrested. In the next summer another was 
detected, and suppressed. The officers in command failed to 
realize the extent of the disaffection, and to provide for the coming 
danger. They thought this discontent only the ebullition of the 
restless spirit of the Indians, and despised rather than feared their 
hostility. And indeed the hostility of barbarous tribes, united by 
no common purpose, but divided by nameless quarrels, seemed 
little to be dreaded by those who had just wrested an empire from 
France. But they were mistaken — the crisis only needed a leader 
to direct it. 

Pontiac, the great chief of the Ottawas, was then about fifty 
years old. Eo chief of the American Indians, known in the his- 
toric times, has been so richly endowed with those peculiar qualities 
that give to a barbarian warrior power over the minds of men. He 
shared indeed all the passions and prejudices of his people. He 
possessed all their vindictive spirit and treacherous dissimulation. 
He was profoundly ignorant of the great world in which he was 
an actor. Yet he had a most commanding intellect ; he was capable 
of the noblest magnanimity ; he was imbued with the loftiest am- 
bition ; and he possessed a power of combination and of adaptation 
that was shared by none of his race. 

He alone saw the full force of the crisis in the affairs of his 
people. He had been the fast friend of the French, and led the 
warriors of the wilderness on the ill-fated day of Braddock's field. 
He had met, first of the chiefs, the English at Cuyahoga, and pro- 
tected their perilous march to Detroit. He had shown himself as 
ready to ally himself to the English, as he had proved himself 
faithful to the French. He had, nevertheless, shared all the resent- 
ment the presence of the English inspired among his people. But, 
amid the general discontent, he only saw the true danger, and he 
only could see the true means of averting it. The English were 
relieved, by the surrender of Canada, from the rivalry of the 



1763. COUNCIL AT THE ECORCES. 165 

French, and would inevitably crush the red man in their resistless 
advance. And to save his race, it was necessary to restore the 
French power, as a balance to the English. It was the plan of a 
statesman. It only failed because the emissaries of the French 
were false. 

His plans were matured, and, late in 1762, his messengers car- 
ried the black wampum and the red tomahawk, and delivered the 
message of the great Pontiac to the villages of the Ottawas, Ojib- 
was, Pottawattamies, Sacs, Foxes, Menomonies, Illinois, Miamis, 
Shawanees, Delawares, Wyandots, Senecas, and the tribes of the 
South. On a certain day, in the next year, said the messengers, 
all the tribes are to rise, sieze all the English posts, and then im- 
mediately attack the whole English border. 

On the 27th of April, 1763, the council of all the tribes was held 
at the river Ecorces. There, to the assembled chiefs, Pontiac de- 
livered a speech, full of eloquence and art. He recounted all the 
injuries of the Indians, and all the encroachments of the English. 
He portrayed all the rapacity and insolence of the hated race. He 
unfolded the great danger of their supremacy. He presented a 
belt from their great father the king. He indeed had been asleep, 
but now he was awake, and was coming with his large war canoes, 
to win back Canada and destroy his enemies. Yet further, he ap- 
pealed to their faith. An Indian, warned in a dream, had gone to 
the dwelling of the Master of Life, on a high mountain of dazzling 
brightness. There the Great Spirit chid him for the degeneracy 
of his race, and sent to them his commands to drive the " red 
dogs" from the face of the earth. The spirit of his wild hearers 
was stirred. The chiefs eagerly accepted the war belt, and then 
separated to prepare for the coming strife. Later, under the pre- 
tense of dancing the calumet with the unsuspecting garrison, the 
position and defenses of the fort were narrowly scanned, and the 
plan of attack laid. It was not well kept. 

In the village lived an Ojibwa girl of great beauty, who was 
attached to the commandant, Major Gladwin. On the 6th of May, 
she came to the fort to bring a pair of elk skin moccasins she had 
made for him. Her face was sad, and she lingered long in the 
street. Her demeanor attracted notice, and she was brought to 
Gladwin. She was long silent, but at length she revealed the plan 
of the morrow. 

Early on the next day a great concourse of Indians thronged 
around the fort. Soon Pontiac, with sixty of his warriors, each 
carrying his gun, shortened for the purpose, under the folds of his 



166 SIEGE OF DETKOIT. 1763- 

blanket, appeared at the gate, and asked to hold a council with 
his father the commandant. The gate was thrown open and they 
were admitted. When Pontiac entered, he involuntarily started 
back, and uttered an exclamation of surprise. He saw at a glance 
the ruin of his plan. All the garrison were under arms, and so 
posted as to enclose the band. They passed on to the council 
house, and there were all the officers ready to receive them, armed 
and too plainly prepared for the conflict. The chiefs were seated. 
Pontiac arose to speak with the wampum belt in his hand. He 
professed that he had come to smoke the pipe of peace, and 
brighten the chain of friendship with his English brothers, and, 
though conscious that he was detected, he raised the belt and was 
about to give the fatal signal. At that instant Gladwin waived his 
hand ; the drums beat, the officers drew their swords, the soldiers 
presented their arms, and Pontiac sat down overwhelmed with 
astonishment. Gladwin briefly and sternly replied that he should 
enjoy his friendship as long as he merited it, and should be 
punished as soon as he deserved it; and the chiefs, enraged and 
mortified, were allowed to withdraw. The next morning Pontiac 
returned with three only of his chiefs ; they were admitted, smoked 
the peace pipe, and renewed their hollow pledges of friendship. 
On the next again, Pontiac, with a great multitude of his warriors, 
appeared at the gate and demanded admittance. He was told that 
he only might come in. He replied that all his warriors wished to 
smoke the pipe of peace. Gladwin replied that none of his rabble 
should enter the fort, and Pontiac turned away. At once the Indians 
fell upon and murdered the few English who were without the fort. 

Immediate preparations were made for a siege, and the next 
day the attack began. Convinced, however, that the affair was 
only a sudden impulse of passion, Gladwin, through a Canadian, 
proposed to redress any grievances the Indians had. Pontiac 
dissembled, and asked that a deputation of officers might be sent 
to treat with him. Major Campbell and Lieutenant McDougal, 
were sent, but were detained as prisoners. The Indians, foiled in 
their efforts to obtain possession of the fort, sat down before it, 
and commenced a regular siege. All Pontiac's skill and talent 
were employed in governing and directing the motley bands 
around him. The Canadian inhabitants complained that his 
Indians were robbing them of their provisions. Pontiac claimed 
that he was fighting their battles, and that therefore they ought to 
contribute to the support of his army, but forbade all depredations 
upon their property. To provide for his bands, he levied a fixed 



1763. MASSACRE OF THE GARRISON. 167 

contribution on the Canadians, organized a commissariat, and 
issued promissory notes, drawn on bark of the papyrus birch 
and signed with the figure of an otter, for the payment of supplies, 
all of which were faithfully redeemed. 

Meanwhile, a recruit of ninety-six men with ammunition and 
provisions was advancing under Lieutenant Cuyler for the relief of 
the garrison, though in ignorance of the danger to which they 
were exposed ; and one of the two schooners was sent to meet it. 
Passing down the river they were attacked by a crowd of canoes, 
with the unfortunate Campbell exposed to the fire of the vessel. 
The wind sprang up and soon bore it beyond their reach. On the 
twenty-fourth day of the siege, the fleet of boats was seen by the 
garrison ascending the river. On a near approach they were seen 
filled with Indians. One of the crew when near the fort escaped 
and related the fate of the convoy. They had landed below on the 
river bank, were attacked on shore, and driven to their boats; 
three of these were taken with their crews; two escaped with 
Cuyler, the commander, on board, who returned to Niagara. The 
prisoners were taken above the fort and burned. 

Soon after, intelligence reached the garrison of the fate of the posts 
around the lakes. A scalping party came into the camp, bringing 
with them Ensign Paully, the commandant at Fort Sandusky. On 
the 16th of May, seven Indians appeared at the gate of that post and 
asked to speak with Paully. They were admitted ; immediately 
siezed him, and the garrison was massacred. Paully was brought 
to Detroit to be burned; but was saved by being adopted by an 
Indian woman, and afterward escaped. 

Soon after, a party of Pottawattamies arrived with Ensign Sehlos- 
ser, the commandant at St. Josephs, and three men. They were 
exchanged, and the fate of that garrison revealed. A large party 
of Indians collected at St. Josephs on the 25th of May, on pretense 
of friendship, crowded within the barracks, and then suddenty 
massacred the garrison, and carried their prisoners to Detroit. 

The news soon arrived that Ouiatenon was taken. Ensign Jen- 
kins and several of his men were taken prisoners by stratagem, on 
the 1st of June ; the garrison surrendered on promise of protection, 
and were sent to Fort Chartres, in the Illinois. 

Soon after it was reported that Fort Miami had fallen. Ensign 
Holmes was decoyed away from his post on the 27th of May, by 
an Indian girl, on the pretense of visiting a sick woman, and shot. 
The sergeant came out to learn the cause of the firing, and was 
taken ; the garrison surrendered and were made prisoners. 



168 CAPTURE OF MACKINAW. 1763. 

A scalping party came in soon after from Presqu' Isle, and 
reported the fate of that post. On the 15th of June an attack was 
made by two hundred Indians, on that fort. The garrison retreated 
to a block house, on which the Indians began an immediate and 
furious assault. A breastwork was thrown up, from which they then 
poured a constant fire upon the block house. Eepeatedly it was 
on lire, and the indefatigable garrison, cut off from water, dug a 
well within it to obtain a supply sufficient to subdue the flames. 
'Next the Indians began to mine the block house. Against this 
there was no defense, and after forty-eight hours of desperate fight- 
ing, the garrison surrendered, and were carried prisoners to 
Detroit, where Ensign Christie, the commandant, escaped. 

The news of the capture of Mackinaw was brought to the garrison 
by Father Junois, a Jesuit priest. A large band of Ottawas, and 
another of Sacs, were encamped near the fort. On the morning of 
the 4th of June, a delegation came to the gate to ask the offi- 
cers and soldiers to come out and see a game of baggattaway 
played on the plain by the rival tribes. The gates were thrown 
open, the soldiers clustered around the outside of the walls, min- 
gled with a large number of Canadians, and among them a multi- 
tude of Indian women, closely wrapped in blankets. At each end 
of the ground a post was erected ; hundreds of players with bats 
thronged the plain, each apparently intent only on driving the ball 
to the post. Once and again, as if in the heat of the game, the 
ball was driven near the pickets, and the players crowded after it. 
Suddenly the ball rose high in the air, and fell within the fort, and 
the whole multitude thronged after it through the gates. Instantly 
the war whoop was raised, the warriors snatched their tomahawks 
from the women, who carried them under their blankets. In a 
moment the garrison were overpowered, the greater part of them 
were slain. Captain Etherington and the remaining men were car- 
ried away prisoners, some of whom perished at the hands of their 
captors, a few of them were ransomed. 

One only of the forest garrisons escaped, by the good conduct 
and address of its commandant. Lieutenant Gorell, in command 
of Green Bay, devoted himself to the task of conciliating the neigh- 
boring savages. The Menomonies were sharers in the conspiracy, 
but they were attached to Gorell, and delayed the execution of the 
work assigned them. On hearing of the fall of Mackinaw, Gorell 
called a council of their chiefs, told them he was going thither to 
punish the enemies of his king, and offered to leave the fort in the 
meantime in their care. The chiefs were divided. The warriors 



1763. CONFERENCE WITH THE CANADIANS. 169 

were waiting to strike the meditated blow, but providentially at 
this juncture, a deputation of the Dacatohs appeared, to denounce 
the vengeance of that powerful confederacy against the enemies of 
the English. The Menomonies laid aside their hostile designs. 
Gorell and his garrison passed down the bay, and along the lake to 
Mackinaw, under their escort, ransomed Etherington and twelve of 
his men, and passed by way of the Lake Huron and the Ottawa 
river, to Montreal. 

The beleaguered garrison at Detroit meanwhile maintained their 
stubborn defense, and Pontiac pressed the siege with a boldness 
and address far beyond the habit of Indian warfare. One of the 
vessels had been sent to hasten on Cuyler's ill-fated detachment. 
With him and the remains of his crew on board, it was now 
returning, and was passing by night up the river. The force on 
board was concealed, and every disposition was made to invite an 
attack from the Indians. Late at night she was surrounded by a 
multitude of canoes. The men were arranged in silence for the 
attack. At the tap of a hammer on the mast, a volley of grape and 
musketry was poured upon the assailants, and they were dispersed 
and driven ashore. The vessel landed safely, brought a reinforce- 
ment of men, and a supply of arms, and the welcome intelligence 
that the Peace of Paris was signed, and all Canada was surrendered 
to the British crown. 

The Canadians, craven, treacherous and malignant, who, all the 
while under pretense of neutrality, were inciting the Indians to 
massacre, and amusing them with fables of the coming of the great 
king, were now the subjects of Great Britain. ISTow again they 
redoubled *their falsehoods. The armies of the great king were 
even then ascending the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi to take 
vengeance on the insolent English. Pontiac, weary of their 
neutrality, called a council of their principal men and demanded 
their aid. He had been fighting their battles ; they were doing 
nothing to serve their king. He had served their cause faithfully ; 
they had been unfaithful to him. They had professed to be his 
friends ; yet they sought to make a profit to themselves by secretly 
aiding the English. This must end. If they were English, he 
was their enemy. If they were French, here was the war belt and 
hatchet. The Canadians only deepened their dissimulation. Hating 
the English garrison, they still sought to incite the Indians to 
destroy it. Afraid of the English vengeance, they sought to avoid 
any share in the work of blood. And concealing the treaty of 
Paris, they produced again the capitulation of Montreal. The 
12 



170 BATTLE OF BLOODY BUN. 1763. 

great king said they had here commanded them to be quiet till he 
came, for he designed to pnnish his enemies himself. If they dis- 
obeyed him in this, they would be punished. If the Indians made 
war on them for their obedience, they too would .be punished. 
Pontiac was not thus to be put off. They must be his enemies or 
the enemies of the English ; and accordingly a band of trappers and 
voyagers took up the hatchet and joined the hostile tribes. Rein- 
forced with these, the Indians made an assault, and their allies 
sought to entrench themselves near the walls. They were dislodged 
and repulsed, and in their rage at the defeat, the Indians seized and 
murdered the unfortunate Campbell. The two schooners that lay 
near the fort meanwhile annoyed the Indians, and they determined 
to burn them. Going up the river, they constructed a raft filled 
with bark and sent it burning down the current, but it passed the 
vessels. Another was built, but it too passed without effect. 
Another, so large as to sweep the river, was begun, but a guard of 
boats, moored above the vessels, was provided for their defense, and 
the scheme was abandoned. 

In July, the garrison was reinforced by a detachment of two 
hundred and eighty men under Captain Dalzell, who, on his arri- 
val, insisted on making an immediate attack on the camp of Pontiac, 
to disperse the Indians and raise the siege. Gladwin was opposed 
to the measure, but yielded, contrary to his judgment, to the solici- 
tations of Dalzell. Preparations were made for an attack on the 
next night, but the plan was revealed to Pontiac by the treachery 
of the Canadians. On the night of the 30th of July, a detachment 
of two hundred and fifty men, with two barges accompanying them, 
under the command of Dalzell, marched to the attack. Their route 
was along the river bank, between the water's edge and a row of 
Canadian houses and gardens. A mile and a half above the fort, a 
creek, known since that night as Bloody run, passed down to the 
river through a deep ravine. Over it was a narrow bridge, on the 
ridge beyond it were the entrenchments of the old camp of the 
Indians, piles of wood, fences and houses. Behind these the whole 
force of the Indians was posted. As the advance filed over the 
bridge, they were assailed by a volley from the Indians, and recoiled. 
Again they charged over the bridge and up the hill, but the Indians 
gave way and escaped in the darkness. Suddenly they appeared 
in the rear with an intent to cut the detachment off from the fort; 
a retreat was immediately ordered. The Indians occupied a row 
of houses and fences along the line of their march, and from these 
they poured a continual and destructive fire upon the centre and 



1763. neyon's message to pontiac. 171 

rear of the army. They were thus thrown into disorder and 
retreated in confusion along the river bank, until Major Eogers, 
with a party of provincials, took possession of a Canadian house, 
from which he attacked the pursuers and checked the pursuit. 
Captain Grant then secured another position below, a line of com- 
munication with the fort was formed, and the retreat of the detach- 
ment thus protected. Rogers and his party were brought off under 
a fire from the boats, and at length, after six hours fighting, the 
whole party reached the fort. The loss of the English on this dis- 
astrous night was fifty-nine, including the commander Dalzell ; the 
loss of the Indians was supposed to be about fifteen or twenty. 

The Indians were greatly elated by their victory ; messages were 
sent out, fresh warriors came in, and the siege was pressed with 
renewed vigor. One of the schooners meanwhile had gone to 
Niagara. On her return, some Iroquois were landed at the mouth 
of the river, and conveyed to the Indians the information that she 
was manned by only ten men. A large band of Indians in canoes 
collected and su^ounded the vessel. They had approached close 
to the vessel in the darkness before they were discovered, 
and climbing up the vessel's side, made a furious attack upon the 
crew, in disregard of the musketry that was poured upon them. 
The captain was killed, and several of the men were wounded, and 
the assailants began to crowd the deck, when Lieutenant Jacobs 
ordered the men to fire the magazine and blow up the ship. The 
Indians heard the order and instantly leaped overboard and swam 
in every direction to escape the threatened explosion, and the ves- 
sel sailed up the river to Detroit. 

Thus the siege wore on from May to October, pressed with a 
pertinacity and vigor unknown to the wars of the Indians. At 
length the news reached the Indians that a great reinforcement 
was coming up the lake, under Major Wilkins, to relieve the gar- 
rison, and some of the bands, in despair and in fear, abandoned the 
camp and returned home. Pontiac and his band remained and 
kept up the siege. At length, on the 30th of October, he received 
a letter from Neyon, commandant at the Illinois. That officer had 
been compelled to reveal the truth to the confiding savage. France 
— it ran — had been conquered, and Canada was in the possession of 
the English. There was no truth in any rumors of French assist- 
ance to him, or of French efforts to retake New France. He 
ought, therefore, to make peace with the English, the true masters 
of the country, to secure himself against their vengeance. The 
great chieftain was confounded. His grand scheme was at an end ; 



172 WAR ON THE BORDERS. 1763. 

lie had been most cruelly deceived by the faithless French, for 
whom he had risked all, and suffered so much, and the whole 
weight of the English vengeance would fall on him and his scat- 
tered bands. Sullenly and sadly, he broke up his camp, and, with 
a menace to the English that he would return in the spring, he 
passed down the river to the Maumee, to prepare for a new 
campaign. 

Along the borders, meanwhile, the war was raging with most 
savage brutality. The plan of the year was there .faithfully carried 
out. Suddenly the English traders, among all the tribes, were 
massacred; and all the forts were attacked. 

Le Bceuf was surrounded, on the 18th of May, by a great multitude 

of Indians. After a furious attack, the block house was fired by 

ht, and while they were waiting to murder the inmates, as they 

.caped from the flames, Ensign Price, and his seven remaining men, 
jscaped unperceived to the forest, and, after enduring great hard- 
ships, reached Fort Pitt. Passing by Venango, they found that 
nlace in ruins, and the garrison slaughtered. Long after, its fate 

is revealed to Sir William Johnson. A large party of Senecas 
^...ned entrance, on pretense of friendship, massacred the garrison, 
and tortured the commandant, Lieut. Gordon, for several nights, 
over a slow lire, and then burned the fort. 

On the 27th of May, bands of Indians, flushed with their victories, 
appeared before Fort Pitt, and after prowling around, scalping strag- 
glers, and firing on the garrison, a delegation of their chiefs appeared 
and demanded the surrender of the fort. They were friends of the 
English, and they wanted to give them good advice. Six great 
nations had taken up the hatchet against the English; numerous 
bands were now coming to scalp them. They ought to leave the post 
and go to the settlements, where they would be safe. If they went 
now they would protect them. If they waited till their enemies came, 
nothing could save them. Captain Ecuyer was not to be so easily 
outdone in politeness by his tawny friends. He was very well off 
in his fort, and meant to stay there. But they ought to take care 
of their women and children. There was a great army of six 
thousand coming to Fort Pitt. There was an army of three thou- 
sand going up the lakes. There was another, with a great multi- 
tude of Cherokees, coming from the south. He wished them to 
hide, for he did not want them to get hurt. But he hoped they 
would not tell the hostile Indians, lest they might escape. The 
chiefs were beaten at their own game, the shadows of Ecuyer's 



1763. SIEGE OF EORT PITT. 173 

three armies frightened them, they ahandoned the fort and fled 
down the river. 

On the 26th of July, the Indians again appeared in considerable 
force around Fort Pitt Shinghis, Turtle's Heart, and some other 
chiefs appeared, and were admitted to a conference. They bitterly 
recounted the wrongs the English had inflicted upon their people. 
They recited a message they had received from the great Pontiac. 
His bands were coming to strike the English at the forks of the 
Ohio. If they would go home to their wives and children they 
would be safe. If they would not they would be in danger. 
Ecuyer told them he had warriors and arms enough to defend him- 
self three years against all the Indians in the woods. That was 
his home, and if they came about it, he would fire bagfulls of 
bullets at them. They had better go home, for he did not want 
to hurt them. 

The Indians then, disappointed in obtaining possession of the 
fort by stratagem, commenced a general attack. On the next night, 
they crawled along the banks of the rivers, and dug holes with 
their knives in the bank, to shelter themselves from the fire of the 
garrison. From these a constant fire for many days was poured 
upon the fort, and it was often on fire from their arrows. A striking 
picture of the siege is furnished in the statement of one who was 
present. 

" I tell you we had awful times when Fort Pitt was closely be- 
sieged by the Indians. You see the yellow skins lay so close along 
the bank of the Allegheny river, that we could not get a shot at 
them, and we dare not venture outside. Any one who showed 
himself upon the rampart was sure to be a mark for an arrow or 
bullet Yet even then they did not get off always scot' free. Some 
of our fellows were more than a match for them in every way. 
One day ' Brown Bill' procured some old clothes and straw, and 
stuffed a paddy with the greatest care. Eone of us could tell what 
was in the wind, and his only answer was that he was reinforcing 
the garrison. At night he told one of us to lift it up slowly above 
the stockade and pull it down quickly whenever it was fired at. 
He then took his station a few feet from it, and when his eye be- 
came accustomed to the darkness, directed us to raise it up. "We 
raised it slowly, and a bullet passed through it, but instantly Bill, 
who could fire at a flash, put a bullet through the Indian's head. 
We all laughed at the result, which made Bill tremendously angry. 
c If you had held your jaw,' said he, ' the paddy might have done 
some time again ; now it is of no use, they will smell the rat' At 



174 DESOLATION OF THE BORDERS. 1763. 

last we became weary of being cooped up, and the officers began 
to fear that Bill, and some other kindred spirits, would carry out 
some mad scheme, to their own undoing. Who first planned what 
I am going to tell you of I do not know, but the following plan 
relieved us from our close blockade, and chased the Indians from 
the bank of the river, the position which most annoyed us. We 
built upon rollers a large flat boat, with high sides ; the rowers 
were secured, and port-holes bored all around. When finished and 
ready, we rolled it into the Monongahela, and anchored it in such 
a position that we could fire up the Allegheny. The Indians were 
astonished ; they were afraid to attack either the boat or the fort, 
which would have placed them between two fires. We raked them 
from the boat along the river bank ; they set up the most diabolical 
yell I ever heard, retired up stream, and never again ventured so 
close to us in daylight." 

About the 1st of August, a rumor reached them that an army was 
coming to relieve the fort; the assailants abandoned the siege, to 
the great relief of the garrison, and penetrated further to the east. 
Meanwhile the most terrible border war known to our history, was 
raging along the whole line of the western frontier. The western 
frontier was then the Blue Bidge and the Susquehanna. Cabins, 
clearings, hamlets, even villages, were scattered through the forest 
west of that border, but a fixed population had not passed beyond 
it. Along that whole line from Albany to Carolina, the border was 
attacked about the beginning of harvest. Everywhere were expe- 
rienced the same horrible cruelties of savage warfare ; the sudden 
surprise, the massacre, the scalping, the burning ■; everywhere were 
the ashes of cabins, mingled with the charred bones of their tenants ; 
everywhere the ripe harvest stood without a reaper. Twenty 
thousand people in Virginia were driven from their homes. The 
borders of that province were protected by a line of stockade forts, 
and to these the inhabitants fled for protection. A thousand men 
were raised and put under the command of Major Lewis and Col. 
Stephen. That force was greatly augmented by the borderers who 
volunteered to protect their homes. The tide of savage war was 
stayed ; the Indians could not stand their ground against the bor- 
der riflemen, and security for the Virginia frontier was at length 
obtained by the prompt measures of her government, and the 
bravery of her citizen soldiery. The people of the Pennsylvania 
frontier were unprotected, and they were compelled to crowd into 
the towns in the interior for safety, and, stripped of everything 
they possessed, were obliged to subsist as they best could in huts 



1763. RELIEF OF FORT PITT. 175 

and tents on the charities of the people. The colonial government 
was divided by faction ; its leaders were inimical to the borderers, 
and, to its everlasting dishonor, refused to furnish the many 
adequate protection, and left the defense of the frontier to those 
who had lost all by its desolation. 

General Amherst was employed in the meantime in providing 
measures of defense. The colonial establishment had been 
exhausted by the French war, and further weakened by the 
removal of a great part of the troops on the conclusion of peace. 
Of the regiments that remained, reduced in numbers and weakened 
by disease, a small force was with difficulty collected and equipped 
for the service. All that could be immediately done was to pro- 
vide for the defense of the posts. The fort of Niagara had been 
besieged by a band of Senecas, and the first step was to send suffi- 
cient reinforcements to that important post. The next was to send 
a reinforcement under Dalzell to Detroit. 

The garrison at Fort Pitt consisted of three hundred and thirty 
men, beside more than two hundred women and children who 
had taken refuge within it. The supply of provisions was too 
small to sustain a long siege, and it was necessary to afford it 
immediate relief. Orders were, therefore, sent to Col. Bouquet, at 
Philadelphia, to organize an expedition without delay, for the relief 
of that important post. 

Col. Henry Bouquet was a native of Switzerland, of the canton 
of Berne. lie first held a commission in the army of Sardinia, and 
afterward entered the service of the states of Holland. When the 
corps of Royal Americans was organized in the French war, he 
entered the English service as lieutenant-colonel of that regiment. 
In the provinces, great confidence was reposed in his bravery and 
skill. As a military man he was distinguished for activity of mind, 
a great facility of resource, and an unusual power of adaptation to 
the circumstances with which he was surrounded. And these 
qualities fitted him in an eminent degree for the practice of the 
new and often perplexing tactics of Indian warfare. 

"With much difficulty, Colonel Bouquet collected of the remains 
of the forty-second and seventy-seventh regiments, a force of about 
five hundred men; brave, indeed, but enfeebled by disease, and 
unused to savage warfare. Sixty of these were so weak, that they 
were conveyed in baggage wagons, only for the relief of the garri- 
son. Orders were dispatched to collect stores and provisions on 
the frontier, but when Bouquet reached Carlisle, on the 1st of July, 



176 BATTLE OF BUSHY BUN. 1763. 

no provisions had been collected. The whole settlement was in a 
panic. The country was deserted, and the wretched and famishing 
people had crowded into the town for protection. Instead of 
receiving supplies from them, Bouquet was obliged to share with 
them his own scanty stores. Eighteen days were spent in collect- 
ing stores and means of transportation, and the army commenced its 
perilous march with the worst forebodings of the people, through the 
wilderness. The route lay through an unbroken forest for two 
hundred miles, infested with savages far more numerous and 
more determined than those that destroyed the ill-fated army of 
Braddock. The army of Bouquet was less than those that fell on 
that bloody day, and the people of the border, without hope of 
success, only waited for the defeat of the army to desert the 
country and fly beyond the Susquehanna. 

The army pursued the route opened by General Forbes, five years 
before, and on their march, relieved Forts Bedford and Ligonier, 
both beleaguered by the Indians. Less than a day's march west of 
Ligonier, by the dangerous defile of Turtle creek, Bouquet deter- 
mined to march to Bushy run, and rest there until night, and then 
pass Turtle creek under cover of the darkness. When within half a 
mile of Bushy run, the army was suddenly attacked in front ; a charge 
was made and the enemy dispersed. Instantly the attack was renewed 
in the rear, and again the assailants were beaten off. Again and again 
the attack was made, and the Indians were driven back, only to 
renew their assault. Sheltered behind trees, the Indians poured a 
constant fire upon the army on all sides, and were so disposed as 
to assault the line the moment it wavered. To receive them, the 
troops were disposed in a circle around their baggage, exposed 
indeed to the constant fire of an invisible foe, but maintained their 
position with the steady valor of disciplined troops. Thus the 
contest raged for seven hours, darkness suspended hostilities, and 
the troops maintained their position and lay on their arms during 
the night. At the dawn of day, the attack was renewed with 
great fury, and continued without intermission until nearly noon. 
It was impossible for the army to move, and equally impossible to 
make any impression on the enemy, and there seemed to be no 
other prospect before the troops, than that of gradually melting 
away under the fire of an invisible foe. The genius of Bouquet 
was equal to the emergency. Two companies were ordered to fall 
within the circle and march backward, as if commencing the 
retreat; two other companies were detailed to lie in ambuscade in 
advance of the army. The thin line of troops took possession of 



1763. PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 177 

the deserted space, and were drawn nearer to the centre. These 
movements were mistaken by the Indians for a retreat, and made 
a furious assault on the line. The two companies that had been 
ordered to the rear, suddenly wheeled and poured a volley on 
them in flank, and then charged them with the bayonet. The 
Indians were completely surprised and fled in disorder before them. 
Suddenly the ambuscade arose and poured their fire upon the 
crowd of savages, and joined the pursuit. The route was complete, 
and the remaining savages abandoned their positions and fled. 
About sixty Indians were slain. One hundred and sixteen privates 
and eight officers of the army were killed, and a great number 
wounded. 

After the battle, the army marched without interruption twenty- 
five miles to Fort Pitt, relieved the garrison and supplied the post 
with arms, ammunition, and provision, and thus secured it against 
the danger of a siege, or of falling into the hands of the savages. 

The campaign had been disastrous to the English, but it was 
fatal to the plans of Pontiac. Detroit had resisted his utmost 
efforts to surprise or reduce it, and was now in a posture for suc- 
cessful defense. All hope of any co-operation was at an end. The 
battle of Bushy run and the relief of Port Pitt closed the campaign, 
with the exception of a few scalping parties, on the frontier and so 
disheartened the Indians that they abandoned their towns to escape 
the vengeance of the white men, and retired to the Muskingum. 
All these circumstances co-operated to break the hostile confederacy 
and dispose the tribes to peace ; and this disposition was furthered 
by a proclamation, authorized by the government and issued for 
the purpose, quieting the fears and suspicions of the Indians. It 
contained the following prohibitions and restrictions : 

" And, whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to our 
interest and the security of our colonies, that the several nations or 
tribes of Indians with whom we are connected, and who live under 
our protection, should not be molested or disturbed in the possession 
of such parts of our dominions and territories as, not having been 
ceded to, or purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, 
as their hunting grounds; we do, therefore, with the advice of our 
privy council, declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, that no 
Governor or Commander-in-chief, in any of our colonies of Quebec, 
East Florida, or West Florida, do presume, upon any pretense 
whatever, to grant warrants of survey, or pass any patents for lands 
beyond the bounds of their respective governments, as described in 



178 PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1763. 

their commissions ; as, also, that no Governor or Commander-in- 
chief of our other colonies or plantations in America, do presume 
for the present, and until our further pleasure be known, to grant 
warrants of survey, or pass patents for smj lands beyond the heads 
or sources of any of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic ocean 
from the west or north-west; or upon any lands whatever, which, 
not having been ceded to, or purchased by us, as aforesaid, are 
reserved to the said Indians or any of them. 

"And we do further declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, 
for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our sovereignty, pro- 
tection, and dominion, for the use of the said Indians, all the land 
and territories not included within the limits of our said three new 
governments, or within the limits of the territory granted to the 
Hudson's Bay Company ; as also all the lands and territories lying 
to the westward of the sources of the rivers which fall into the sea 
from the west and north-west as aforesaid ; and we do hereby strictly 
forbid, on pain of our displeasure, all our loving subjects from 
making any purchases or settlements whatever, or taking possession 
of any of the lands above reserved, without our special leave and 
license for that purpose first obtained. 

"And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons what- 
ever, who have either willfully or inadvertently seated themselves 
upon any lands within the countries above described, or upon any 
other lands, which, not having been ceded to, or purchased by us, 
are still reserved to the said Indians, as aforesaid, forthwith to 
remove themselves from such settlements. 

" And, whereas, great frauds and abuses have been committed 
in purchasing lands from the Indians, to the great prejudice of our 
interests, and the great dissatisfaction of the Indians ; in order, 
therefore, to prevent such irregularities for the future, and to the 
end that the Indians may be convinced of our justice and determined 
resolution to remove all reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with 
the advice of our privy council, strictly enjoin and require that no 
private person do presume to make any purchase from the said 
Indians, of any lands reserved to the said Indians, within those 
parts of our colonies where we have thought proper to allow settle- 
ment ; but that, if at any time, any of the said Indians should be 
inclined to dispose of the said lands, the same shall be purchased 
only for us, in our name, at some public meeting or assembly of 
the said Indians, to be held for that purpose, by the Governor or 
Commander-in-chief of our colony, respectively, within which they 
shall lie : and in case they shall lie within the limits of any propri- 



1764. bradstreet's expedition. 179 

etaries, conformable to such, directions and instructions as we or 
they shall think proper to give for that purpose : and we do, by the 
advice of our privy council, declare and enjoin, that the trade with 
the said Indians shall be free and open to all our subjects whatever : 
Provided, That every person who may incline to trade with the said 
Indians, do take out a license, for carrying on such trade, from the 
Governor or Commander-in-chief of any of our colonies, respec- 
tively, where such person shall reside ; and also give security to 
observe such regulations as we shall at any time think fit, by 
ourselves or commissaries to be appointed for this purpose, to 
direct and appoint for the benefit of the said trade ; and we do 
hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the Governors and Com- 
manders-in-chief of all our colonies, respectively, as well those 
under our immediate government as those under the government 
and direction of proprietaries, to grant such licenses without fee 
or reward, taking especial care to insert therein a condition that 
such license shall be void, and the security forfeited, in case the 
person to whom the same is granted shall refuse or neglect to 
observe such regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe as 

aforesaid." 

* 

The war was nevertheless resumed in the spring of the following 
year. Pontiac again laid siege to Detroit, and the English border 
was again attacked with great fury. To protect the settlements, 
and to chastise the Indians, General Gage, now in command of the 
army in the colonies, resolved to carry the war into their own 
country. For this purpose two expeditions were organized. Col. 
Bradstreet was ordered to lead an army against the Indians of 
the lakes, and Col. Bouquet to proceed with an army against the 
Indians of the Ohio. 

Col. Bradstreet collected a force of twelve hundred men, and 
arrived at Niagara early in July. There he met a great concourse 
of the Indians of the lakes, who had come to treat for peace. Sir 
William Johnson had availed himself of his influence over the 
Indians, to dispose them for peace. In the past year he had suc- 
ceeded, by conferences, promises, and presents, in preventing the 
greater portion of the Iroquois from joining the confederacy, and 
thus secured the frontiers of New York from the horrors of savage 
war. During the winter his messengers had visited all the tribes, 
warned them of their danger, and invited them to come to Niag- 
ara, and treat with him for peace. The representatives of the 
Menomonies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Mississaguas, Canawagas, Wyan- 



180 bradstreet's expedition. 1764. 

dots, Iroquois, Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Osages, and other 
tribes were present, and with them, after much delay, treaties were 
made, and a peace concluded. This done, Bradstreet embarked 
his army at Fort Schlosser, on the 8th of August, and landed on 
the 12th at Presqu' Isle. There he met a band of Shawanees and 
Delawares, who pretended they had come to treat for peace. In 
spite of the remonstrance^ of his officers, and of the wrath of his 
Indian allies, Bradstreet allowed himself to be duped by their pro- 
fessions, concluded a peace with them on condition that they would 
deliver up their prisoners at Sandusky within twenty-five days, and 
dispatched a message to Bouquet to direct him to abandon his ex- 
pedition, on the ground that the war was closed. Thence the army 
proceeded along the lake to Sandusky. There again a deputation 
of Ottawas, Wyandots, and Miamis met them to ask a suspension 
of hostilities, on the promise that they would meet them at Detroit 
and conclude a peace. The easy credulity of Bradstreet was again 
imposed on, and they were dismissed with the assurance that they 
should not be, molested. 

On the 26th of August, the army reached Detroit, relieved the 
garrison, that had been confined to their ramparts for more than 
fifteen months, and dispersed the Indians that yet lay around the 
fort. Pontiac was gone, and the tribes of that region were invited 
to treat for peace. The chiefs of the Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawat- 
tamies, Miamis, Sacs, and "Wyandots, appeared at the council. A 
treaty was made. The Indians pledged themselves to give up 
their prisoners ; to relinquish the title to the English posts and the 
territory around them for the distance of a cannon shot; to give 
up all the murderers of white men, to be tried by English law ; 
to acknowledge the sovereignty of the English government, and 
to give hostages for the performance of the terms of the treaty. 
Peace with the tribes of the north-west being thus secured, Bradstreet 
returned to Sandusky, to meet the Delawares and Shawanees, with 
their prisoners. At length he discovered he was duped. No del- 
egations appeared. He learned that the war had still raged along 
the frontier, regardless of their promises to him. A message was 
received from Gage, annulling his treaties with the Ohio Indians, 
and ordering him immediately to attack their towns. Greatly 
exasperated and mortified at the deception that had been practiced 
upon him, and at the rebuke his misconduct had merited, and em- 
barrassed by the lateness of the season, the want of provisions, and 
the discontent of his troops, he broke up his camp, abandoned his 
expedition, and returned to Niagara. 



1764. bouquet's expedition. 181 

Col. Bouquet marched from Carlisle on the 5th of August, with 
five hundred regulars, the most of whom had fought at Bushy run, 
in the preceding year, and about a thousand volunteers from Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia. At Fort Loudon he was met by a dispatch 
from Bradstreet, advising him that peace was concluded with the 
Indians, and that his advance was unnecessary. Bouquet saw 
through the deception that had been practiced on Bradstreet, and 
continued his march to Fort Pitt, where he arrived on the 17th of 
September. There a delegation of chiefs met him with the same 
pretenses that had so completely deceived Bradstreet. Bouquet 
promptly arrested them as spies, and sent one of them back with a 
message to the tribes, charging them with their faithlessness, and 
threatening to put to death their chiefs, unless they would abandon 
their hostility, and allow his messengers to pass safely through their 
country to Detroit. The message was carried to the tribes on the 
Muskingum, and its decisive tone convinced them that it was their 
best policy to seek peace to avert their ruin. On the 3d of Octo- 
ber the army left Fort Pitt, and marched down the Ohio, and across 
to the Tuscarawas, and arrived at the vicinity of Frederic Post's late 
missionary station on the 15th. There preparations were made 
for a council. The representatives of the Delawares, Senecas, and 
Shawanees appeared on the 17th. A conference was held. The 
chiefs laid the blame of the war on their young men, and the west- 
ern tribes asked for peace, and promised to surrender their pris- 
oners. Bouquet replied sternly, that it was their duty to restrain 
their young men ; that they had treacherously murdered the traders 
that had gone among them, and the messengers that had been sent 
to them ; that they had violated their engagements to Bradstreet ; 
that they had been false to every promise they had made, and now 
he would trust them no longer. All the other tribes had made 
peace ; they stood alone, and it was easy to destroy them. If they 
delivered up all the prisoners in their hands within twelve days, 
they might hope for peace; if not, they might expect no mercy. 
This reply completely humbled the savages. They judged of the 
temper of the whites from the haughty tone of their demands, and 
in fear of their vengeance, they separated, and hastened to collect 
their captives. 

On the 25th the army proceeded down the river to the junction 
of the Tuscarawas, and the White Woman, and there made pre- 
parations for the reception of the prisoners. There they remained 
until the 18th of November; from day to day prisoners — men, 
women, and children — were brought in, and delivered up to their 



182 TREATY OF THE GERMAN FLATS. 1765. 

friends. Strong attachments in many cases had grown up between 
the savages and their captives; they surrendered them with great 
reluctance, some even with tears. Every attention they could desire 
was paid to them ; presents were bestowed upon them, and some 
of the Indians followed the objects of their attachment to Fort Pitt, 
and even to the settlements. Two hundred and six prisoners were 
recovered. One hundred more remained, who were given up by the 
Shawanees in the next year. After the Indians had complied 
with his requisitions, Bouquet relaxed his reserve, held a council 
with the chiefs, received from them assurance that they would 
give up all prisoners that could be found, and that they would meet 
Sir William Johnson in council in the spring, to make a definite 
treaty of peace, and took from them six hostages for the due per- 
formance of their agreement. 

Every thing being then arranged with the Indians, the army 
broke up its encampment on the 18th of ^November, and reached 
Fort Pitt on the 28th. From that place the volunteers returned to 
their homes, and Col. Bouquet with his troops marched to Phila- 
delphia, where he arrived about the beginning of the next year. 

The promise the Indians made to Bouquet was faithfully kept. 
The representatives of all the tribes of the west met Sir "William 
Johnson early in the next spring, at the German Flats, and made 
a treaty of peace. A tract of land within the Indian territory was 
ceded for the benefit of the traders who had suffered by the break- 
ing out of the war, and the Indians proposed to fix a definite boun- 
dary along the Allegheny river, beyond which the white men 
should not be allowed to go. But Johnson excused himself on 
the ground of a want of power from acceding to the demand, and 
thus the great subject of controversy remained unsettled. 

With the returning representatives of the Delawares and Shawa- 
nees, George Croghan, the commissioner of Sir William Johnson, 
went to the west to learn the disposition of the French inhabitants, 
to secure if possible their adhesion to the English interest, and 
thus to prevent the recurrence of Indian war. On the 15th of May, 
Croghan left Fort Pitt, and on the 8th of June was taken prisoner 
by a party of Indians, and carried to Vincennes. His journal gives 
much information in regard to the disposition of the French and 
Indians of the Illinois at that period. 

"On my arrival there, I found a village of about eighty or 
ninety French families settled on the east side of this river, being 
one of the finest situations that can be found. The country is 



1765. croghan's journal. 183 

level and clear and the soil very rich, producing wheat and 
tobacco. I think the latter preferable to that of Maryland or 
Virginia. The French inhabitants hereabouts, are an idle, lazy 
people, a parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much 
worse than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our 
misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to the Indians, 
exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. As the savages 
took from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie, 
the Trench traders extorted ten half Johannes from them for one 
pound of vermilion. Here is likewise an Indian village of the 
Pyankeshaws, who were much displeased with the party that took 
me, telling them that ' our chiefs and your chiefs are gone to 
make peace, and you have begun a war, for which our women 
and children will have reason to cry.' From this post the 
Indians permitted me to write to the commander, at Fort Chartres, 
but would not suffer me to write to any body else, (this I appre- 
hend was a precaution of the French, lest their villany should be 
perceived too soon,) although the Indians had given me permission 
to write to Sir Win. Johnson, and Fort Pitt, on our march, before 
we arrived at this place. But immediately after our arrival they 
had a private council with the French, in which the Indians urged, 
( as they afterward informed me,) that as the French had engaged 
them in so bad an affair, which was likely to bring a war on their 
nation, they now expected a proof of their promise and assistance. 
They delivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, and 
wanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws ; but they 
refused to accept of any, and declared they would not be concerned 
in the affair. This last information I got from the Pyankeshaws, 
as I had been well acquainted with them several years before 
this time. 

"Post Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade, being a 
fine hunting country all along the Ouabache, and too far for the 
Indians, which reside hereabouts, to go either to the Illinois, or 
elsewhere, to fetch their necessaries. 

"June 23d. Early in the morning we set out through a fine 
meadow, then some clear woods ; in the afternoon came into a 
very large bottom on the Ouabache, within six miles of Ouicatanon ; 
here I met several chiefs of the Kicl^apoos and Musquattimes, who 
spoke to their young men who had taken us, and reprimanded 
them severely for what they had done to me, after which they 
returned with us to their village, and delivered us all to their 
chiefs. 



184 croghan's journal. 1765. 

u The distance from Post Vincent to Ouicatanon is two hundred 
and ten miles. This place is situated on the Ouahache. About 
fourteen French families are living in the fort, which stands on the 
north side of the river. The Kickapoos and Musquattimes whose 
warriors had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the 
river, where they have two villages ; and the Ouicatanons have 
a village on the south side of the river. At our arrival at this 
post, several of the Wawcottonans, (or Ouicatanons) with whom I 
had been formerly acquainted, came to visit me, and seemed greatly 
concerned at what had happened. They went immediately to the 
Kickapoos and Musquattimes, and charged them to take the greatest 
care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the Illinois, where 
they were gone to meet me some time ago, and who were entirely 
ignorant of this affair, and said the French had spirited up this 
party to go and strike us. 

" The French have a great influence over these Indians, and 
never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty's 
interest, by making the English nation odious and hateful to them. 
I had the greatest difficulties in removing these prejudices. As 
these Indians are a weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are 
easily imposed on by a designing people, who have led them hith- 
erto as they pleased. The French told them that as the southern 
Indians had for two years past made war on them, it must have 
been at the instigation of the English, who are a bad people. How- 
ever I have been fortunate enough to remove their prejudice, and 
in a great measure, their suspicions against the English. The 
country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and clear 
for many miles ; the soil very rich and well watered ; all plants 
have a quick vegetation, and the climate very temperate through 
the winter. This post has always been a very considerable trading 
place. The great plenty of furs taken in this country, induced the 
French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, 
and by a very advantageous trade they have been richly recom- 
pensed for their labor. 

" August 1st. The Twigtwee village is situated on both sides 
of a river, called St. Joseph. This river where it falls into the 
Miame river, about a quarter of a mile from this place, is one hun- 
dred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, 
somewhat ruinous. 

" The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides 
nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during 
the late Indian war ; they were concerned in it, and being afraid 



1765. croghan's journal. 185 

of punishment, came to this post, where ever since they have 
spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French 
residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief, 
and spiriting up the Indians against the English, 4 and should by no 
means be suffered to remain here. The country is pleasant, the 
soil rich and well watered. After several conferences with these 
Indians, and their delivering me up all the English prisoners they 
had, 

" On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miames 
river in a canoe. 

"August 11th. In the morning we arrived at the fort, which is a 
large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses; it stands close on the 
north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a very pleasant 
prospect for nine miles above, and nine miles below the fort; the 
country is thick settled with French, their plantations are generally 
laid out about three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty 
acres in depth ; the soil is good, producing plenty of grain. All 
the people here are generally poor wretches, and consist of three 
or four hundred French families, a lazy, idle people, depending 
chiefly on the savages for their subsistence; though the land, with 
little labor, produces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much 
as will supply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whose man- 
ners and customs they have entirely adopted, and cannot subsist 
without them. The men, women, and children speak the Indian 
tongue perfectly well. In the last Indian war the most part of the 
French were concerned in it, (although the whole settlement had 
taken the oath of allegiance to his Britannic majesty) they have, 
therefore, great reason to be thankful to the English clemency in 
not bringing them to deserved punishment. Before the late Indian 
war there resided three nations of Indians at this place : the Puta- 
watimes, whose village was on the west side of the river, about one 
mile below the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three 
miles above the fort; and the Wyandotts, whose village lies on the 
east side, about two miles below the fort. The former two nations 
have removed to a considerable distance, and the latter still remain 
where they were, and are remarkable for their good sense and 
hospitality. They have a particular attachment to the Roman 
Catholic religion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncom- 
mon pains to instruct them." 

There were six settlements of the French on the east of the 
Mississippi, in what was called the Illinois, which, though not 
13 



186 d'abadie's charter to laclede. 1760. 

included in the capitulation of Montreal, were ceded by the treaty 
of Paris to Great Britain. They were, Cahokia, at the mouth of 
Cahokia creek, less than four miles below the site of St. Louis; 
St. Philip, forty-live miles below Cahokia, on the Mississippi; 
Kaskaskia, on Kaskaskia river, six miles from its mouth; Fort 
Chartres, about fifteen miles north-west from Kaskaskia, on the 
Mississippi; Prairie du Rocker, near Fort Chartres ; and Yincennes, 
oil the Wabash. All these settlements were under the govern- 
ment of St. Ange de Belle Eive, commandant at Fort Chartres, 
subordinate to M. DAbadie, at New Orleans, who was director- 
general and civil and military commandant of the province of 
Louisiana, under tbe king. It was known that Louisiana east 
of the Mississippi had been surrendered to the English; it was 
not known that Louisiana west of the Mississippi had been ceded 
to Spain, and accordingly, immediately after the capitulation of 
Canada was known in Louisiana, movements were set on foot to 
extend the settlements and power of France beyond the Mis- 
sissippi. 

The most important of these, was the settlement of St. Louis. 
On the 16th of March', 1763, after the cession of Western Louisiana 
to Spain, DAbadie was appointed governor of Louisiana. Shortly 
after his arrival, on the 29th of June, at New Orleans, he granted 
to Pierre Ligeuste Laclede, and his associates, under the name of 
" The Louisiana Fur Company," a charter containing "the necessary 
powers to trade with the Indians of Missouri, and those west of 
the Mississippi, above the Missouri, as far north as the river St, 
Peters," with authority to establish such posts as they might think 
fit in furtherance of their enterprise. Accordingly, on the 3d of 
August, Laclede with his party, including Auguste and Pierre 
Chouteau in his family, both then very young, left New Orleans, 
and on the 3d of November, reached St. Genevieve. 

At that period there were only two settlements of the French 
west of the Mississippi, above the post of Arkansas. On the 
present site of New Madrid, a trading post was established as 
early, according to tradition, as 1740. The early inhabitants, were 
chiefly hunters and traders ; and, from the great number of bears 
in that region, their principal occupation was the chase of that 
animal, and the preparation and sale of bear's oil, which they 
collected and shipped, by the Kaskaskia traders, to New Orleans. 
From this circumstance, and from the fact that it was situated on 
a bend of the river, it was namecLin keeping with French Creole 
humor, "LAnse d' la Gresse," (greasy bend.) On a beautiful 



1764. SETTLEMENT OF ST. LOUIS. 187 

plateau of alluvion, consisting of some five thousand acres, and 
extending some three miles below the present town of that name, 
the old village of St. Genevieve was located. It was settled 
as an agricultural hamlet about 1755, but, in addition to its 
agricultural advantages, its proximity to the mines, and its beau r 
tiful situation on the Mississippi, invited settlers ; and a considera- 
ble accession to its population was afterward made by the French, 
who retired beyond the Mississippi immediately after the treaty of 
Paris, to avoid the rule of the British. 

Laclede found the position of St. Genevieve too far from the 
mouth of the Missouri to serve his purposes ; no house, indeed, in 
it was found large enough to accommodate his stores. Having 
been offered by the commandant the use of the store at Fort 
Chartres for that purpose, he proceeded to that place, where his 
party spent the winter. In the meantime, he explored the western 
side of the Mississippi, and chose a site on its western bank, 
eighteen miles below the mouth of the Missouri. It was a grove 
of heavy timber skirting the river bank, and behind it, at an eleva- 
tion of some thirty feet, there extended a beautiful expanse of 
undulating prairie. Returning to Fort Chartres, he collected his 
party, increased by some families from Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and 
the other French villages, and, on the 15th of February, 1764, 
landed at the site he had chosen, took formal possession of it in 
the name of France, and laid off the lines of a town which he 
named St. Louis, in honor of Louis XV.* 

The position of the new town was inviting ; the French of the 
Illinois were deeply dissatisfied with the cession of the treaty of 
Paris, and, to avoid living under the government of their hereditary 
enemies, and, as they hoped, to remain under the protection of 
their mother country, many of them crossed the river and located 
themselves at, or near St. Louis. The hamlets of Vide Poche, or 
Carondelet, established by De Tergette, in 1767, six miles below 
St. Louis; Les Petites Cotes, now St. Charles, established by 
Blanchette, in 1769 ; Florisant, established by Demegant, between 
St. Louis and St. Charles, in 1776, and the Portage des Sioux, 
established about the same time, eight miles above the mouth of 



* St. Louis was long familiarly known to the French on the Mississippi, in accordance 
with their habits of humorous carricature, by the name of "Pain Court," (Short 
Bread,) in allusion to the neglect of agriculture by its citizens, who were generally 
employed in the fur trade. 



188 SURRENDER OF ILLINOIS. 1765. 

the Missouri, were also points around which the French population, 
dissatisfied with the English rule, collected. 

Early in February, 1764, Captain George Johnston arrived at 
Pensacola, with a regiment of troops, to take possession of Loui- 
siana; and, on the 27th of that month, dispatched Major Loftus, 
to occupy Fort Chartres. Loftus proceeded with his detachment 
up the Mississippi, until he reached a point ten miles above Red 
river, where he was attacked by a strong force of Tunica Indians ; 
was slain, with a large number of his men, and the detachment 
returned. After this reverse, the attempt to occupy the Illinois, 
was abandoned until after the general peace with the Indians in the 
next year. 

Early in 1765, Captain Stirling, of the British army, was dis- 
patched by Gen. Gage, then commander-in-chief of the British 
forces in North America, by way of Detroit, to the Illinois, to take 
possession of the posts and settlements of the French east of the 
Mississippi. On his arrival, St. Ange surrendered Fort Chartres, 
and retired with the garrison of twenty-one men, and with about 
one-third of the French inhabitants, to St. Louis, where he exer- 
cised the functions of commandant, by the consent of the people, 
till he was superseded by the Spanish governor Piernas, in 1770. 
Captain Stirling received the allegiance of the French that 
remained ; and, upon his assuming the government, published the 
following proclamation from General Gage. 

"Whereas, by the peace concluded at Paris, the 10th day of Feb- 
ruary, 1763, the country of Illinois has been ceded to his Britannic 
Majesty, and the taking possession of the said country of the Illi- 
nois, by the troops of his majesty, though delayed, has been deter- 
mined upon; we have found it good to make known to the 
inhabitants — 

"That his majesty grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois, the 
liberty of the Catholic religion, as has already been granted to his 
subjects in Canada. He has consequently given the most precise 
and effective orders to the end, that his new Roman Catholic sub- 
jects of the Illinois may exercise the worship of their religion, 
according to the rites of the Romish church, in the same manner 
as in Canada. 

"That his majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabitants 
or others, who have been subjects of the most Christian king, (the 
king of France,) may retire in full safety and freedom wherever 
they please, even to New Orleans, or any part of Louisiana; although 



1765. BRITISH DOMINION ESTABLISHED. 189 

it should happen that the Spaniards take possession of it in the 
name of his Catholic majesty, (the king of Spain,) and they may 
sell their estates, provided it be to the subjects of his majesty, and 
transport their effects as well as their persons, without restraint 
upon their emigration, under any pretense whatever, except in 
consequence of debts, or of criminal processes. 

" That those who choose to retain their lands, and become sub- 
jects of his majesty, shall enjoy the same rights and privileges, the 
same security for their persons and effects, and the liberty of trades 
as the old subjects of the king. 

" That they are commanded by these presents, to take the oath 
of fidelity and obedience to his majesty, in presence of Sieur Stir- 
ling, captain of the Highland regiment, the bearer hereof, and fur- 
nished with our full powers for this purpose. 

"That we recommend forcibly to the inhabitants, to conduct 
themselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding, by a wise and 
prudent demeanor, all causes of complaint against them. 

" That they act in concert with his majesty's officers, so that his 
troops may take possession of all the forts, and order be kept in 
the country. By this means alone they will spare his majesty the 
necessity of recurring to force of arms, and will find themselves 
saved from the scourge of a bloody war, and of all the evils which 
the march of an army into their country would draw after it. 

" We direct that these presents be read, published and posted 
up in the usual places. 

" Done and given at head -quarters, New York — signed with our 
hands — sealed with our seal at arms, and countersigned by 
our Secretary, this 30th of December, 1764. 

"THOMAS GAGE. 

" By his Excellency, G. Marturin." 

Captain Stirling remained but a short time in Illinois. He was 
succeeded by Major Farmer, of whose administration little is 
known. Next in office was Colonel Reed, who made himself con- 
spicuous by a series of military oppressions, of which complaints 
were made without redress. He became odiously unpopular and 
left the colony. The next in command was Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wilkins, who arrived at Kaskaskia on the 5th of September, 1768. 
On the 21st of November following, he issued a proclamation? 
stating that he had received orders from General Gage to establish 
a'eourt of justice in Illinois, for settling all disputes and contro- 
versies between man and man, and all claims in relation to pro- 



190 PITMAN IN ILLINOIS, 1766, 

perty, both real and personal. As military commandant, Colonel 
"Wilkins appointed seven judges, who met and held their first court 
at Fort Chartres, December 6th, 1768. Courts were then held once 
in each month. Even this system, though greatly preferable to a 
military tribunal, was far from satisfying the claims of the people. 
They insisted on a trial by jury, which being denied them, the 
court became unpopular. In 1772, the seat of government was 
removed to Kaskaskia. It is not known at what period Colonel 
Wilkins left the country, nor who succeeded him. When it was 
taken possession of by Colonel Clark, in 1778, M. Boehblave was 
commandant. 

A detailed and interesting description of the French settlements 
of the Illinois, at the time of their cession to Great Britain, is given 
in " The Present State of the European Settlements on the Missis- 
sippi," by Captain Philip Pitman — a quarto volume published in 
London, in 1770. Capt. Pitman was military engineer in the British 
army, and in that capacity was sent to survey the forts, munitions 
of war and towns in Florida, in 1763, when the British took pos- 
session of that country. Having surveyed the fortifications of Pen- 
sacola and Mobile, near the gulf, he proceeded to the settlements 
on the Mississippi, and, after surveying the posts in Louisiana, he 
reached Illinois about 1766. He describes " the country of Illinois, 
as bounded by the Mississippi on the west, by the river Illinois on 
the north, the rivers Ouabache and Miamies on the east, and the 
Ohio on the south." Of this tract of country he says: 

"The air, in general, is pure, and the sky serene, except in the 
month of March, and the latter end of September, when there are 
heavy rains and hard gales of wind. The months of May, June,, 
July, and August, are excessively hot, and subject to sudden and 
violent storms. January and February are extremely cold, the 
other months in the year are moderate." 

Very probably during the seasons Captain Pitman was in Illi- 
nois, "heavy rains " occurred in the latter end of September, but 
in the proportion of Hye years out of six, the autumnal months are 
dry, the pastures decay, and the farmers find inconvenience in sow- 
ing wheat, from the drouth. During the periodical rise of the rivers 
in the spring, and especially the annual rise of the Missouri in 
June, rain falls to a greater or less extent. Captain Pitman, whose 
accuracy, in general, cannot be questioned, probably drew his com- 
parison of the climate and seasons in Illinois with England, to 
which he had been accustomed. He continues — 

"The principal Indian nations in this country are the Caseas- 



1766. DESCRIPTION OP THE COUNTRY. 191 

quias, Kahoquias, Mitchigamias, and Peoryas ; these four tribes are 
generally called the Illinois Indians. Except in the hunting sea- 
sons, they reside near the English settlements in this country. 
They are a poor, debauched, and detestable people. They count 
about three hundred and fifty warriors. The Pianquichas, Mas- 
coutins, Miamies, Kickapous, and Pyatonons, though not very 
numerous, are a brave and war-like people. 

"The soil of this country, in general, is very rich and luxuriant; 
it produces all sorts of European grains, hops, hemp, flax, cotton, 
and tobacco, and European fruits come to great perfection. 

"The inhabitants make wine of the wild grapes, which is very 
inebriating, and is, in color and taste, very like the red wine of 
Provence. 

"In the late wars, New Orleans and the lower parts of Louisiana 
were supplied with flour, beef, wines, hams, and other provisions, 
from this country. At present its commerce is mostly confined to 
the peltry and furs, which are got in traffic from the Indians; for 
which are received in return, such European commodities as are 
necessary to carry on that commerce, and the support of the inhab- 
itants." 

Of Fort Chartres, which was rebuilt in 1756, under the authority 
of the French government, in view of the hostilities then existing 
between England and France, for the possession of the country on 
the Ohio, Captain Pitman gives the following description : — 

"Fort Chartres, when it belonged to France, was the seat of gov- 
ernment of the Illinois. The head-quarters of the English com- 
manding officer is now here, who, in fact, is the arbitrary governor 
of this country. The fort is an irregular quadrangle ; the sides of 
the exterior polygon are 490 feet. It is built of stone, is plastered 
over, and is only designed as a defense against the Indians. The 
walls are two feet two inches thick, and are pierced with loop-holes 
at regular distances, and with two port-holes for cannon in the faces, 
and two in the flanks of each bastion. The ditch has never been fin- 
ished. The entrance to the fort is through a very handsome rustic 
gate. Within the walls is a banquette raised three feet, for the 
men to stand on when they fire through the loop-holes. The build- 
ings within the fort are, a commandant's and commissary's house, 
the magazine of stores, corps de garde, and two barracks ; these 
occupy the square. Within the gorges of the bastion are a powder 
magazine, a bake-house, and a prison, in the lower floor of which 
are four dungeons, and in the upper, two rooms, and an out-house 
belonging to commandant. The commandant's house is thirty-two 



192 DESCRIPTION OF FORT CHARTRES. 1766, 

yards long, and ten broad, and contains a kitchen, a dining-room, 
a bed-chamber, one small room, ^.ve closets for servants, and a cel- 
lar. The commissary's house, (now occupied by officers,) is built 
on the same line as this, and its proportion and the distribution of 
its apartments are the same. Opposite these are the store-house 
and the guard-house ; they are each thirty yards long, and eight 
broad. The former consists of two large store-rooms, (under which 
is a large vaulted cellar,) a large room, abed-chamber, and a closet 
for the store-keeper; the latter of a soldiers' and officers' guard- 
room, a chapel, a bed-chamber, a closet for the chaplain, and an 
artillery store-room. The lines of barracks have never been fin- 
ished; they at present consist of two rooms each for officers, and 
three for soldiers : they are each twenty feet square, and have be- 
twixt them a small passage. There are fine spacious lofts over each 
building, which reach from end to end; these are made use of to 
lodge regimental stores, working and entrenching tools, &c. It is 
generally believed that this is the most convenient and best built 
fort in Ebrth America." 

In 1756, the fort stood half a mile from the bank of the river; in 
1766, it was eighty yards. In two years after, Captain Pitman 
states : — 

" The bank of the Mississippi, next the fort, is continually falling 
in, being worn away by the current, which has been turned from 
its course by a sand-bank, now increased to a considerable island, 
covered with willows. Many experiments have been tried to stop 
this growing evil, but to no purpose. Eight years ago the river 
was fordable to the Island; the channel is now forty feet deep. 

" In the year 1764, there were about forty families in the village 
near the fort, and a parish church, served by a Franciscan friar, 
dedicated to Ste. Anne. In the following year, when the English 
took possession of the country, they abandoned their houses, except 
three or four poor families, and settled in the villages on the west 
side of the Mississippi, choosing to continue under the French 
government." 

About the year 1770, the river made further encroachments, and 
in 1772, it inundated portions of the American bottom, and formed 
a channel so near this fort, that the wall and two bastions on the 
west side, next the river, were undermined and fell into it. The 
British garrison abandoned the place, and it has never since been 
occupied. Those portions of the wall which escaped the flood, 
have been removed by the inhabitants of Kaskaskia and adjacent 
settlements for building purposes. 



1766. DESCRIPTION OF FORT CHARTRES. 193 

In 1820, Dr. Lewis C. Beck, of New York, while collecting 
materials for his Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri, visited these 
ruinSj and made a complete and accurate survey, with an engraved 
plan of the fort as it then appeared. The line of the exterior wall 
was one thousand four hundred and forty-seven feet. The two 
houses, formerly occupied by the commandant and commissary, 
were each ninety-six feet in length and thirty feet in breadth. 

The following description, as it then appeared, is from Beck's 
Gazetteer: 

"In front, all that remains is a small stone cellar, which has no 
doubt been a magazine ; some distance above, or north of this, is 
an excavation in the earth, which has the appearance of having 
been burned ; it may have been a furnace for heating shot, as one 
of the cannon must have been in this vicinity. Not a vestige of 
the wall is to be seen on this side, except a few stones, which still 
remain in the ravine below. At the south-east angle there is a 
gate, and the wall is perfect. It is about fifteen feet high and three 
feet thick, and is built of coarse lime-stone, quarried in the hills 
about two miles distant, and is well cemented. The south side is, 
with few exceptions, perfect; as is also the south-east bastion. 
The north-east is generally in ruins. On the east face are two port 
holes for cannon, which are still perfect; they are about three feet 
square, formed by solid rocks or clefts worked smooth, and into 
proper shape; here is also a large gate, eighteen feet wide, the 
sides of which still remain in a state of tolerable preservation; the 
cornices and casements, however, which formerly ornamented it, 
have all been taken away. A considerable portion of the north 
side of the fort has also been destroyed. 

"The houses which make up the square inside are generally in 
ruins. Sufficient, however, remains to enable the visitor to ascer- 
tain exactly their dimensions and relative situations. The well, 
which is little injured by time, is about twenty-four feet north of 
the north-east house, which, according to Pitman, was the comman- 
dant's house. The banquette is entirely destroyed. The magazine 
is in a perfect state, and is an uncommon specimen of solidity. Its 
walls are four feet thick, and it is arched in the inside. 

" Over the whole fort there is a considerable growth of trees, 
and in the hall of the houses there is an oak about eighteen inches 
in diameter." 

There is now a large island in the river where a sand-bar 
"covered with willows," had commenced at the period of Captain 
Pitman's survey. A " slough " is next the ruins. Trees more than 



194 DESCRIPTION OF KASKASKIA. 1766. 

three feet in diameter, are within the walls. It is a ruin in the 
midst of a dense forest, and did we not know its origin and history, 
it might furnish a fruitful theme of antiquarian speculation. 

Captain Pitman gives the following" description of Kaskaskia, or, 
according to the French orthography of the period, which he fol- 
lows, Cascasquias. 

"The Village of Notre Dame de Cascasquias, is by far the most 
considerable settlement in the country of Illinois, as well from its 
number of inhabitants, as from its advantageous situation. 

" Mons. Paget was the first who introduced water mills in this 
country, and he constructed a very fine one on the river Cascas- 
quias, which was both for grinding corn and sawing boards. It 
lies about one mile from the village. The mill proved fatal to him, 
being killed as he was working it, with two negroes, by a party of 
Cherokees, in the year 1764. 

"The principal buildings are, the church and Jesuits' house, 
which has a small chapel adjoining it ; these, as well as some other 
houses in the village, are built of stone, and^ considering this part 
of the world, make a very good appearance. The Jesuits' planta- 
tion consisted of two hundred and forty arpents of cultivated land,* 
a very good stock of cattle, and a brewery ; which was sold by the 
French commandant, after the country was ceded to the English, 
for the crown, in consequence of the suppression of the order. 

" Mons. Beauvais was the purchaser, who is the richest of the 
English subjects in this country; he keeps eighty slaves; he fur- 
nishes eighty-six thousand weight of fiour to the king's magazine, 
which was only a part of the harvest he reaped in one year. 

" Sixty-five families reside in this village, besides merchants, 
other casual people, and slaves. The fort, which was burnt down 
in October, 1766, stood on the summit of a high rock opposite the 
village, and on the opposite side of the Kaskaskia river. It was 
an oblongular quadrangle, of which the exterior polygon measured 
two hundred and ninety, by two hundred and fifty-one feet. It 
was built of very thick, squared timber, and dove-tailed at the 
angles. An officer and twenty soldiers are quartered in the village. 
The officer governs the inhabitants, under the direction of the 
commandant at Chartres. Here are also two companies of 
militia." 



* An ardent is 85-100ths of an English acre. 



1766, DESCRIPTION OF CAHOKIA. 195 

Prairie du Kocher, or " La Prairie de Roches," as Captain Pit- 
man has it, is next described — 

" As about seventeen [fourteen] miles from Cascasquias. It is a 
small village, consisting of twelve dwelling-honses, all of which 
are inhabited by as many families. Here is a little chapel, formerly 
a chapel of ease to the church at Fort Chartres. The inhabitants 
here are very industrious, and raise a great deal of corn, and every 
kind of stock. The village is two miles from Fort Chartres. It 
takes its name from its situation, being built under a rock that 
runs parallel with the river Mississippi, at a league distance, for 
forty miles up. Here is a company of militia, the captain of which 
regulates the police of the village." 

" Saint Philippe is a small village about five miles from Fort 
Chartres, on the road to Kaoquias. There are about sixteen houses 
and a small church standing; all of the inhabitants, except the 
captain of the militia, deserted it, 1765, and went to the French 
side [Missouri]. The captain of the militia has about twenty slaves, 
a good stock of cattle, and a water-mill for corn and planks. This 
village stands in a very fine meadow, about one mile from the 
Mississippi." 

Next follows a description of Cahokia, or, in the orthography of 
the time, "Kaoquias." It will be remembered that Captain Pit- 
man was officially employed in surveying all the forts, villages, 
and improvements, to be found in the English territories on the 
Mississippi and gulf of Mexico ; that he was engaged several years 
in this work, by personal observation, and that the work from 
which these extracts are made is an official document of great value, 
as filling up a chasm in the history of Illinois, for which no other 
correct sources of information are to be found. 

u The village of Saint Famille de Kaoquias," Pitman writes, "is 
generally reckoned fifteen leagues from Fort Chartres, and six 
leagues below the mouth of the Missouri. It stands near the side 
of the Mississippi, and is marked from the river by an island of 
two leagues long. The village is opposite the centre of this island * 
it is long and straggling, being three-quarters of a mile from one 
end to the other. It contains forty-five dwelling-houses, and a 
church near its centre. The situation is not well chosen ; as in the 
floods it is generally overflowed two or three feet. This was the 
first settlement on the Mississippi. The land was purchased of 
the savages by a few Canadians, some of whom married women of 
the Kaoquias nation, and others brought wives from Canada, and 
then resided there, leaving their children to succeed them. 



196 TKANSFER OP WESTERN LOUISIANA. 1766. 

" The inhabitants of this place depend more on hunting, and 
their Indian trade, than on agriculture, as they scarcely raise corn 
enough for their own consumption ; they have a great plenty of 
poultry, and good stocks of horned cattle. 

" The mission of St. Sulpice had a very fine plantation here, and 
an excellent house built on it. They sold this estate, and a very 
good mill for corn and planks, to a Frenchman who chose to re- 
main under the English government. They also disposed of thirty 
negroes and a good stock of cattle, to different people in the coun- 
try, and returned to France in 1764. What is called the fort, is a 
small house standing in the centre of the village. It differs nothing 
from the other houses, except in being one of the poorest. It was 
formerly inclosed with high palisades, but these were torn down 
and burnt. Indeed, a fort at this place could be of little use." 

The cession of Western Louisiana was made by a secret treaty 
to Spain, and, in the terms of the cession, it was stipulated that it 
should remain under the nominal government of France, till the 
court of Madrid was prepared to receive and occupy it. It was 
with this view that D'Abadie, who was ignorant that the region he 
was sent to govern was really the province of a foreign power, was 
appointed to the government of Louisiana. All his measures, and 
all the calculations of the people were made on the supposition 
that Western Louisiana was to remain the permanent colony of 
France ; but, to his great surprise, he received an autograph letter 
from the king, dated April 21st, 1764, containing an official 
announcement of the cession of his province to Spain, and enclos- 
ing copies of the act of cession and of the act of acceptance.* The 
letter of the king ran thus : 

"Louis XV. to M. D'Abadie. 

"Monsieur D'Abadie, by a private act passed at Fontainbleau, 
on the 3d of November, 1762, having of my own free will, ceded 
to my very dear and beloved cousin, the king of Spain, and to his 
successors and heirs, in full property, completely, and without 
reserve or restriction, all the country known under the name of 
Louisiana, and, also, New Orleans, with the island in which it is 
situated; and by another act, passed at the Escurial and signed by 
the king of Spain, on the 13th of November, of the same year, his 



* Gay aire's French Domination in Louisiana, vol. 2. 



1766. TRANSFER OF WESTERN LOUISIANA. 197 

Catholic Majesty having accepted the cession of Louisiana and of 
the town of £few Orleans, as will appear by copies of said acts here- 
unto annexed ; I write you this letter to inform you that my inten- 
tion is, that, on the receipt of it, and of the documents thereto 
annexed, whether they are handed to you by officers of his Catholic 
Majesty, or in a direct line by the French ships to which they are 
entrusted, you deliver up into the hands of the Governor, or of the 
colony of Louisiana, with the settlements or posts thereto appertain- 
ing, together with the town and island of ~New Orleans, such as 
they may be found on the day of the said delivery, it being my will 
that,' for the future, they belong to his Catholic Majesty, to be 
administered by his governors and officers as belonging to him, 
fully, and without reserve and exception. 

" I order you, accordingly, as soon as the Governor and the troops 
of that monarch shall have arrived in the said country and colony, 
to put them in possession thereof, and to withdraw all the officers, 
soldiers, or other persons employed under my government, and to 
send to France, and to my other colonies of America, such of them 
as will not be disposed to remain under the Spanish dominion. 

"I desire, moreover, that, after the entire evacuation of the said 
post and town of isTew Orleans, you gather up all the papers relative 
to the finances and administration of the colony of Louisiana, and 
that you come to France to account for them. 

"My intention is, however, that you deliver up to the said 
Governor, or other officers duly authorized, all the papers and 
documents which concern specially the government of that colony, 
either with regard to the limits of that territory, or with regard to 
the Indians and the different posts, after having obtained proper 
receipts for your discharge, and that you give to the said Governor 
all the information in your power, to enable him to govern the said 
colony to the mutual satisfaction of both nations. 

" My will is, that a duplicate inventory of all the artillery, ware- 
houses, hospitals, vessels, and other effects which belong to me in 
the said colony, be made and signed By you and the Commissary 
of his Catholic Majesty, in order that, after your having put the said 
Commissary in possession of the same, there be drawn up a verbal 
process of the appraisement of such of said effects as will remain in 
the colony, and the value of which shall be reimbursed by his 
Catholic Majesty in conformity with the said appraisement. 

"I hope, at the same time, for the advantage and tranquillity of 
the inhabitants of the colony of Louisiana, and I flatter myself, in 
consequence of the friendship and affection of his Catholic Majesty, 



198 TRANSFER OF WESTERN LOUISIANA. 1766* 

that he will be pleased so to instruct his Governor or any other of 
his officers employed by him in said colony, and said town of New 
Orleans, that all ecclesiastics and religious communities shall con- 
tinue to perform their functions of curates and missionaries, and 
to enjoy the rights, privileges, and exemptions granted to them ; 
that all the judges of ordinary jurisdiction, together with the 
superior council, shall continue to administer justice according to 
the laws, forms, and usages of the colony, that the titles of the 
inhabitants to their property shall be confirmed in accordance with 
the concessions made by the Governors and Ordinary Commissaries 
of said colony ; and that said concessions shall be looked upon and 
held as confirmed by his Catholic Majesty, although they may not, as 
yet, have been confirmed by me ; hoping, moreover, that his Catholic 
Majesty will be pleased to give to his subjects of Louisiana the 
marks of protection and good-will which they have received under 
my domination, and which would have been more effectual if not 
counteracted by the calamities of war. 

"I order you to have this letter registered by the superior council 
of New Orleans, in order that the people of the colony, of all ranks 
and conditions, be informed of its contents, that they may avail 
themselves of it, if need be ; such being my sole object in writing 
this letter. 

"I pray God, Monsieur D'Abadie, to have you in his holy 
keeping. 

Signed, LOUIS." 

"When D'Abadie published the instructions he had received, the 
colony of Louisiana was plunged into the deepest consternation. 
Although partially prepared for the event, by the dismemberment 
of their country, their fortitude was not steeled to meet this new 
misfortune. As Frenchmen, their pride was wounded by the 
mutilation and abandonment of the French empire they had 
toiled to establish in America. As men, they felt the degradation 
of being bartered away to alien powers, without their own consent. 
As property holders and members of society, they dreaded the 
effect of a change of laws and government. Accordingly, they 
resolved to petition the government to allow them yet to live 
under the laws and protection of France. A convention of all the 
parishes of lower Louisiana, was held at New Orleans, an address 
to the king was adopted, praying him not to sever them from the 
mother country, and Jean Milhet was deputed to carry it to the 
foot of the throne. Arriving at Paris, he waited upon the aged 



1766. CHARACTER OF I>E ULLOA. 199 

Bienville, and astonished him with the information, that Louisi- 
ana, whose foundation he had laid, and for the good of which 
he had done so much, was being divided between his old 
enemies, the English and the Spanairds. Together they sought 
the Prime Minister, the Duke of Choiseul. Milhet presented the 
address of the people, and urged all the considerations that ought 
to influence France to retain her American empire. The Duke 
only replied, he could not change the course of things. Bienville, 
on his knees, prayed the minister to reconsider the decree issued 
against the colony. It was in vain ; De Choiseul himself had 
advised the cession. The burthen of the Louisiana colony was 
too great to be borne. Crozat had spent many millions of livres 
in vain to establish it. More than twenty millions had been lost 
by the India company, with the same result. Forty to fifty 
millions had been sacrificed by the government, in the attempt to 
colonize Louisiana. And yet it returned no revenue, yet it lan- 
guished, yet it demanded more and greater outlays to maintain it. 
France, exhausted and prostrated by long wars, could do no more; 
and it was better that Louisiana should be given to the hereditary 
ally of France, than conquered by its hereditary foe. Thus they 
were dismissed. Bienville died shortly after, of grief, and Milhet 
returned to announce to the colonists that there was no relief for 
them. 

On the 4th of February, 1765, D'Abadie died of grief, it is said, 
at the loss of Louisiana, and Aubry succeeded him in the provis- 
ional government. After a long delay, and much anxiety of the 
people, Antonio de Ulloa arrived, with ninety men, on the 5th of 
March, 1766, as the representative of the Spanish government, to 
take possession of the colony, and govern it in the name of his 
master. De Ulloa, was not well fitted for the post. Almost alone 
among the Spaniards of his day, he had earned a European reputa- 
tion for his scientific culture. At the age of nineteen, he was 
appointed by the Royal Academy, to a commission sent by the 
Spanish and French governments, to Peru, to determine the con- 
figuration of the earth. Returning, he was taken prisoner by the 
English, and carried to London, and, in this singular way, intro- 
duced himself to the savans of the Royal Society. Released, 
through its interference, he traveled through Europe, at the 
command of the king, to study for the benefit of Spain, the science 
of other nations. On the accession of Charles III, he was raised 
to the rank of commodore of the fleet of the Indies. And now 
he was appointed to take possession of and organize the new colony 



200 EXPULSION OP DE ULLOA. 1766. 

of Louisiana. His instructions were liberal to the colonists ; no 
change was to be made in the laws and administration to which 
they were accustomed. They were not to be amenable to the 
ministry of the Indies ; but to have a direct appeal to the protec- 
tion of the king. 

De Ulloa was received by the French coldly and sullenly. They 
had exhausted every means to avoid the execution of the treaty of 
cession. Even yet, they believed it was not sincerely designed to 
sever them from their mother country. Accordingly, they threw 
every obstacle in the way of their new governor. Every arrange- 
ment was made to conciliate their feelings, and every act for their 
benefit was received with scorn. In the face of such discontent, 
De Ulloa declined to receive the government, and continued to 
govern through Aubry, under the French name. The spirit of the 
colonists rose with his indecision. A conspiracy was formed ; a 
decree was passed in the colonial council, to expel him from the 
colony. To justify this act, the council addressed a memorial to 
the French court, filled with complaints against De Ulloa, the most 
frivolous and unfounded. France refused to endorse this act, but 
De Ulloa, disappointed in the expectation of receiving the Spanish 
troops promised him, abandoned the country and resigned his 
office. A profound sensation was created by these events in the 
Spanish cabinet; and Don Alexandro O'Reilly, inspector and 
lieutenant-general of the royal armies, was appointed to the post 
of governor, with orders to put down the insurrection, and punish 
its leaders. 

O'Reilly was born in Ireland about the year 1735, left his coun- 
try at an early age, on account of the disabilities to which his religion 
subjected him, and enlisted in the Spanish army. In the war of 
the succession he served with distinction, in the Hibernian regi- 
ment, in Italy. In 1757, he joined the Austrian army, and served 
against the Prussians. In 1759, he joined, and distinguished him- 
self in the army of France. Later, he returned to Spain, and 
taught the Spanish troops the tactics of the empire. Gradually his 
great services, in spite of the Spanish antipathy to foreigners, earned 
him reputation and promotion, and in 1762 he was raised to the 
second in command, and intrusted with the important duty of re- 
storing the fortifications of Cuba. Preserving the vivacity and 
excitability of his race, he yet had acquired the pride and nature of 
a Spaniard, and the precise inflexibility of a man of the camp. One 
act only of severity attaches to his memory, and that doubtless is 
chargeable rather to his instruction than to his spirit. Such was 



1769. O'REILLY CRUSHES THE REBELLION. 201 

the man who was now sent to settle the difficulties of the new 
colony of Louisiana. 

He arrived at Balize on the 24th of July, 1769, with a forca of 
two thousand six hundred men. On the 18th of August he landed 
at New Orleans, and with great ceremony, took possession of Lou- 
isiana, in the name of his Catholic Majesty. No resistance was 
offered by the colonists, and O'Reilly assumed the government, 
superseded the municipal authorities, introduced the Spanish laws, 
and received the allegiance of all the people of the colony. Twelve 
of the chiefs of the revolt were arrested; one of them died of rage 
and fear, or was killed by his guard, on the day of the arrest. 
They were tried by a military tribunal, under the unfamiliar forms 
of Spanish law, demurred to the jurisdiction of the court, and plead 
that they were amenable only to the laws of France until the act 
of cession was consummated, by the formal delivery of the country 
to the Spanish authorities. Their pleas were overruled ; they were 
found guilty of high treason, five of them were shot; the remaining 
seven were imprisoned in the Moro Castle, at Havana. 
. O'Reilly assumed the functions of military governor of Louisi- 
ana, and ruled the colony for a year with the impartial severity of 
his character. After having suppressed the insurrection, and set- 
tled the government, he surrendered his authority to Don Louis de 
Unzaga, on the 29th of October, and returned to Spain. Late in 
that year, Pedro Piernas, the commandant of the detachment of 
troops first brought into the colony by Ulloa, was sent to St. Louis, 
superseded St. Ange, and assumed the government of Upper Lou- 
isiana. 

Thus ended the French domination in America. The English 
had previously taken possession of all Louisiana east of the Missis- 
sippi. Lower Louisiana was reduced to a Spanish province, and 
the surrender of St. Louis by St. Ange was the last act of the 
French authority over the land for which they had contended so 
long, and which they loved so well. 

The population of "Western Louisiana in 1769, when ii passed 
into the hands of the Spaniards, is estimated by Martin to be thir- 
teen thousand five hundred and thirty-eight, of which eight hundred 
and ninety-one were located in the Illinois, west of the Mississippi. 
East of the Mississippi, and before the French crossed the river to 
avoid the British rule, the population of the several villages and 
posts was on that side estimated at about three thousand. 

The French population of Louisiana had grown up into a com- 
14 



202 CHARACTER OF AMERICAN FRENCH. 1769. 

munity of peculiar character. Their national spirit, their inter- 
course with the Indians, and their seclusion from the world, 
developed among them peculiar characteristics. Especially was 
this the case among the French of the Illinois. The French offi- 
cers, indeed, were gentlemen of culture, and refinement, and 
energy, but the paysans were an illiterate, contented, careless, and 
joyous race, without energy, enterprise, or foresight. They alone 
of all the European populations of the New World, assimilated 
themselves with the Indians, adopted their habits, and lived in 
uninterrupted harmony with them. The traders scattered through 
the west, conducted the trade with the Indians, supplied to them 
in exchange for their furs articles of European luxury and conveni- 
ence, and distributed presents with which French policy purchased 
the friendship and support of the tribes. The couriers des bois 
roamed over the wilderness, hunted and lived among the Indians, 
and collected peltries from the remote tribes. The voyageurs carried 
in their birch canoes the goods and furs of the traffic along the 
rivers and over the portages of the West, to the St. Lawrence and 
Mississippi. 

The settlements were small, compact villages, where the children, 
in patriarchal style, gathered around the home of their parents. 
Their houses were simple, plain cottages of wood and clay, gener- 
ally clustered together for protection and social convenience. The 
" common field " was always adjoining. It was a large enclosure, 
surrounded by a common fence, for the use of the villagers. Every 
family, in proportion to the number of its members, was entitled to 
a share in it. All the operations of agriculture in the common field 
were regulated by special enactments. 

The "common " was a tract of land unenclosed, near the village, 
set apart for the joint use of all the villagers for a common pasture, 
and for the supply of fuel and timber. 

By this arrangement, something like a community system 
existed in their intercourse. If the head of a family was sick, met 
with any casualty, or was absent as an engagee, his family sustained 
little inconvenience. His plat in the common field was cultivated 
by his neighbors and the crop gathered. A pleasant custom existed 
in these French villages not thirty years since, and which had 
come down from the remotest period. The husbandman on his 
return at evening, from his daily toil, was always met by his 
affectionate femme with the friendly kiss ; and, very commonly 
with one, perhaps two of the youngest children, to receive the 
same salutation from le pere. This daily interview was at the gate 



1769. CHARACTER OF AMERICAN FRENCH. 203 

of the door-yard, and in view of all the villagers. The simple- 
hearted people were a happy and contented race. A few traits of 
these ancient characteristics remain, but most of the descendants 

of the French are fullv Americanized. 

*/ 

They were devout Catholics, and under the guidance of their 
priests attended punctually upon all the holidays and festivals, and 
performed faithfully all the outward duties and ceremonies of the 
church. Aside from this, their religion was blended with their 
social feelings. Sunday, after mass, was the especial occasion 
for their games and assemblies. In all their meetings the dance 
was the especial amusement; and all classes, ages, sexes and 
conditions, united by a common love of enjoy ment, were all 
together participants in the exciting pleasure. 

"They made no attempt to acquire land from the Indians, to 
organize a social system, to introduce municipal regulations, or to 
establish military defenses, but cheerfully obeyed the priests aud 
the king's officers, and enjoyed the present, without troubling 
their heads about the future. They seem to have been even 
careless as to the acquisition of property, and its transmission to 
their heirs. Finding themselves in a fruitful country, abounding 
in game, where the necessaries of life could be procured with little 
labor, where no restraints were imposed by government, and 
neither tribute and personal service was exacted, they were content 
to live in unambitious peace and comfortable poverty. They took 
possession of so much of the vacant land around them as they were 
disposed to till, and no more. Their agriculture was rude ; and, 
even to this day, some of the implements of husbandry, and 
modes of cultivation, brought from France a century ago, remain 
unchanged by the march of mind or the hand of innovation. Their 
houses were comfortable, and they reared fruits and flowers; 
evincing, in this respect, an attention to comfort and luxury which 
has not been practiced among the English or American first 
settlers ; but in the accumulation of property, and in all the 
essentials of industry, they were indolent and improvident, rearing 
only the bare necessaries of life, and living from generation to 
generation without change or improvement. 

" The only new articles which the French adopted in consequence 
of their change of residence, were those connected with the fur 
trade. The few who were engaged in merchandise, turned their 
attention almost exclusively to the traffic with the Indians, while 
a large number became hunters and boatmen. The voyageurs, 
engagees, and couriers des bois, as they are called, form a peculiar 



204 CHARACTER OF AMERICAN FRENCH. 1769. 

race of men. They are active, sprightly, and remarkably expert in 
their vocation. With all the vivacity of the French character, 
they have little of the intemperance and brntal coarseness usually 
found among the boatmen and mariners. They are patient under 
fatigue, and endure an astonishing degree of toil and exposure to 
weather. Accustomed to live in the open air, they pass through 
every extreme, and all the sudden vicissitudes of climate, with 
little apparent inconvenience. Their boats are managed with 
expertness, and even grace, and their toil enlivened by the song. 
As hunters, they have roved over the whole of the wide plain of 
the west, to the Rocky Mountains, sharing the hospitality of the 
Indians, abiding ior long periods, and even permanently, with the 
tribes, and sometimes seeking their alliance by marriage. As 
boatmen they navigate the birch canoe to the sources of the 
longest rivers, and pass from one river to another, by laboriously 
carrying the packages of merchandise, and the boat itself, across 
mountains, or through swamps or woods ; so that no obstacle stops 
their progress. Like the Indian, they can live on game, without 
condiment or bread ; like him, they sleep in the open air, or plunge 
into the water at any season, without injury." * 



* Hall's Sketches of the West. 



PERIOD III. 

1765 — 1782. 

So stood matters in the West. All beyond the Alleghenies, 
1765.] with the exception of a few forts and the Illinois settle- 
ments of the French, on the Wabash, Kaskaskia, Mississippi and 
Detroit rivers, was a wilderness. The Indians, a few years since 
undisputed owners of the prairies and broad vales, now held them by 
sufferance, having been twice conquered by the arms of England. 
They, of course, felt both hatred and fear ; and, while they despaired 
of holding their lands, and looked forward to unknown evils, the 
deepest and most abiding spirit of revenge was roused within them. 
They had seen the British coming to take their hunting grounds 
upon the strength of a treaty they knew nothing of. They had been 
forced to admit British troops into their country ; and, though now 
nominally protected from settlers, that promised protection would 
be but an incentive to passion, in case it was not in good faith 
extended to them; and this was not done by either individuals or 
the government. During the year that succeeded the treaty of 
German Flats, settlers crossed the mountains and took possession 
of lands in western Virginia, and along the Monongahela. The 
Indians having received no pay for these lands, murmured, and 
once more a border war was feared. General Gage, commander 
of the King's forces, was applied to, probably through Sir William 
Johnson, and issued his orders for the removal of the settlers ; but 
they defied his commands and his power, and remained where they 
were.* 

JSTot only were frontier men thus passing the line tacitly agreed 
on, but Sir William himself was even then meditating a step which 
would. have produced a general Indian war. This was the purchase 
and settlement of an immense tract south of the Ohio river, where 
an independent colony was to be formed. IIow early this plan was 
conceived is not known; but Franklin's letters affirm that it was in 
contemplation in the spring of 1766.f At this time, Franklin was in 

* Plain Facts, p. 65. f Spark's Franklin, vol. iv., p. 233, et seq. 



206 WALPOLE COMPANY FORMED. 1767. 

London, and was written to by his son, Governor Franklin, of New 
Jersey, with regard to the proposed colony. The plan seems to have 
been, to buy of the Six Nations the lands south of the Ohio, a pur- 
chase which it was not doubted Sir William might make, and then to 
procure from the king a grant of as much territory as the Company, 
which it was intended to form, would require. Governor Franklin 
accordingly forwarded to his father an application for a grant, 
together with a letter from Sir William, recommending the plan to 
the ministry ; all of which was duly communicated to the proper 
department. But at that time there were various interests bearing 
upon this plan of Franklin. The old Ohio Company was still suing, 
through its agent, Colonel George Mercer, for a perfection of the 
original grant. The soldiers claiming under Dinwiddie's procla- 
mation had their tale of rights and grievances. Individuals to 
whom grants had been made by Virginia wished them completed. 
General Lyman, from Connecticut, was soliciting a new grant 
similar to that now asked by Franklin; and the ministers them- 
selves were divided as to the policy and propriety of establishing 
any settlements so far in the interior — Shelburne being in favor of 
the new colonies — Hillsborough opposed to them. 

The Company was organized, however, in the autumn of 1767, 
and the nominally leading man in it being Mr. Thomas Walpole, 
a London banker of eminence, it was known as the Walpole Com- 
pany. Franklin continued privately to make friends among the 
ministry, and to press upon them the policy of making large settle- 
ments in the West ; and, as the old way of managing the Indians 
by superintendents, was just then in bad odor, in consequence of 
the expense attending it, the cabinet council so far approved the 
new plan as to present it for examination to the Board of Trade, 
with members of which Franklin had also been privately con- 
versing. 

But, before any conclusion was arrived at, it was necessary to 
arrange definitely that boundary line, which had been vaguely 
talked of in 1765, and with respect to which Sir William Johnson 
had written to the ministry, who had mislaid his letters, and given 
him no instructions. The necessity of arranging this boundary 
was also kept in the mind by the continued and growing irritation 
of the Indians, who found themselves invaded from every side. 
This irritation became so great during the autumn of 1767, that 
Gage wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania on the subject. The 
governor communicated his letter to the Assembly on the 5th of 



1768. TREATY OF FORT STANWIX. 207 

January, 1768, and representations were at once sent to England, 
expressing the necessity of having the Indian line fixed. Frank- 
lin all this time was urging the same necessity upon the ministers 
in England ; and about Christmas of 1767, Sir William's letters on 
the subject having been found, orders were sent him to complete 
the proposed purchase from the Six Nations, and settle all differ- 
ences. But the project for a colony was for the time dropped, a 
new administration coming in which was not that way disposed. 

Sir William Johnson having received, early in the spring, the 
orders from England relative to a new treaty with the Indians, at 
once took steps to secure a full attendance.* Notice was given to 
the various colonial governments, to the Six Nations, the Dela- 
wares, and the Shawanese, and a congress was appointed to meet 
at Fort Stanwix during the following October, (1768). It met upon 
the 24th of that month, and was attended by representatives from 
New Jersey, Virginia, and Pennsylvania; by Sir "William and his 
deputies ; by the agents of those traders who had suffered in the 
war of 1763; and b}^ deputies from all the Six Nations, the Dela- 
wares and the Shawanese. 

The first point to be settled was the boundary line, which was to 
determine the Indian lands of the West from that time forward ; 
and this line the Indians, upon the 1st of November, stated should 
begin on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Cherokee (or Tennessee) 
river; thence go up the Ohio and Allegheny to Kittanning; thence 
across to the Susquehanna, &c. ; whereby the whole country south 
of the Ohio and Allegheny, to which the Six Nations had any claim, 
was transferred to the British. One deed for a part of this land 
was made on the 3d of November, to William Trent, attorney for 
twenty-two traders, whose goods had been destroyed by the Indians 
in 1763. The tract conveyed by this was between the Kanawha 
and Monongahela, and was by the traders named Indiana. Two 
days afterward a deed for the remaining western lands was made 
to the king, and the price agreed on paid down. These deeds 
were made upon the express agreement that no claim should ever 
be based upon previous treaties, those of Lancaster, Logstown, 
&c. ; and they were signed by the chiefs of the Six Nations, for 
themselves, their allies and dependents, the Shawanese, Delawares, 
Mingoes of Ohio, and others; but the Shawanese and Delaware 
deputies present did not sign them. On this treaty, in a great 



* For an account of this long-lost treaty, see Plain Facts, pp. Go-104. 



208 MISSISSIPPI COMPANY FORMED. 1768. 

measure, rests the title by purchase to Kentucky, "Western Vir- 
ginia, and "Western Pennsylvania, and the authority of the Six 
Nations to sell that country rests on their claim by conquest. 

But besides the claim of the Iroquois and the north-west Indians 
to Kentucky, it was also claimed by the Cherokees ; and it is wor- 
thy of remembrance that the treaty of Lochabar, made in October, 
1770, two years after the Stanwix treaty, recognized a title in the 
southern Indians to all the country west of a line drawn from a 
point six miles east of Big or Long island, in Holston river, to the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha, although their rights to all the lands 
north and east of the Kentucky river was purchased by Colonel 
Donaldson, either for the king, Virginia, or himself — it is impos- 
sible to say which. 

But the grant of the great northern confederacy was made. The 
white man could now quiet his conscience when driving the native 
from his forest home, and feel sure that an army would back his 
pretensions. A new company was at once organized in Virginia, 
called the " Mississippi Company," and a petition sent to the king, 
for two and a half millions of acres in the West. Among the signers 
of this were Francis Lightfoot Lee, Richard Henry Lee, George 
Washington, and Authur Lee. The gentleman last named was 
the agent for the petitioners in England. This application was 
referred to the Board of Trade on the 9th of March, 1769, and after 
that nothing is known of it. 

The Board of Trade, however, was again called on to report upon 
the application of the "Walpole Company, and Lord Hillsborough, 
the president, reported against it. This called out Franklin's cel- 
ebrated a Ohio Settlement," a paper written with so much ability, 
that the King's Council put by the official report, and granted the 
petition, a step which mortified the noble lord so much that he 
resigned his official station. The petition now needed only the 
royal sanction, which was not given until August 14th, 1772 ; but 
in 1770, the Ohio Company was merged into Walpole's and the 
claims of the soldiers of 1756, being acknowledged both by the new 
company and by government, all claims were quieted. Nothing 
was ever done, however, under the grant to "Walpole, the Revolu- 
tion soon coming upon America. After the Revolution, Mr. Walpole 
and his associates petitioned Congress respecting their lands, called 
by them "Vandalia," but could get no help from that body. What 
was finally done by Virginia with the claims of this and other com- 
panies is not known, but doubtless their lands were all looked on 
as forfeited. 



1769. Washington's lands in the west. 209 

During the ten years in which Franklin, Pownall, and their 
friends were trying to get the great western land company into oper- 
ation, actual settlers were crossing the mountains all too rapidly ; 
for the Ohio Indians "viewed the settlements with an uneasy and 
jealous eye," and "did not scruple to say, that they must he com- 
pensated for their right, if people settled thereon, notwithstanding 
the cession by the Six Nations."* 

It has been said, also, that Lord Dunmore, then governor of Vir- 
ginia, authorized surveys and settlements on the western lands, 
notwithstanding the proclamation of 1763, hut Mr. Sparks gives a 
letter from him, in which this is expressly denied. However, sur- 
veys did go down even to the falls of the Ohio, and the whole 
region south of the Ohio was filling with white men. 

Among the foremost speculators in western lands at that time 
was George "Washington. He had always regarded the proclama- 
tion of 1763 as a mere temporary expedient, to quiet the savages, 
and being better acquainted with the value of western lands than 
most of those who could command means, he early began to 
buy beyond the mountains. His agent in selecting lands was Col. 
Crawford, afterward burnt by the Ohio Indians. In September, 
1767, Washington wrote to Crawford on this subject, and looking 
forward to the occupation of the western territory ; in 1770 he 
crossed the mountains, going down the Ohio to the mouth of the 
great Kanawha; and in 1773, being entitled, under the King's pro- 
clamation of 1763, (which gave a bounty to officers and soldiers 
who had served in the French war,) to ten thousand acres of land, 
he became deeply interested in the country beyond the mountains, 
and had some correspondence respecting the importation of set- 
tlers from Europe. He had patents for thirty-two thousand three 
hundred and seventy- three acres — nine thousand one hundred and 
fifty-seven on the Ohio, between the Kanawhas, with a river front 
of thirteen and a half miles ; twenty-three thousand two hundred 
and sixteen acres on the great Kanawha, with a river front of forty 
miles. Besides these lands, he owned, fifteen miles below Wheel- 
ing, iive hundred and eighty-seven acres, with a front of two and a 
half miles. He considered the land worth $3.33 per acre. In- 
deed, had not the revolutionary war been just then on the eve of 
breaking out, Washington would, in all probability, have become 



* Washington's " Journal to the West, in 1770." Spark's Washington, vol. ii. p. 531. 



210 EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF KENTUCKY. 1758. 

the leading settler of the West, and all our history, perhaps, have 
been changed. 

But while in England, and along the Atlantic, men were talking 
of peopling the West, south of the river Ohio, a few obscure indi- 
viduals, unknown to Walpole, to Franklin, and to Washington, 
were taking those steps which actually resulted in its settlement. 

Notwithstanding the fact, that so much attention had heen given 
to the settlement of the West, even before the French war, it does 
not appear that any Europeans, either French or English, had, at 
the time the treaty of Fort Stanwix was made, thoroughly examined 
that most lovely region near the Kentucky river, which is the finest 
portion, perhaps, of the whole Ohio valley. 

This may be accounted for by the non-residence of the Indians in 
that district; a district which they retained as a hunting ground. 
Owing to this, the traders, who were the first explorers, were led to 
direct their steps northward, up the Miami and Scioto valleys, and 
were quite familiar with the country between the Ohio and the Lakes, 
at a period when the interior of the territory south of the river, was 
wholly unknown to them. While, therefore, the impression which 
many have had, that the entire valley was unknown to English 
colonists before Boone's time, is clearly erroneous, it is equally 
clear, that the centre of Kentucky, which he and his comrades 
explored during their first visit, had not before that time, been 
examined by the whites to any considerable extent. 

About the year 1758, Dr. Thomas Walker, from Albemarle 
county, Virginia, who had been previously employed as an agent 
among the Cherokees, on the Holston river, from 1750, was 
appointed commissioner to take certain Cherokee chiefs to England. 
Dr. Walker had explored the mountain valleys of South-western 
Virginia and East Tennessee. While in England, he organized a 
company to settle the wild lands in Western Virginia and Caro- 
lina, of which the Duke of Cumberland was patron. He returned 
to America in the capacity of general agent. Dr. Walker subse- 
quently explored the countiy; gave the name of his patron to 
Cumberland river, and the range of mountains that give origin to 
the head branches. He also explored the upper part of the Ken- 
tucky river, and gave to it the name of Louisa, in honor of the 
Duchess of Cumberland, which name it bore for some years. He 
was at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and had no small influence in 
the purchase of Western Virginia and Eastern Kentucky from the 
Six Nations. 



1766. EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF KENTUCKY. 211 

The next explorer of Kentucky and Tennessee, was Colonel 
James Smith. Mr. Smith had been taken prisoner by the Indians, 
near Bedford, Pennsylvania, in 1755, and was with them four and 
a half years. In 1764, he was lieutenant in General Bouquet's 
campaign against the Indians, and a colonel in the continental 
service in 1778. 

During the summer of 1766, with four white men and a mulatto 
slave, he made an exploration across the mountains to the Cum- 
berland, and then to the Tennessee rivers, to examine the country 
in view of future settlements. 

Stone's river, a branch of the Cumberland, was so named from 
Mr. Uriah Stone, one of the party. They explored the country on 
each of the rivers, until they reached the mouth of the Tennessee, 
where Paducah now stands. Here the party separated; Smith 
with the slave to return home, and his companions to proceed to 
the Illinois. A few days afterward, he was stabbed in the foot by 
a cane, which disabled him. After lying a long time in the woods, 
attended by the slave, he recovered, and they set out and after 
many hardships, reached Carolina in October, 1767, having been 
eleven months in the wilderness. From Carolina he proceeded 
homeward, and shortly afterward arrived at the Conococheague 
settlement in Pennsylvania, where he had left his family.* 

The next persons who entered this region were traders; coming, 
not from Virginia and Pennsylvania by the river, but from North 
Carolina by the Cumberland Gap. These tradeis probably sought, 
in the first instance, the Cherokees and other southern Indians, 
with whom they had dealings from a very early period, but appear 
afterward to have journeyed northward upon what was called the 
Warrior's road, an Indian path leading from the Cumberland ford 
along the broken country, lying upon the eastern branch of the 
Kentucky river, and so across the Licking toward the mouth of the 
Scioto. This path formed the line of communication between the 
northern and southern Indians; and somewhere along its course, 
John Finley, doubtless in company with others, was engaged, in 

1767, in trading with the red men, from the north of the Ohio, who 
met him there with the skins procured during their hunting expe- 
dition in that central and choice region. Upon Finley 's return to 
North Carolina, he met with Daniel Boone, to whom he described 
the country he had visited. 



* Incidents of Border Life, p. 64. 



-12 EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF KENTUCKY. 1769. 

Daniel Boone was born in Bucks county, Pa., between the years 
1733 and 1745, * of English parentage. His father moved to Berks 
county when Daniel was a small boy, where, in a frontier settle- 
ment, he attended school, and where in boyhood he received those 
impressions that were so fully displayed in after life. From child- 
hood, he delighted to range the woods, watch the wild animals, and 
contemplate the beauties of uncultivated nature. In woodcraft, his 
education was complete. ISTo Indian could poise the rifle, find his 
way through the trackless forest, or hunt the wild game better than 
Daniel Boone. 

Few men ever possessed that combination of boldness, caution, 
hardihood, strength, patience, perseverance and love of solitude 
that marked his character. With these qualities he was kind- 
hearted, humane, good-tempered, and devoid of malice. He never 
manifested the temper of the misanthrope, or evinced any dissatis- 
faction with social or domestic life. He had a natural sense of 
justice and equity between man and man, and felt, through his 
whole life, repugnance to the technical forms of law, and the con- 
ventional regulations of society and of government, unless they 
were in strict accordance with his instinctive sense of right. 

When Daniel Boone was in the 18th year of his age, his father 
removed from Pennsylvania to North Carolina, and settled on the 
Yadkin, in the north-western part of that State. Here he married, 
and for several years, labored on a farm, hunting at the proper 
season. About 1762, he was leader of a company of hunters from 
the Yadk, who ranged through the valleys on the waters of the 
Holston, in the south-western part of Virginia. In 1764 he was 
with another company of hunters, on the Rock Castle, a branch of 
Cumberland river, within the present boundaries of Kentucky, 
employed, as he stated, by a party of land speculators, to ascertain 
and report concerning the country in that quarter. f 

The oppression of the governors of the colony, and the members 
of the Council and of the Assembly, who were English or Scotch 
adventurers, produced great dissatisfaction with the laboring 
classes, and drove many to seek their fortunes in the wilds of the 



: * There is a great uncertainty in the date of Boone's birth. It may even be doubted 
whether he himself could have given it. His pupilage among the Germans in "Berks 
county," enabled him to acquire their patois language ; and it was from the circumstance 
of his being able to speak "Pennsylvania German" that he was supposed by many to be a 
Dutchman, or of German extraction. 

f Haywood's History of Tennessee, pp. 32, 35. 



1769. EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF KENTUCKY. 213 

West. At the same time, Richard Henderson, the Harts and 
others, were projecting a purchase of the fertile lands of the West, 
and encouraged the hunters to explore the country. 

On the return of Finley, arrangements were made for an explo- 
ring party to examine the rich vales of the Kentucky, of which 
Boone was the leader; and he alone was in the confidence of the 
speculators. His companions were John Finley, John Stewart, 
Joseph Holden, James Moncey, and William Cool. They left the 
Yadkin settlement, and Boone his family, on the 1st of May, 1769, 
and after much fatigue and exposure to severe rains, reached the 
waters of Red river, one of the main branches of the Kentucky, on 
the 7th of June. In this region, the party reconnoitered the 
country, and hunted, until December. At that period, the explo- 
rers divided themselves into parties, that they might have a wider 
range of observation. Boone had Stewart for his companion. Of 
Finley, and the rest of the party, nothing more is known. 

Boone and Stewart were soon taken by a party of Indians, from 
whom they made their escape after several days' detention. Early 
in January, 1770, Squire Boone, a brother of Daniel, and another 
adventurer, arrived from North Carolina, with supplies of ammu- 
nition, and intelligence from his family. Shortly after this event, 
Stewart, while hunting, was killed by the Indians, and the man 
who came with Squire Boone got lost in the woods and perished. 
The two brothers, thus left alone, pursued their hunting along the 
banks of the main Kentucky river. 

When spring opened, Squire Boone returned to the Yadkin for 
supplies, while Daniel explored the country along Salt and Green 
rivers. On the last of July, Squire returned, and they engaged in 
exploring the country on the waters of Cumberland river, and 
hunting in that region until March, 1771. They then returned by 
Kentucky river, and the Cumberland Gap, to the settlements on 
the Yadkin. 

During the same period, another exploring and hunting party of 
about twenty men, left North Carolina and Western Virginia, for 
the country of Tennessee. They passed through Cumberland Gap 
into what is now called Wayne county, Kentucky, and, subse- 
quently, moved in a south-western direction, along the waters of 
the Roaring river and Caney fork, and returned in April, 1770, 
after an absence of ten months. The same year another party of 
ten hunters built two boats and two trapping canoes, loaded them 
with peltry, venison, bear's meat and oil, and made a voyage down 



214 LAND SURVEYORS IN KENTUCKY. 1773. 

the Cumberland, Ohio and Mississippi rivers, to Natchez, where 
they disposed of their cargo. 

In 1771, Casper Mansco, who had twice visited the valley of the 
Cumberland, came out again in company with several other per- 
sons. They traversed the country along the Cumberland river 
to the region north of Nashville, and into the "barrens" of Ken- 
tucky. From the period of their absence, they were called the 
" Long-hunters." These several explorations excited the attention 
of multitudes in the colonies south of the Potomac, and turned 
their thoughts to a home in the "Far West." 

During the same eventful period, (1770,) there came into Western 
Virginia no less noted a person than George "Washington. His 
attention had been turned to the lands along the Ohio at a very 
early period; he had himself large claims, as well as far-reaching 
plans of settlement, and he wished, with his own eyes, to examine 
the western lands, especially those about the mouth of the Kanawha. 
The journal of his expedition contains some valuable facts in 
reference to the position of affairs in the Ohio valley at that time. 
For instance, that the Virginians were rapidly surveying and set- 
tling the lands south of the river as far down as the Kanawhas; 
and that the Indians, notwithstanding the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 
were jealous and angry at this constant invasion of their hunting- 
grounds. 

This jealousy and anger were not suffered to cool during the 
years next succeeding, and when Thomas Bullitt and his party 
descended the Ohio, in the summer of 1773, he found, as related 
above, that no settlements would be tolerated south of the river, 
unless the Indian hunting-grounds were left undisturbed. To leave 
them undisturbed was, however, no part of the plan of these white 
men. This very party, which Bullitt led, and in which were the 
two M'Afees, Hancock, Taylor, Drennon, and others, separated 
and while part went up the Kentucky river, explored the banks, 
and made important surveys, including the valley in which Frank- 
fort stands, the remainder went on to the falls, and laid out, on 
behalf of John Campbell and John Connolly, the plat of Louis- 
ville. 

All this took place in the summer of 1773 ; and in the autumn 
of that year, or early the next, John Floyd, the deputy of Colonel 
William Preston, the surveyor of Fincastle county, Virginia, in 
which it was claimed that Kentucky was comprehended, also crossed 
the mountains ; while General Thomson, of Pennsylvania, made 



1774. FIEST SETTLEMENT IN KENTUCKY. 215 

surveys on the north fork of the Licking. Eor did the projects of 
the English colonists stop with the settlement of Kentucky. In 
1773, General Lyman, with a number of military adventurers, went 
to Natchez, and laid out several townships in that vicinity; to 
which point emigration set so strongly, that it is said four hundred 
families passed down the Ohio, on their way thither, during six 
weeks of the summer of that year.* 

Anxious as was Boone to remove his family to the fertile region 
of Kentucky, it was not until 1773, that he sold his farm on the 
Yadkin, and, with five other families, took up the line of march 
westward. The company started on the 25th of September, and 
were joined by others in Powell's valley, making the number of 
forty men, besides women and children. As they approached the 
last mountain barrier, on the 16th of October, seven young men, 
who had charge of the cattle, being five or six miles in the rear, 
were attacked by a party of Indians. Six were slain, amongst 
whom was Boone's eldest son, James, and the seventh, though 
wounded, made his escape. The cattle were dispersed in the woods. 
This calamity so disheartened the emigrants, that they gave up the 
expedition and returned to Clinch river. 

For a time the settlement of Kentucky and the West was delayed; 
1774.] for though James Harrod, in the spring or early summer 
of 1774, penetrated the wilderness, and built his cabin, (the 
first log hut reared in the valley of the Kentucky,) where the 
town which bears his name now stands, he could not long stay 
there ; the sounds of coming war reached even his solitude, and 
forced him to rejoin his companions, and aid in repelling the infu- 
riated savages. Notwithstanding the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the 
western Indians were in no degree disposed to yield their lands 
without a struggle. Wide-spread dissatisfaction prevailed among 
the Sbawanese and Mingoes, which was/ostered probably by the 
French traders who still visited the tribes of the north-west. And 
from that time forward almost every event was calculated still more 
to excito and embitter the children of the forest. 

In 1770, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan Zane, settled at Wheeling; 
during that year the Booties, as has been related, were exploring 
the interior of Kentucky ; and after them came the McAfees, Bul- 
litt, Floyd, Hancock, Taylor, and their companions. The savages 
saw their best grounds occupied or threatened with occupation ; 



* Holmes' Annals, vol. ii., p. 183. 



216 HOSTILITY OF THE INDIANS. 1774 

but still they remembered the war of 1763, and the terrible power 
of Britain, and the oldest and wisest of the sufferers were disposed 
rather to submit to what seemed inevitable than to throw them- 
selves away in a vain effort to withstand the whites. Hopeless 
hatred toward the invaders filled the breasts of the natives, therefore, 
at the period immediately preceding the war of 1774 ; a hatred 
needing only a few acts of violence to kindle it into rage and thirst 
for human blood. 

And such acts were not wanting ; in addition to the murder of 
several single Indians by the frontier men, — in 1772, five families 
of the natives on the Little Kanawha were killed, in revenge for 
the death of a white family on Gauley River, although no evidence 
existed to prove who had committed the outrage. And when 1774 
came, a series of events led to excessive exasperation on both sides. 
Pennsylvania and Virginia laid equal claim to Pittsburgh and the 
adjoining country. In the war of 1754, doubt had existed as to 
which colony the forks of the Ohio was situated in, and the Old 
Dominion having been forward in the defense of the contested 
territory, while her northern neighbor had been very backward in 
doing anything in its favor, the Virginians felt a certain claim upon 
the "Key of the West." This feeling showed itself before 1763, 
and by 1773 appears to have attained a very decided character. 

Early in 1774, Lord Dunmore, prompted very probably by Col. 
Croghan, and his nephew, Dr. John Connolly, who had lived at 
Fort Pitt, and was an intriguing and ambitious man, determined, 
by strong measures, to assert the claims of Virginia upon Pitts- 
burgh and its vicinity, and dispatched Connolly, with a captain's 
commission, and with power to take possession of the country 
upon the Monongahela, in the name of the king. The Doctor 
issued his proclamation to the people, in the neighborhood of Red- 
stone and Pittsburgh, calling upon them to meet on the 24th or 
25th of January, 1774, in order to be embodied as Virginia militia. 
Arthur St Clair, who then represented the proprietors of Penn- 
sylvania in the West, was at Pittsburgh at the time, and arrested 
Connolly before the meeting took place. The people who had seen 
the proclamation, however, came together, and though they were 
dispersed without attempting any outbreak in favor of the Virginian 
side of the dispute, which it was very much feared they would do, 
— they did not break up without drunkenness and riot, and among 
other things fired their guns at the town occupied by friendly Indians 
across the river, hurting no one, but exciting the fear and suspicion 
of the red men. 



1774. CONNELLY SEIZES FORT PITT. 217 

Connolly was soon after released on bail. He then went to 
Staunton, and was sworn as a justice of the peace of Augusta 
county, Virginia. During the latter part of March,* he returned 
to Pittsburgh, with civil and military authority to execute the laws 
of Virginia. On the 5th of April, the court assembled at Hannas- 
town, the seat of justice for Westmoreland county, including then 
all Western Pennsylvania. Soon after, Connolly with about one 
hundred and fifty men, all armed and with colors flying, appeared 
there, placed sentinels at the door of the court house, who refused 
to admit the magistrates, unless with the consent of their com- 
mander. A meeting then took place between Connolly and the 
magistrates. He averred that he had come in fulfillment of his 
promise to the sheriff, but denied the jurisdiction of the court. 
They affirmed that they acted under the legislative authority of 
Pennsylvania, and would continue so to act ; but that they would 
do all they could to preserve the public tranquillity, and the State 
of Pennsylvania was ready to agree to a temporary boundary, till 
the true one could be ascertained. 

Connolly refused to accede to any terms but in Lord Dunmore's 
name, and by his authority took and kept possession of Fort Pitt; 
and as it had been dismantled and nearly destroyed, by royal 
orders, rebuilt it, and named it Fort Dunmore. Meantime, in a 
most unjustifiable and tyrannical manner, he arrested both private 
men and magistrates, and kept some of them in confinement, until 
Lord Dunmore ordered their release. Knowing that such conduct 
was calculated to lead to active and violent measures against 
himself by the Pennsylvanians, he took great precautions, and 
went to considerable expense to protect his own party from surprise. 
These expenses, it is not improbable, he feared the Virginia General 
Assembly would object to, although his noble patron might allow 
them; and it is not impossible that he intentionally fostered, as St. 
Clair distinctly intimated in his letters to the Pennsylvania authori- 
ties, the growing jealousy between the whites and natives, in order 
to make their quarrels serve as a color to his profuse expenditures. 
At any rate, it appears that on the 21st of April, Connolly wrote to 
the settlers along the Ohio, that the Shawanese were not to be 
trusted, and that they (the whites) ought to be prepared to revenge 
any wrong done them. This letter came into the hands of Captain 
Michael Cresap, who was examining the lands near Wheeling, and 



* Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 113. 

15 



£f^^*tl« eU-t i- ^^tjvv*t~* 



218 MURDER OF LOGAN'S FAMILY. 1774. 

who appears to have possessed the true frontier Indian hatred. 
Five days before its date, a canoe belonging to William Butler, a 
leading Pittsburgh trader, had been attacked by three Cherokees, 
and one white man had been killed. This happened not far from 
Wheeling, and became known there of course; while about the 
same time the report was general that the Indians were stealing 
the traders' horses. When, therefore, immediately after Connolly's 
letter had been circulated, the news came to that settlement, that 
some Indians were coming down the Ohio in a boat, Cresap, in 
revenge for the murder by the Cherokees, and, as he afterward 
said, in obedience to the direction of the commandant at Pittsburgh, 
contained in the letter referred to, determined to attack them. 
They were, as it chanced, two friendly Indians, who, with two 
whites, had been dispatched by William Butler, when he heard 
that his first messengers were stopped, to attend to his peltries 
down the river, in the Shawanee country.* 

" The project of Cresap," says Dr. Doddridge, "was vehemently 
opposed by Colonel Zane, proprietor of the place. He stated to the 
captain that the killing of those Indians, would inevitably bring on 
a war, in which much innocent blood would be shed, and that the 
act in itself would be an atrocious murder, and a disgrace to his name 
forever. His good counsel was lost. Cresap and his party went up 
the river. On being asked, at their return, what had become of the 
Indians, they coolly answered that * they had fallen overboard into 
the river !' Their canoe, on being examined, was found bloody, 
and pierced with bullets. This was the first blood which was shed 
in this war, and terrible was the vengeance which followed. 

"In the evening of the same day, the party hearing that there 
was an encampment of Indians at the mouth of Captina, went 
down the river to the place, attacked the Indians and killed several 
of them. In this affair one of Cresap's party was severely 
wounded. 

"The massacre at Captina and that which took place at Baker's, 
about forty miles above Wheeling, a few days after that at Captina, 
were unquestionably the sole causes of the war of 1774. The last 
was perpetrated by thirty-two men, under the command of Daniel 
Greathouse. The whole number killed at this place, and on the 
river opposite to it, was twelve, besides several wounded. This 
horrid massacre was effected by a hypocritical stratagem, which 



* American Archives, fourth series, i, 252, et seq. 



1774. MURDER OF LOGAN' S FAMILY. 219 

reflects the deepest dishonor on the memory of those who were 
agents in it. 

" The report of the murders committed on the Indians near 
"Wheeling, induced a belief that they would immediately commence 
hostilities, and this apprehension furnished the pretext for the 
murder above related. The ostensible object for raising the party 
under Greathouse, was that of defending the family of Baker, 
whose house was opposite to a large encampment of Indians, at the 
mouth of Big Yellow creek. The party were concealed in ambus- 
cade, while their commander went over the river, under the mask 
of friendship, to the Indian camp, to ascertain their number; 
while there, an Indian woman advised him to return home speedily, 
saying that the Indians were chinking, and angry on account of 
the murder of their people down the river, and might do him some 
mischief. On his return to his party, he reported that the Indians 
were too strong for an open attack. He went to Baker, and 
requested him to give any Indians who might come over in the 
course of the day as much rum as they might call for, and get as 
many of them drunk as he possibly could. The plan succeeded. 
Several Indian men, with two women, came over the river to 
Baker's, who had previously been in the habit of selling rum to the 
Indians. The men drank freely and became intoxicated. In this 
state they were all killed by Greathouse and a few of his party. 
I say a few of his party, for it is but justice to state, that not more 
than five or six of the whole number had any participation in the 
slaughter at the house. The rest protested against it, as an 
atrocious murder. From their number, being by far the majority, 
they might have prevented the deed ; but alas ! they did not. A 
little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter, by the 
humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not now 
known. 

" The Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house, sent 
a canoe with two men in it to inquire what had happened. These 
two Indians were both shot down, as soon as they landed on the 
beach. A second and larger canoe was then manned with a 
number of Indians in arms ; but in attempting to reach the shore, 
some distance below the house, were received by a well-directed 
fire from the party, which killed the greater number of them, and 
compelled the survivors to return. A great number of shots were 
excbauged across the river, but without damage to the whites, not 
one of whom was even wounded. The Indian men who were 
murdered were all scalped. The woman who gave the friendly 



220 clark's version of the murder. 1774. 

advice to the commander of the party, when "in the Indian eamp 7 
was amongst the slain at Baker's honse. 

" The massacre of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek, 
comprehended the whole of the family of the famous, but unfortu- 
nate Logan." * 

This account of Doddridge is confirmed by the evidence of 
Colonel Zane; but as it differs somewhat from that of George 
Rogers Clark, who was also in the vicinity, a part of the letter 
written by him relative to the matter, dated June 17, 1798, is 
given : 

"This country was explored in 1773. A resolution was formed 
to make a settlement the spring following, and the mouth of the 
Little Kanawha appointed the place of general rendezvous, in order 
to descend the river from thence in a body. Early in the spring 
the Indians had done some mischief. Reports from their towns 
were alarming, which deterred many. About eighty or ninety men 
only arrived at the appointed rendezvous, where we lay some 
days. 

" A small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below us 
were fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters beat back, and 
returned to camp. This, and many other circumstances, led us to 
believe that the Indians were determined on war. The whole party 
was enrolled, and determined to execute their project of forming 
a settlement in Kentucky, as we had every necessary store that 
ctould be thought of. An Indian town called the Horsehead Bot- 
tom, on the Scioto, and near its mouth, lay nearly in our way. The 
determination was to cross the country and surprise it. Who was 
to command was the question. There were but few among us 
that had experience in Indian warfare, and they were such as we 
did not choose to be commanded by. We knew of Capt. Cresap 
being on the river, about fifteen miles above us, with some hands, 
settling a plantation ; and that he had concluded to follow us to 
Kentucky as soon as he had fixed there his people. We also knew 
that he had been experienced in a former war. He was proposed ; 
and it was unanimously agreed to send for him to command the 
party. Messengers were dispatched, and in half an hour returned 
with Cresap. He had heard of our resolution by some of his 
hunters, that had fallen in with ours, and had set out to come 
to us. 



* Doddridge's Notes. 



1774. CLARK'S VERSION OF THE MURDER. 221 

" We now thought oar army, as we called it, complete, and the 
destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and, to our 
astonishment, our intended commander-in-chief was the person 
that dissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that appearances 
were very suspicious, but there was no certainty of a war. That if 
we made the attempt proposed, he had no doubt of our success, 
but a war would, at any rate, be the result, and that we should be 
blamed for it, and perhaps justly. But if we were determined to 
proceed, he would lay aside all considerations, send to his camp for 
his people, and share our fortunes. 

"He was then asked what he would advise. His answer was, 
that we should return to Wheeling, as a convenient post, to hear 
what was going forward. That a few weeks would determine. As 
it was early in the spring, if we found the Indians were not dis- 
posed for war, we should have full time to return and make our 
establishment in Kentucky. This was adopted ; and in two hours 
the whole were under way. As we ascended the river, we met 
Kill-buck, an Indian chief, with a small party. We had a long 
conference with him, but received little satisfaction as to the dis- 
position of the Indians. It was observed that Cresap did not come 
to this conference, but kept on the opposite side of the river. He 
said that he was afraid to trust himself with the Indians. That 
Kill-buck had frequently attempted to waylay his father, to kill 
him. That if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might 
fail him, and that he might put Kill-buck to death. On our arrival 
at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled thereabouts,) 
the whole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed. They flocked 
to our camp from every direction ; and ail we could say could not 
keep them from under our wings. We offered to cover their 
neighborhood with scouts, until further information, if they would 
return to their plantations; but nothing would prevail. By this 
time we had got to be a formidable party. All the hunters, men 
without families, etc., in that quarter, had joined our party. 

" Our arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh. The 
whole of that country, at that time, being under the jurisdiction of 
Virginia, Dr. Connolly had been appointed by Dunmore, Captain 
Commandant of the District which was called West Augusta. He, 
learning of us, sent a message addressed to the party, letting us 
know that a war was to be apprehended, and requesting that we 
would keep our position for a few days, as messages had been sent 
to the Indians, and a few days would determine the doubt. The 
answer he got was, that we had no inclination to quit our quarters 



222 CLARK'S VERSION OF THE MURDER. 1774, 

for some time. That during our stay we should be careful that the 
enemy did not harass the neighborhood that we lay in. But before 
this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second express, ad- 
dressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential man amongst us 3 
informing him that the messengers had returned from the Indians, 
that war was inevitable, and begging him to use his influence with 
the party, to get them to cover the country by scouts, until the in- 
habitants could fortify themselves. The reception of this letter was 
the epoch of open hostilities with the Indians. A new post was 
planted, a council was called, and the letter read hj Cresap, all the 
Indian traders being summoned on so important an occasion. Ac- 
tion was had, and war declared in the most solemn manner; and 
the same evening two scalps were brought into the camp. 

" The next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on the 
river, keeping the advantage of an island to cover themselves from 
our view. They were chased fifteen miles down the river, and 
driven ashore. A battle ensued ; a few were wounded on both 
sides ; one Indian only taken prisoner. On examining their canoes, 
we found a considerable quantity of ammunition and other warlike 
stores. On our return to camp, a resolution was adopted to march 
the next day, and attack Logan's camp on the Ohio, about thirty 
miles above us. We did march about five miles, and then halted 
to take some refreshments. Here the impropriety of executing the 
projected enterprise was argued. The conversation was brought 
forward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those 
Indians had no hostile intentions — as they were hunting, and their 
party were composed of men, women, and children, with all their 
stuff with them. This we knew; as I myself and others present 
had been in their camp about four weeks past, on our descending 
the river from Pittsburgh. In short, every person seemed to detest 
the resolution we had set out with. We returned in the evening, 
decamped, and took the road to Redstone. 

"It was two days after this that Logan's family were killed. And 
from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid 
murder. From Logan's hearing of Cresap being at the head of 
this party on the river, it is no wonder that he supposed he had a 
hand in the destruction of his family." 

Whatever may then be the facts in regard of Cresap's complicity 
in the murder of Logan's family, it is certain that the famous 
speech of that chief to Lord Dunmore,has indelibly fixed the repu- 
tation of that outrage upon his memory. It may admit of a 
doubt whether he was, however, directly or indirectly responsible 



1774. INDIANS MURDERED BY GREATHOUSE. 223 

for the destruction of the family of Logan. It is difficult to believe 
that he could be present at the massacres at Captina and Yellow- 
creek on the same day,* but it is certain he was engaged in other 
Indian murders closely connected with the origin of the war, and 
deserves condemnation for the murderous intentions he expressed 
to Col. Zane. Yet perhaps he may not be wholly condemned. He 
may have been deceived by Connolly's letter, which doubtless was 
designed to create hostilities between the whites and Indians, with 
a view to the approaching conflict with the mother country ; and 
may then in all he did have acted under a mistaken idea of patri- 
otism. Of his patriotic spirit there is no reason to doubt. Imme- 
diately after the battle of Lexington, in the next year, in obedience 
to a call of the Maryland delegates in Congress, Cresap was ap- 
pointed to the command of a company of volunteers, returned to 
Maryland, and with his company marched to Boston, to join the 
Continental army under Washington. His health failing, however, 
he resigned his command, and died on his way home, on the 5th 
of October, at !New York. 

In relation to the murders by Greathouse, there is also a variance 
in the testimony. Henry Jolly, who was near by, and whose state- 
ment is published in an article by Dr. Hildreth, in Silliman's jour- 
nal for January, 1837, makes no mention of the visit of Greathouse 
to the Indian camp, but says that five men and one woman, with a 
child, came from the camp across to Baker's; that three of the five 
were made drunk, and that the whites finding the other two would 
not drink, persuaded them to fire at a mark, and when their guns 
were empty, shot them down ; this done, they next murdered the 
woman, and tomahawked the three who were intoxicated. The 
Indians who had not crossed the Ohio, ascertaining what had taken 
place, attempted to escape by descending the river, and having 
passed "Wheeling unobserved, landed at Pipe creek, and it was 
then, according to Jolly, that Cresap's attack took place ; he killed 
only one Indian. But whatever may have been the precise facts 
in relation to the murder of Logan's family, they were at any rate 
of such a nature as to make all concerned feel sure of an Indian war ; 
and while those upon the frontier gathered hastily into the for- 
tresses, an express was sent to Williamsburg, to inform the gover- 
nor of the necessity of instant preparation. The Earl of Dunmore 



f Jacob's Life of Cresap. 



224 m'donald at wapatomica. 1774. 

at once took the needful steps to organize forces ; and meanwhile, 
in June, sent Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner to conduct into the 
settlements the surveyors, and others who were lingering upon the 
banks of the Kentucky and Elkhorn, a duty which was ably and 
quickly performed. The unfortunate traders among the Indians, 
however, could not thus be rescued from the dangers which beset 
them. Some of them fell the first victims to the vengeance of the 
natives. One near the town of White-Eyes, the Peace Chief of 
the Delawares, was murdered, cut to pieces, and the fragments of 
his body hung upon the bushes ; the kindly chief gathered them 
together and buried them ; the hatred of the murderers, however, 
led them to disinter and disperse the remains of their victim anew; 
but the kindness of the Delaware was as persevering as the hatred 
of his brethren, and again he collected the scattered limbs, and in 
a secret place hid them.* 

It being, under the circumstances, deemed advisable by the Virgi- 
nians, to assume the offensive, as soon as it could be done, an army was 
gathered at Wheeling, which, some time in July, under Col. McDon- 
ald, descended the Ohio to the mouth of Captina creek, or, as some 
say, Fish creek, where it was proposed to march against the Indian 
town of Wapatomica, on the Muskingum. The march was suc- 
cessfully accomplished, and the Indians having been frustrated in 
an expected surprise of the invaders, sued for peace, and gave five 
of their chiefs as hostages. Two of them were set free, however, 
by Colonel McDonald, for the avowed purpose of calling the heads 
of the tribes together, to ratify the treaty which was to put an end 
to warfare ; but it being found that the natives were merely attempt- 
ing to gain time and gather forces, the Virginians proceeded to 
destroy their towns and crops, and then retreated, carrying three 
of their chiefs with them, as prisoners to Williamsburg. But this 
invasion did nothing toward intimidating the red men. 

The Delawares were anxious for peace ; Sir William Johnson 
sent out to all his copper-colored flock, orders to keep still; f and 
even the Shawanese were prevailed on by their wiser leader, Corn- 
stalk, to do all they could to preserve friendly relations ; indeed 
they went so far as to secure some wandering traders from the 
vengeance of the Mingoes, whose relatives had been slain at 



* Hecke welder's Narrative, 132. 

f American Archives, Fourth Series, i, 252 to 258. 



1774. dunmore's war. 225 

Yellow Creek and Captina, and sent them with their property safe 
to Pittsburgh. But Logan, who had been turned by the murderers 
on the Ohio from a friend to a deadly foe of the whites, came 
suddenly upon the Monongahela settlements, and while the other 
Indians were hesitating as to their course, took his thirteen scalps 
in retaliation for the murder of his family and friends, and returning 
home expressed himself satisfied, and ready to listen to the Long- 
Knives. 

But it was not, apparently, the wish of Dunmore or Connolly to 
meet the friendly spirit of the natives, and when, about the 10th of 
June, three of the Shawanese conducted the traders, who had been 
among them, safely to Pittsburgh, Connolly had even the mean- 
ness to attempt first to sieze them, and when foiled in this by 
Colonel Croghan, his uncle, who had been alienated by his tyranny, 
he sent men to watch, waylay and kill them ; and one account says 
that one of the three was slain. Indeed, the character developed 
by this man, while commandant at Fort Dunmore, was such as to 
excite universal detestation, and at last to draw down upon his 
patron, the reproof of Lord Dartmouth. He seized property, and 
imprisoned white men without warrant or propriety; and we may 
]?e assured, in many cases beside that just mentioned, treated 
the natives with an utter disregard of justice. It is not then 
surprising that Indian attacks occurred along the frontiers from 
June to September; nor, on the other hand, that the Virginians, 
against whom, in distinction from the people of Pennsylvania, the 
war was carried on, became more and more excited, and eager to 
repay the injuries received. 

To put a stop to these devastations, two large bodies of troops 
were gathering in Virginia; the one from the southern and 
western part of the State, under General Andrew Lewis, met at 
Camp Union, now Lewisburg, Greenbriar county, near the far- 
famed White Sulphur Springs ; — the other from the northern and 
eastern counties, was to be under the command of Dunmore him- 
self, and descending the Ohio from Port Pitt, was to meet Lewis' 
army at the mouth of the Great Kanawha. The force under Lewis, 
amounting to eleven hundred men, commenced its march upon 
the 6th and 12th of September, and upon the 6th of October 
reached the spot agreed upon. As Lord Dunmore was not there, 
and as other troops were to follow down the Kanawha under 
Colonel Christian, General Lewis dispatched runners toward Pitts- 
burgh to inform the commander-in-chief of his arrival, and 



226 DUNMORl'S WAR. 1774. 

proceeded to encamp at the point where the two rivers meet. 
Here he remained until the 9th of October, when dispatches from 
the Governor reached him, informing him that the plan of the 
campaign was altered; that he (Dunmore) meant to proceed 
directly against the Shawanese towns of the Scioto, and Lewis was 
ordered at once to cross the Ohio and meet the army before those 
towns. 

But on the very day when this movement should have been 
executed, (October 10th,) the Indians in force, headed by the able 
and brave chief of the Shawanese, Cornstalk, appeared before the 
army of Virginians, determined then and there to avenge past 
wrongs and cripple vitally the power of the invaders. Delawares, 
Iroquois, Wyandots and Shawanese, under their most noted chiefs, 
among whom was Logan, formed the army opposed to that of 
Lewis, and with both the struggle of that day was one of life or 
death. Soon after sunrise the presence of the savages was 
discovered; General Lewis ordered out his brother, Colonel Charles 
Lewis, and Colonel Fleming, to reconnoiter the ground where they 
had been seen; this at once brought on the engagement. In a 
short time Colonel Lewis was killed, and Colonel Fleming disabled; 
the troops, thus left without commanders, wavered, but Colonel 
Field with his regiment coming to the rescue, they again stood 
firm; about noon Colonel Field was killed, and Captain Evan 
Shelby, (father of Isaac Shelby, afterw T ard Governor of Kentucky, 
and who was then lieutenant in his father's company,) took the 
command; and the battle still continued. It was now drawing 
toward evening, and yet the contest raged without decided success 
for either party, when General Lewis ordered a body of men to 
gain the flank of the enemy by means of Crooked creek, a small 
stream which runs into the Kanawha, about four hundred yards 
above its mouth. This was successfully done, and the result was 
the retreat of the Indians across the Ohio. * 

The loss on the part of the Virginians in this battle, was seventy- 
five men killed, and one hundred and forty wounded — about one- 
fifth of their entire number. The loss of the enemy could not be 
fully ascertained, as, until they are driven from the field, they carry 
off their dead. Next morning, Col. Christian explored the battle 
ground, and found twenty-one Indians lying dead, and subsequently 
twelve others concealed by brush and logs. 



* Border Warfare, 125. Doddridge, 230. American Pioneer, i, 381. Letters in 
American Archives, Fourth Series, i, 808-818, &c. Thatcher's Lives of Indians, ii, 168. 



1774. dunmore's war. 227 

Lord Dunmore, meanwhile, had descended the river from Fort 
Pitt, and was, at the time he sent word to Lewis of his change of 
plans, at the mouth of the Hocking, where he built a block-house, 
called Fort Gower, and remained until after the battle at the Point. 
Thence he marched on toward the Scioto, while Lewis and the 
remains of the army under his command, strengthened by the 
troops under Colonel Christian, pressed forward in the same direc- 
tion, elated by the hope of annihilating the Indian towns, and 
punishing the inhabitants for all they had done. But before reach- 
ing the enemy's country, Dunmore was visited by the chiefs, 
asking for peace. He listened to their request, and appointing a 
place where a treaty should be held, sent orders to Lewis to stop 
his march against the Shawanese towns, w T hich orders, however, that 
officer did not obey ; nor was it till the Governor visited his camp 
on Congo creek, near "Westfall, that he would agree to give up an 
attempt upon the village of Old Chillicothe, which stood where 
Westfall now is. After this visit by Dunmore, General Lewis felt 
himself bound, though unwillingly, to prepare for a bloodless 
retreat. 

The commander-in-chief, however, remained for a time at Camp 
Charlotte, upon Sippo Creek, about eight miles from the town of 
Westfall, on the Scioto.* There he met Cornstalk, who, being 
satisfied of the futility of any further struggle, was determined to 
make peace, and arranged with the governor the preliminaries of 
a treaty ; and from this point, Crawford was sent against a town of 
the Mingoes, who still continued hostile, and took several prisoners, 
who were carried to Virginia, and were still in confinement in 
February, 1775. f 

When Lord Dunmore retired from the "West, he left one hundred 
men at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, a few more at Pittsburgh, 
and another corps at Wheeling, then called Fort Fincastle. These 
were dismissed as the prospect of the war ceased. Lord Dunmore 
agreed to return to Pittsburgh in the spring, meet the Indians and 
form a definite peace; but the commencement of the revolt of the 
colonies prevented. The Mingoes were not parties to the treaty 
at Camp Charlotte. The Shawanese agreed not to hunt south of 
the Ohio river, nor molest travelers. The frontier men were much 
incensed against Lord Dunmore for this treaty, but not the inhabi- 
tants of Virginia. 



* American Pioneer, p. 331. 

f American Archives, Fourth Series, i. 1222. Border Warfare, 137. 



228 TRANSYLVANIA LAND COMPANY FORMED. 1775. 

About the same time, and most probably after the treaty with 
the Indians, Lord Dunmore opened several offices for the sale of 
lands in the "West, some of which were in the limits claimed by 
Pennsylvania. Land warrants were granted on the payment of 
two shillings and sixpence fees. The purchase money was trifling, 
being only ten shillings per hundred acres, and even that was not 
demanded. The proprietary of Pennsylvania had previously pur- 
chased the land as far west as the Ohio and Allegheny, and opened 
an office for the sale of these lands. But the price demanded was 
much higher than that of the Virginia warrants ; and this was an 
effectual inducement to buyers to prefer the Virginia office, and of 
consequence to favor the Virginia claim to jurisdiction over the 
country. Accordingly, Dunmore established three courts, two 
south of the Monongahela, and one at Bedstone, all within the 
limits of Western Pennsylvania, and thus extended the Virginia 
laws over that region. His scheme for weakening both colonies, 
by embroiling them in a contest about their boundaries, however, 
failed ; the breaking out of the war in the next year, suspended the 
discussion of the question, and drove Dunmore from Virginia. 

Among those who had been engaged in Dunmore's war, as 
1775.] scouts or soldiers, were Daniel Boone, James Harrod, 
and others of the early explorers of Kentucky. After the 
peace, they naturally turned their attention again to the rich val- 
leys they had previously occupied. Boone appears to have been 
among the first to re-enter them, which he did in the service of a 
new land company, formed in North Carolina, called the Transyl- 
vania Company.* The chief person in this association was Colonel 
Richard Henderson, of whom little is known, except that he was a 
man of capacity and ambition. Dr. Smyth, an Englishman, who 
in 1784 published a work of travels in the United States, gives the 
following account of him ; but as Smyth's work is full of palpable 
falsehoods, it is impossible to say how much truth there is in his 
statements respecting the founder of Transylvania. 

"He acquired the rudiments of an education after having grown 
to maturity, then obtained the office of constable, was afterward 
made sheriff, and then commenced the practice of law. In that 
profession he distinguished himself so much that he was appointed 



* This was one of several such companies ; see Patrick Henry's deposition in Hall's 
Sketches, i. 249. 



1775. BOONE GUIDES THE COMPANY. 229 

Associate Chief Justice of North Carolina. But having made sev- 
eral large purchases, and fallen into a train of expense that his cir- 
cumstances and finances could not support, his extensive genius 
struck out on a holder track to fortune and fame than any one had 
ever attempted before him. 

"Under pretense of viewing some back lands, he privately went 
out to the Cherokee nation of Indians, and, for an insignificant 
consideration, (only ten wagons loaded with cheap goods, such as 
coarse woolens, trinkets, fire-arms, and spirituous liquors,) made a 
purchase from the chiefs of the nation, of a vast tract of territory, 
equal in extent to a kingdom; and in the excellence of climate and 
soil, extent of its rivers, and beautiful elegance of situations, infe- 
rior to none in the universe. A domain of no less than one hun- 
dred miles square, situated on the back or interior part of Virginia, 
and of North and South Carolina ; comprehending the river Ken- 
tucky, Cherokee, and Ohio, besides a variety of inferior rivulets, 
delightful and charming as imagination can conceive. 

" This transaction he kept a profound secret, until such time as 
he obtained the final ratification of the whole nation in form. Then 
he immediately invited settlers from all the provinces, offering them 
land on the most advantageous terms, and proposing to them like- 
wise, to form a legislature and government of their own, such as 
might be most convenient to their particular circumstances of set- 
tlement. And he instantly vacated his seat on the bench."* 

Colonel Henderson, in company with Colonel Nathaniel Hart, or 
as Morehead says, Colonel Hart alone, having heard, probably 
from Boone, of the valuable lands upon the Kentucky river, in the 
course of 1774 paid a visit to the Cherokees, to ascertain if they 
would be willing to sell their title to the region which was desired. 
Finding that a bargain might be made, a meeting was arranged 
with the chiefs of the nation, to be held at the Sycamore Shoal, on 
the "Wataga branch of the Holston river, in March, 1775. 

At this meeting Daniel Boone was, by the desire of the Transyl- 
vania proprietors, present, to aid in the negotiation and deter- 
mining of the bounds of the proposed purchase. This done, he set 
forth with a party, well armed and equipped, to mark out a road 
from the settlement, through the wilderness, to the lands which 
were about to be colonized. Boone does not say when he started^ 



* Morehead's Address, p. 157. 



230 COMPANY BARGAIN WITH THE CHEROKEES. 1775. 

but as he was within fifteen miles of Boonesborough on the 20th of 
March, and the grant from the Cherokees is dated the 17th, he 
must have left the council before the final action of the Indians 
took place ; indeed, Henderson says that Boone did not know of 
the purchase with certainty. By that action the southern savages, 
in consideration of the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, trans- 
ferred to the company two provinces, defined as follows : 

"The first was defined as 'beginning on the Ohio river, at the 
mouth of the Cantuckey Chenoee, or w T hat, by the English, is called 
Louisa river; from thence, running up the said river, and the most 
northwardly fork of the same, to the head spring thereof; thence a 
south-east course to the top of the ridge of Powell's mountain; 
thence westwardly along the ridge of the said mountain, unto a 
point from which a north-west course will hit or strike the head 
spring of the most southwardly branch of the Cumberland river, 
thence down said river, including all its waters, to the Ohio river, 
and up the said river, as it meanders, to the beginning.' " 

"The other deed comprised a tract ' beginning on the Holston 
river, where the course of Powell's mountain strikes the same; 
thence up the said river, as it meanders, to where the Virginia line 
crosses the same ; thence westwardly along the line run by Donald- 
son, to a point six English miles eastward of the long island in said 
Holston river; thence a direct course toward the mouth of the 
Great Canaway, until it reaches the top ridge of Powell's moun- 
tain; thence westwardly along the said ridge to the place of 
beginning.' " 

This transfer, however, was in opposition to the ancient and con- 
stant policy, both of England and Virginia, neither of which would 
recognize any private dealings for land with the natives; and, as 
much of the region to be occupied by the Transylvania Company 
was believed to be within the bounds of the Old Dominion, Gov. 
Dunmore, even before the bargain was completed, prepared his 
proclamation warning the world against "one Richard Henderson 
and other disorderly persons, who, under pretense of a purchase 
from the Indians, do set up a claim to the lands of the crown." 
This paper is dated but four days later than the treaty of Wataga.* 
When Colonel Henderson and his "disorderly" associates there- 
fore set forth early in April for their new colony, granted by the 
first named deed, clouds beset their path. Virginia threatened in 



* American Archives, Fourth Series, 174. 



1775. B00NESB0R0TTGH COMMENCED. 231 

their rear, and before them the blood of Boone's pioneers soiled 
the fresh leaves of the young wood-flowers. Upon the 20th or 25th 
of March, an attack had been made upon those first invaders of 
the forests, in which two of their number were killed, and one or 
two others wounded ; repulsed, but not defeated, the savages 
watched their opportunity, and again attacked the little band ; but 
being satisfied by these attempts, that the leaders of the whites 
were their equals in forest warfare, the natives offered no further 
opposition to the march of the hunters, who proceeded to the Ken- 
tucky, and upon the 1st of April, 1775, began the erection of a fort 
upon the banks of that stream, sixty yards south of the river, at a salt- 
lick. This was Boonesborough. This fort or station was probably, 
when complete, about two hundred and fifty feet long by one hun- 
dred and fifty broad, and consisted of block-houses and pickets, the 
cabins of the settlers forming part of the defenses ; it was, from neg- 
lect, not completed until June 14th, and the party, while engaged 
in its erection, appear to have been but little annoyed by the Indians, 
although one man was killed on the 4th of April. To this station, 
while yet but half complete, Henderson and his companions came 
the 20th of April, following the road marked out by Boone. Of 
his journey, and the country itself, some parts of a letter, published 
entire by Judge Hall, will give a distinct picture, and are better than 
any abstracts. 

"Boonesborough, June 12th, 1775. 

"No doubt but you have felt great anxiety since the receipt of 
my letter from Powell's Valley. At that time, things wore a 
gloomy aspect; indeed it was a serious matter, and became a little 
more so after the date of the letter than before. That afternoon I 
wrote the letter in Powell's Valley, in our march this way, we met 
about forty people returning, and in about four days, the number 
was little short of one hundred. Arguments and persuasions were 
needless; they seemed resolved on returning, and traveled with a 
precipitation that truly bespoke their fears. Eight or ten were all 
that we could prevail on to proceed with us, or to follow after; and 
thus, what we before had, counting every boy and lad, amounted 
to about forty, with which number we pursued our journey with 
the utmost diligence, for my own part, never under more real 
anxiety. 

"Every group of travelers we saw, or strange bells which were 
heard in front, was a fresh alarm ; afraid to look or inquire, lest 
Captain Boone or his company was amongst them, or some disas- 
trous account of their defeat. The slow progress we made with 



282 EMIGRANTS IN TROUBLE. 1775' 

our packs, made it absolutely necessary for some person to go on, 
and give assurance of our coming, especially as they had no cer- 
tainty of our being on the road at all; or had even heard whether- 
the Indians had sold to us or not. It was owing to Boone's confi- 
dence in us, and the people's in him, that a stand was ever attempted 
in order to wait for our coming. 

" The general panic that had seized the men we were continually 
meeting, was contagious ; it ran like wild-fire ; and, notwithstanding 
every effort against its progress, it was presently discovered in our 
own camp ; some hesitated, and stole back privately ; others saw 
the necessity of returning to convince their friends that they were 
still alive, in too strong a light to be resisted ; whilst many, in 
truth, who have nothing to thank but the fear of shame, for the 
credit of intrepidity, came on, though their hearts, for some hours, 
made part of the deserting company. In this situation of affairs, 
some few, of genuine courage and undaunted resolution, served to 
inspire the rest; by the help of whose example, assisted by a little 
pride and some ostentation, we made a shift to march on with all 
the appearance of gallantry, and, cavalier-like, treated every insin- 
uation of danger with the utmost contempt. It soon became ha- 
bitual; and those who started in the morning with pale faces and 
apparent trepidation, could lie down and sleep at night in great 
quiet, not even possessed of fear enough to get the better of 
indolence. 

" To give you a small specimen of the disposition of the people, 
it may be sufficient to assure you that when we arrived at this 
place, we found Captain Boone's men as inattentive on the score 
of fear, (to all appearances,) as if they had been in Hillsborough. 
A small fort, which only wanted two or three days' work to make 
it tolerably safe, was totally neglected on Mr. Cock's arrival,* and 
unto this day] remains unfinished, notwithstanding the repeated 
applications of Captain Boone, and every representation of danger 
from ourselves. 

" Our plantations extend near two miles in length, on the river, 
and up a creek. Here people work in their different lots ; some 
without their guns, and others without care or caution. It is in 
vain for us to say anything more about the matter; it cannot be 
done by words. 

"Our company has dwindled from about eighty in number to 



* A messenger sent ahead of the main body. 



1775. Henderson's letter. 233 

about fifty odd, and I believe in a few days will be considerably 
less. Amongst these I have not beard one person dissatisfied with 
the country or terms ; but go, as they say, merely because their 
business will not admit of longer delay. The fact is, many of them 
are single, worthless fellows, and want to get on the other side of 
the mountains, for the sake of saying they have been out and re- 
turned safe, together with the probability of getting a mouthful of 
bread in exchange for their news. 

"We are seated at the mouth of Otter creek, on the Kentucky, 
about one hundred and fifty miles from the Ohio. To the west, 
about fifty miles from us, are two settlements, within six or seven 
miles one of the other. There were, some time ago, about one 
hundred at the two places ; though now, perhaps, not more than 
sixty or seventy, as many of them are gone up the Ohio for their 
families, &c. ; and some returned by the way we came, to Virginia 
and elsewhere. 

"On the opposite of the river, and north from us, about forty miles, 
is a settlement on the crown lands, of about nineteen persons ; and 
lower down, towards the Ohio, on the same side, there are some 
other settlers, how many, or at what place, I can't exactly learn. 
There is also a party of about ten or twelve, with a surveyor, who 
is employed in searching through the country, and laying off offi- 
cers' lands; they have been more than three weeks within ten miles 
of us, and will be several weeks longer ranging up and down the 
country. 

" Colonel Harrod, who governs the two first mentioned settle- 
ments, (and is a very good man for our purpose,) Colonel Floyd, 
(the surveyor,) and myself, are under solemn engagements to com- 
municate, with the utmost dispatch, every piece of intelligence 
respecting danger, or sign of Indians, to each other. In case of 
invasion of Indians, both the other parties are instantly to march, 
and relieve the distressed, if possible. Add to this, that our coun- 
try is so fertile, the growth of grass and herbage so luxuriant, 
that it is almost impossible for man or dog to travel, without leav- 
ing such sign that you might, for many days, gallop a horse on the 
trail. To be serious, it is impossible for any number of people to 
pass through the woods without being tracked, and of course 
discovered, if Indians, for our hunters all go on horseback, and 
could not be deceived if they were to come on the trace of foot- 
men. From these circumstances, I think myself in a great measure 
secure against a formidable attack ; and a few skulkers could only 
16 



234 HENDERSON'S LETTER. 1775. 

kill one or two, which would not much affect the interest of the 
company."* 

Upon the 23d of May, the persons then in the country were 
called on by Henderson to send representatives to Boonesborough, 
to agree upon a form of government, and to make laws for the con- 
duct of the inhabitants. From the journal of this primitive legis- 
lature, it appears that, besides Bonesboro', three settlements were 
represented, viz : Harrodsburg, which had been founded by James 
Harrod, in 1774, though afterward for a time abandoned, in conse- 
quence of Dunmore's war; the Boiling spring settlement, also 
headed by James Harrod, who had returned to the west early in 
1775; and St. Asaph, in Lincoln county, where Benjamin Logan, 
who is said to have crossed the mountains with Henderson, was 
building himself a station, well known in the troubles with the 
Indians which soon followed. 

The labors of this first of western legislatures were fruitless, as 
the Transylvania colony was soon transformed into the county of 
Kentucky, and yet some notice of them seems proper. There were 
present seventeen representatives ; they met about fifty yards from 
the banks of the Kentucky, under the budding branches of a vast 
elm, while around their feet sprang the native white clover, as a 
carpet for their hall of legislation. When God's blessing had been 
asked by the Rev. John Lythe, Colonel Henderson offered an 
address on behalf of the proprietors, from which are selected a few 
paragraphs illustrative of the spirit of the men and times. 

" Our peculiar circumstances in this remote country, surrounded 
on all sides with difficulties, and equally subject to one common 
danger, which threatens our common overthrow, must, I think, in 
their effects, secure to us an union of interests, and consequently 
that harmony in opinion so essential to the forming good, wise, 
and wholesome laws. If any doubt remain amongst you with 
respect to the force or efficacy of whatever laws you now or here- 
after make, be pleased to consider that all power is originally in 
the people; therefore, make it their interest, by impartial and 
beneficial laws, and you may be sure of their inclination to see 
them enforced. For it is not to be supposed that a people, anxious 
and desirous to have laws made — who approve of the method of 
choosing delegates or representatives, to meet in general conven- 



* Hall's Sketches, ii. 260 to 271. 



1775. Henderson's legislature. 235 

tion for that purpose, can want the necessary and concomitant 
virtue to carry them into execution. 

"Nay, gentlemen, for argument's sake, let us set virtue for a 
moment out of the question, and see how the matter will then 
stand. You must admit that it is, and ever will be, the interest of 
a large majority that the laws should be esteemed and held sacred ; 
if so, surely this large majority can never want inclination or power 
to give sanction and efficacy to those very laws which advance their 
interest and secure their property. 

"Among the many objects that must present themselves for 
your consideration, the first in order must, from its importance, be 
that of establishing courts of justice, or tribunals for the punish- 
ment of such as may offend against the laws you are about to make. 
As this law will be the chief corner-stone in the ground-work or 
basis of our constitution, let us in a particular manner recommend 
the most dispassionate attention, while you take for your guide as 
much of the spirit and genius of the laws of England as can be 
interwoven with those of this country. We are all Englishmen, 
or, what amounts to the same, ourselves and our fathers have, for 
many generations, experienced the invaluable blessings of that 
most excellent constitution, and surely we cannot want motives to 
copy from so noble an original. 

"Many things, no doubt, crowd upon your minds, and seem 
equally to demand your attention ; but next to that of restraining 
vice and immorality, surely nothing can be of more importance 
than establishing some plain and easy method for the recovery of 
debts, and determining matters of dispute with respect to property, 
contracts, torts, injuries, &c. These things are so essential, that if 
not strictly attended to, our name will become odious abroad, 
and our peace of short and precarious duration ; it would give hon- 
est and disinterested persons cause to suspect that there was some 
colorable reason at least, for the unworthy and scandalous asser- 
tions, together with the groundless insinuations contained in an 
infamous and scurrilous libel* lately printed and published, con- 
cerning the settlement of this country, the author of which avails 
himself of his station, and under the specious pretense of proclama- 
tion, pompously dressed up and decorated in the garb of authority, 
has uttered invectives of the most malignant kind, and endeavors 
to wound the good name of persons, whose moral character would 



* Governor Dunmorc's Proclamation. 



236 Henderson's legislature. 1775. 

derive little advantage by being placed in comparison with bis. 
charging them amongst other things equally untrue, with a design 
'of forming an asylum for debtors and other persons of desperate 
circumstances ; ' placing the proprietors of the soil at the head of 
a lawless train of abandoned villians, against whom the regal 
authority ought to be exerted, and every possible measure taken to 
put an immediate stop to so dangerous an enterprise. 

"I have not the least doubt, gentlemen, but that your conduct in 
this convention will manifest the honest and laudable intentions of 
the present adventurers, whilst the conscious blush confounds the 
willful calumniators and officious detractors of our infant, and as 
yet, little community. 

"]SText to the establishment of courts or tribunals, as well for the 
punishment of public offenders as the recovering of just debts, 
that of establishing and regulating a militia, seems of the greatest 
importance; it is apparent, that without some wise institution 
respecting our mutual defense, the different towns or settlements 
are every day exposed to the most imminent danger, and liable to 
be destroyed at the mere will of the savage Indians. Nothing, I 
am persuaded, but their entire ignorance of our weakness and want 
of order, has hitherto preserved us from the destructive and rapa- 
cious hands of cruelty, and given us an opportunity at this time 
of forming secure defensive plans to be supported and carried into 
execution by the authority and sanction of a well-digested law. 

"There are sundry other things, highly worthy your consideration, 
and demand redress ; such as the wanton destruction of our game, 
the only support of life amongst many of us, and for want of which 
the country would be abandoned ere to-morrow, and scarcely a 
probability remain of its ever becoming the habitation of any Chris- 
tian people. This, together with the practice of many foreigners, 
who make a business of hunting in our country, killing, driving 
off, and lessening the number of wild cattle and other game, whilst 
the value of the skins and furs is appropriated to the benefit of 
persons not concerned or interested in our settlement; these are 
evils, I say, that I am convinced cannot escape your notice and 
attention."* 

To this the representatives of the infant commonwealth replied, 
by stating their readiness to comply with the recommendations of 
the proprietor, as being just and reasonable, and proceeded, with 



*See Butler's Kentucky, p. 508. 



1775. TRANSYLVANIA ORGANIZED. 237 

praiseworthy diligence, to pass the necessary acts. They were in 
session three working days, in which time they enacted the nine 
following laws: — one for establishing courts; one for punishing 
crimes ; a third for regulating the militia ; a fourth for punishing 
swearing and Sabbath-breaking; a fifth providing for writs of 
attachment; a sixth fixing fees ; and three others for preserving the 
range, improving the breed of horses, and preserVing game. In 
addition to these laws, this working House of delegates prepared 
a compact, to be the basis of relationship between the people and 
owners of Transylvania. Some of its leading articles were these : 

" That the election of delegates in this colony be annual. 

" That the convention may adjourn and meet again on their own 
adjournment, provided, that in cases of great emergency the pro- 
prietors may call together the delegates before the time adjourned 
to, and if a majority does not attend, they may dissolve them and 
call a new one. 

" That to prevent dissension and delay of business, one proprie- 
tor shall act for the whole, or some one delegated by them for that 
purpose, who shall always reside in the colony. 

" That there be a perfect religious freedom and general tolera- 
tion — provided, that the propagators of any doctrine or tenets, 
widely tending to the subversion of our laws, shall for such 
conduct be amenable to, and punishable by the civil courts. 

"That the judges of Superior or Supreme Courts be appointed 
by the proprietors, but be supported by the people, and to them 
be answerable for their mal-conduct 

"That the judges of the inferior courts be recommended by the 
people, and approved of by the proprietors, and by them commis- 
sioned. 

" That all civil and military officers be within the appointment 
of the proprietors. 

" That the office of Surveyor General belong to no person inter- 
ested, or a partner in this purchase. 

. " That the Legislative authority, after the strength and maturity 
of the colony will permit, consist of three branches, to wit : the 
delegates or representatives chosen by the people, a council not 
exceeding twelve men, possessed of landed estate, residing in the 
colony, and the proprietors. 

" That the convention have the sole power of raising and appro- 
priating all public moneys, and electing their treasurer." 

On the 27th of May, this Legislature adjourned to meet again 
upon the first Tuesday of the next September, — though it does not 
appear that it ever did so. 



238 INDIANS AND BRITISH. 1775. 

From the time of the unpopular treaty of Camp Charlotte, the 
western people had been apprehensive of extensive injury to the 
American frontiers from the Indians, instigated by agents reaching 
them through Canada, whenever the expected outbreak with 
England took place. Nor was it long before the Americans in the 
north saw the dangers to be feared from the action of the Indians, 
influenced by the British ; and early in May, 1775, the provincial 
Congress of Massachusetts, wrote to the Reverend Samuel Kirk- 
land, then a missionary among the Oneidas, informing him, that 
having heard that the English were trying to attach the Six Nations 
to their interest, it had been thought proper to ask the several 
tribes, through him, to stand neutral. Steps were also taken to 
secure the co-operation, if possible, of the Penobscot and Stock- 
bridge Indians; the latter of whom replied, that, though they never 
could understand what the quarrel between the provinces and old 
England was about, yet they would stand by the Americans. 
They also offered to "feel the mind" of the Iroquois, and try to 
bring them over. 

But the Iroquois were not easily to be won over by any means. 
Sir William Johnson, so long the king's agent among them, and 
to whom they looked with the confidence of children in a father, 
had died suddenly, in June, 1774, and the wild men had been left 
under the influence of Colonel G-uy Johnson, Sir William's son-in- 
law, who succeeded him as superintendent, and of John Johnson, 
Sir William's son, who succeeded to his estates and honors. Both 
these men were Tories ; and their influence in favor of England 
was increased by that of the celebrated Joseph Brant. This trio, 
acting in conjunction with some of the rich old royalists along the 
Mohawk, opposed the whole movement of the Bostonians, the 
whole spirit of the Philadelphia Congress, and every attempt, open 
or secret, in favor of the rebels. Believing Mr. Kirkland to be lit- 
tle better than a Whig in disguise, and fearing that he might 
alienate the tribe in which he was from their old faith, and through 
them influence the others, the Johnsons, while the war was still 
bloodless, made strong efforts to remove him from his position. 

Nor were the fears of the Johnsons groundless, as is shown by 
the address of the Oneida Indians to the New England governors, 
in which they state their intention of remaining neutral during so 
unnatural a quarrel as that just then commencing. But this inten- 
tion the leading tribe of the great Indian confederacy meant to dis- 
turb, if possible. The idea was suggested that Guy Johnson was 
in danger of being seized by the Bostonians, and an attempt was 



1775. INDIANS AND BRITISH. 239 

made to rally about him the savages as a body-guard; while he, on 
his part, wrote to the neighboring magistrates, holding out to them 
as a terror, the excitement of the Indians, and the dangers to be 
feared from their rising, if he were seized, or their rights inter- 
fered with. 

So stood matters in the Mohawk valley, during the month of 
May, 1775. The Johnsons were gathering a little army, which 
soon amounted to five hundred men ; and the Revolutionary com- 
mittees, resolute never to yield one hair's breadth, "never to sub- 
mit to any arbitrary acts of any power under heaven," were 
denouncing Colonel Guy's conduct as " arbitrary, illegal, oppres- 
sive, and unwarrantable." " Watch him," wrote Washington to 
General Schuyler, in June; and, even before that order was given, 
with the Tryon county men above him on the river, and the whole 
Provincial force below him, he was likely to be well watched. 
Finding himself thus fettered, and feeling it to be time to take 
some decided step, the superintendent, early in June, began to 
move westward, accompanied by his dependents, and the great 
body of the Mohawk Indians, who remained firm in the British 
interests.* He moved first to Fort Stanwix, (afterward Fort 
Schuyler, near the present town of Rome,) and then went on to 
Ontario, where he arrived early in July, and held a congress with 
thirteen hundred and forty warriors, whose old attachment was 
then and there renewed. Joseph Brant, be it noted, during all 
this time, was acting as the superintendent's secretary. 

All of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, might 
now be deemed in alliance with the British. Those tribes, chiefly 
through the exertions of Mr. Kirkland, were prevented from going 
with the others, and upon the 28th of June, at German Flats, gave 
to the Americans a pledge of neutrality. f 

While the members of the Northern Confederacy were thus divi- 
ded in their attachments, the Delawares of the upper Ohio were by 
no means unanimous in their opinions as to this puzzling family 
quarrel which was coming on ; and Congress, having been informed 
on the 1st day of June, that the western Virginians stood in fear of 
the Indians, with whom Lord Dunmore, in his small way, was, as 
they thought, tampering, it was determined to have a conference 
held at Pittsburgh, to explain to the poor red men the causes of 



* Stone, vol. i. p. 77. f Stone, vol. i. p.81. 



240 AMERICANS SEEK INDIAN ALLIANCES. 1775. 

the sudden division of their old enemies, and try to persuade them 
to keep peace. This conference did not meet, however, until Oc- 
tober. 

E"or was it from the northern and western tribes only, that hos- 
tilities were feared. The Cherokees and their neighbors were 
much dreaded, and not without cause ; as they were then less under 
the control of the whites than either the Iroquois or Delawares ? 
and might, in the hope of securing their freedom, be led to unite, 
in a warfare of extermination against the Carolinas. Accordingly, 
early in July, Congress having determined to seek the alliance of 
the several Indians nations, three departments were formed ; * a 
northern one, including the Six Nations, and all north and east of 
them, to the charge of which General Schuyler, Oliver Wolcott, 
and three others, were appointed; a middle department, including 
the Western Indians, who were to be looked to by Messieurs 
Franklin, Henry, and Wilson; and a southern department, includ- 
ing all the tribes south of Kentucky, over which commissioners 
were to preside, under the appointment of the South Carolina 
Council of Safety. These commissioners were to keep a close 
watch upon the nations in their several departments, and upon the 
king's superintendents among them. These officers they were to 
seize, if they had reason to think them engaged in stirring up the 
natives against the colonies, and in all ways were to seek to keep 
those natives quiet, and out of the contest. Talks were also pre- 
pared to send to the several tribes, in which an attempt was made 
to illustrate the relations between England and America, ~by com- 
paring the last to a child ordered to carry a pack too heavy for its 
strength. The boy complains, and, for answer, the pack is made a 
little heavier. Again and again the poor urchin remonstrates, but 
the bad servants misrepresent the matter to the father, and the boy 
gets ever a heavier burden, till at last, almost broken-backed, he 
throws off the load altogether, and says he will carry it no longer. 
This allegory was intended to make the matter clear to the pack- 
carrying red men, and, if we may judge from Hecke welder's account, 
it answered the purpose ; for, he says, the Delawares reported the 
whole story very correctly. Indeed, he gives their report upon the 
137th page of his "Narrative," which report agrees very well with 
the original speech, preserved to us in the Journals of the Old 
Congress. 



Old Journals," vol. i. p. 113, &c, 



1775. AMERICANS TREAT WITH INDIANS. 241 

The first conference held by the commissioners, was in the 
northern department, a grand congress coming together at Albany, 
in August. Of this congress, a full account may be found in Col. 
Stone's first volume. It did not, however, fully represent the Six 
Nations, and some even of those who were present immediately 
afterward deserted to the British, so that the result was slight. 

The next conference was held at Pittsburgh with the western 
Indians, in October, and was attended by the Delawares, Senecas, 
and, perhaps, some of the Shawanese. The Delaware nation were 
divided in their views touching the Americans. One of their 
chieftains, Captain White-Eyes, a man of high character and clear 
mind, of courage such as became the leader of a race whose most 
common virtues were those of the wild man, and of a forbearance 
and kindness as unusual as fearlessness was frequent, among his 
people, — this true man was now, as always, in favor of peace, and 
his influence carried with him a strong party. But there were 
others again who longed for war, and wished to carry the whole 
nation over to the British interest. These were led by a cunning and 
able man, called Captain Pipe, who, without the energy, moral 
daring, and unclouded honesty of his opponent, had many quali- 
ties admirably suited to win and rule Indians. Between these two 
men, there was a division from the beginning of the Revolution 
till the death of White-Eyes. At the Pittsburgh Conference the 
Peace Chief, as he was called, was present, and there asserted his 
freedom of the Six Nations, who, through their emissaries present, 
tried to bend the Delawares, as they had been used to do. His 
bold denial of the claim of the Iroquois to rule his people, was 
seized upon by some of the war-party as a pretext for leaving the 
Muskingum, where White-Eyes lived, and withdrawing toward 
Lake Erie, into the more immediate vicinity of the English and 
their allies. 

The Shawanese and their neighbors, meantime, had taken coun- 
cil with Guy Johnson, at Oswego, and might be considered as in 
league with the king. Indeed, these bewildered savages cannot 
be blamed for leaguing themselves with any power against those 
actual occupants of their hunting-grounds, who were here and 
there in Kentucky, building block-houses and clearing corn-fields. 
Against those block-houses and their builders, little bands of red 
men. continually kept sallying forth, supplied with ammunition 
from Detroit and the other western posts, and incited to exertion 
by the well known stimulants of whisky and fine clothes. 



242 INDIANS UNITE WITH BRITISH. 1775. 

However, it is hardly correct to say, that this was done in 1775, 
though the arrangements were, beyond doubt, made in that year, 
Col. Johnson having visited Montreal, immediately after the coun- 
cil with the Shawanese and others, at Oswego, for the purpose of 
concluding with the British governor and general upon his future 
course. 

But although the dangers of the posts more immediately exposed 
to Indian invasions were understood, both east and west, it did not 
prevent emigration. In June, 1775, Boone had sought the settle- 
ments once more, in order to remove his family ; and in the follow- 
ing September, with four females, the fearless mothers of Ken- 
tucky, re-crossed the mountains. These four women were his own 
wife, Mrs. M'G-ary, whose husband afterward attained distinction 
in" the battle of the Blue-licks, Mrs. Denton, and Mrs. Hogan ; 
their husbands and children came with them, and more than twenty 
other men, able to bear arms, were also of the party. 

At the close of 1775, the country along the Kentucky was filling 
with emigrants, although doubt and dissatisfaction already existed 
as to Henderson's purchase, and especially as to holding lands of 
proprietors, and being governed by them — -many of the new settlers 
not being ignorant of the evils brought on Pennsylvania by means 
of the Proprietary rule. But hope was still predominant, and the 
characters of Harrod, Floyd, Logan, and the Harts were well calcu- 
lated to inspire confidence. 

It was toward the close of this last year of our colonial existence, 
1775, that a plot was discovered, which involved some whose names 
have already appeared upon these pages, and which, if successful, 
would have influenced the fortunes of the West deeply. Dr. John 
Connolly, of Pittsburgh, whom Washington had met and talked 
with, in 1770, and with whom he had afterward corresponded in 
relation to western lands, and who played so prominent a part as 
commandant of Pittsburgh, where he continued at least through 
1774,* was, from the outset of the revolutionary movements a 
Tory ; and being a man extensively acquainted with the "West, a, 
man of talent, and fearless withal, he naturally became a leader. 
This man, in 1775, planned a union of the north-western Indians 
with British troops, which combined forces were to be led, under 



* American Archives, Fourth Series, vol. i., p. 1179. 



1775. CONNOLLY ARRESTED AND IMPRISONED. 243 

his command, from Detroit, and, after ravaging the few frontier 
settlements, were to join Lord Dunmore in Eastern Virginia. To 
forward his plans, Connolly visited Boston, to see General Gage ; 
then, having returned to the south, in the fall of 1775, he left Lord 
Dunmore for the West, bearing one set of instructions upon his 
person, and another set, the true ones, most artfully concealed, 
under the direction of Lord Dunmore himself, in his saddle, secured 
by tin and waxed cloth. He and his comrades, among whom was 
Dr. Smyth, the author of the doubtful work already quoted, had 
gone as far as Hagerstown, where they were arrested upon suspi- 
cion, and sent back to Frederick. There they were searched, and 
the papers upon Connolly's person were found, seized, and sent to 
Congress. "Washington, having been informed by one who was 
present when the genuine instructions were concealed, as above 
stated, wrote twice on the subject to the proper authorities, in order 
to lead to their discovery, but it is not known that they were ever 
found. Connolly himself was confined, and remained a close pri- 
soner till 1781, complaining much of his hard lot, but finding few 
to pity him. 

After the Eevolution, he was a mischief maker in Kentucky. 
He appears to have been one of the earliest explorers of the West, 
and, in 1770, proposed a province which would have included all 
of Kentucky between the Cumberland or Shawanee river, and a 
line drawn from above its fork to the falls, and the Ohio. He 
afterward caused to be surveyed, patented, and advertised for sale, 
in April, 1774, the ground upon which Louisville was built. 

In the annals of Kentucky, this year is remarkable for the recog- 
1776.] nition by Virginia of the Transylvania colony, as a part of 
the Old Dominion ; and for such a renewal of hostilities as drove 
many, who had come to make the West their home, back over the 
mountains again. During the last six months of 1775, and the first 
half of 1776, the northern savages, as has been stated, had in a 
great measure ceased their excursions against the invaders of their 
hunting-grounds. Not, however, because they had given up the 
contest ; they were preparing, in connection with the British agents 
in the north-west, to act with deadly efficiency against the frontier 
stations, and such seems to have been the feeling of the inhabitants 
of those stations. From an early period in the Revolutionary war, 
the use of the Indians had been contemplated by both parties to 
the struggle. It had been usual, in the contests between the 
French and the English, as has been seen ; and few seem to have 



244 AMERICANS EMPLOY INDIANS. 1776. 

deemed it possible to avoid alliances with the red men. It has 
been suggested, but it is not known on what evidence, that the 
origin of Dunmore's war, was the evil feeling produced by British 
envoys, who anticipated a struggle with the colonists, and were 
acting thus early.* Dunmore's war is, however, easily explained 
without resorting to any such abominable supposition ; but there 
is cause to think that England took the first steps that were taken 
to enlist the Indians in the Revolutionary contest. The first men- 
tion of the subject is in the address of the Massachusetts Congress 
to the Iroquois, in April, 1775. In that they say, that they hear 
the British are exciting the savages against the colonies ; and they 
ask the Six Nations to aid them or stand quiet. 

And in the June following, when James Wood visited the 
western tribes, and asked them to a council, under the direction of 
the Virginia House of Burgesses, he found that Governor Carlton 
had been beforehand, and offered the alliance of England. It 
would seem then, that even before the battle of Lexington, both 
parties had applied to the Indians, and sought an alliance. 
In the outset, therefore, both parties were of the same mind 
and pursued the same course. The Congress of the United 
Colonies, however, during 1775, and until the summer of 1776, 
advocated merely the attempt to keep the Indians out of the contest 
entirely, and instructed the commissioners appointed in the several 
departments to do so. But England was of another mind. 
Promises and threats were both used to induce the savages to 
act with her, though at first it would seem to little purpose, for 
even the Canada tribe of Caghnawagas had offered their aid to 
the Americans. When Britain, however, became victorious in 
the North, and particularly after the battle of the Cedars, in May, 
1776, the wild men began to think of holding to her side, their 
policy being, most justly, in all quarrels of the whites to stick to 
the strongest. Then it was, in June 1776, that Congress resolved 
to do what Washington had advised in the previous April, that is, to 
employ the savages in active warfare. Upon the 19th of April the 
commander-in-chief wrote to Congress, saying, as the Indians 
would soon be engaged, either for or against, he would suggest that 
they be engaged for the colonies ; f upon the 3d of May, the report 
on this was considered ; upon the 25th of May, it was resolved to 



* American Archives, Fourth Series, 
f Spark's Washington, vol. iii, p. 364. 



1776. INDIANS INFEST KENTUCKY. 245 

be highly expedient to engage the Indians far the American 
service ; and, upon the 3d of June, the general wa3 empowered to 
raise two thousand to be employed in Canada. Upon the 17th of 
June, Washington was authorized to employ them where he pleased 
and to offer them rewards for prisoners; and, upon the 8th of 
July, he was empowered to call out as many of the Nova Scotia 
and neighboring tribes as he saw fit.* 

Such was the course of proceeding on the part of the colonies 
with regard to the employment of Indians. The steps at the time 
were secret, but now the whole story is before the world. Not so, 
however, with regard to the acts of England; as to them, there are 
but few of the records available. One thing, however, is known, 
namely, that while the colonies offered their allies of the woods 
rewards for prisoners, some of the British agents gave them money 
for scalps,f-—a, proceeding that cannot find any justification. 

In accordance with the course of policy thus pursued, the north- 
western tribes, already angered by the constant invasion of their 
territory by the hunters of Virginia and Carolina, and easily 
accessible by the lakes, were soon enlisted on the side of England ; 
and, had a Pontiac been alive to lead them, might have done much 
mischief. As it was, during the summer of 1776, their straggling 
parties so filled the woods of Kentucky, that no one outside of a 
fort felt safe. But no better picture of the fear and anxiety that 
prevailed, can be given, than a part of a letter from an inmate of the 
fort at Boonesborough, written at that time. 

" If the war becomes general, of which there is the greatest 
appearance, our situation is truly alarming. "We are about finish- 
ing a large fort, and intend to keep possession of this place as long 
as possible. They are, I understand, doing the same thing at 
Harrodsburg, and also on Elkhorn, at the Royal Spring. The 
settlement on Licking creek, known by the name of Hinkston's, 
has been broken up; nineteen of the settlers are now here on their 
way in — Hinkston among the rest. They all seem deaf to any thing 
we can say to dissuade them. Ten at least, of our own people, are 
going to join them, which will leave us with less than thirty men 
at this fort. I think more than three hundred men have left the 
country since I came out, and not one has arrived, except a few 
cabiners down the Ohio. 



* Secret Journals, vol. i, pp. 43-47. 
•j- Jefferson's Writings, vol. i, p. 456. 



246 clark's settlement in Kentucky. 1776. 

" I want to return as much as any person can do ; but if I leave 
the country now, there is scarcely one single man who will not 
follow the example. When I think of the deplorable condition a 
few helpless families are likely to be in, I conclude to sell my life 
as dearly as I can in their defense, rather than make an ignomini- 
ous escape. 

"I am afraid it is in vain to sue for any relief from Virginia; yet 
the convention encouraged the settlement of this country, and why 
should not the extreme parts of Fincastle be as justly entitled to 
protection as any other part of the country ? If an expedition 
was carried on against those nations who are at open war with the 
people in general, we might be in a great measure relieved, by 
drawing them off to defend their towns. If any thing under 
Heaven can be done for us, I know of no person who would more 
willingly engage in forwarding us assistance than yourself. I do, 
at the request and in behalf of all the distressed women and 
children, and other inhabitants of this place, implore the aid of 
every leading man who may have it in his power to give us 
relief. 

"I cannot write. You can better guess at my ideas from what 
I have said, than I can express them." 

But it was not destined that Kentucky should sink under her 
trials. It was during this very summer of 1776, indeed, that the 
corner-stone of her prosperity was laid, and the first step taken 
toward making her an independent commonwealth. 

This was done by George Rogers Clark, truly her founder, and 
the most eminent of the early heroes of the West. He was born 
November 19, 1752, in Albemarle county, Virginia. In early life, 
he had been, like Washington, a surveyor, and more lately had 
served in Dunmore's war. He first visited Kentucky in 1775, and 
held apparently at that time the rank of major. Returning to 
Virginia, in the autumn of 1775, he prepared to move permanently 
to the West, in the following spring. Having done this early in 
1776, Clark, whose views reached much further than those of most 
of the pioneers, set himself seriously to consider the condition and 
prospects of the young republic to which he had attached himself. 
Its advantages were too obvious to escape any eye ; but the dangers 
of a colony so far beyond the old lines of civilization, and uncon- 
nected with any of the elder provinces, while at the same time the 
title to it was in dispute, had not impressed all minds as they 
should. 



1776. KENTUCKY PETITION. 247 

Clark knew that Virginia entirely denied the purchase of Hen- 
derson; he knew also that Henderson's purchase from the Chero- 
kees was of the same soil which Sir William Johnson had purchased 
for the king in 1768, from the Iroquois, at Fort Stanwix ; he was 
sure, also, that the Virginia settlers would never be easy under a 
proprietary government, however founded ; and saw already with 
his quick eye, wide-spread dissatisfaction. One of two things he 
deemed the frontier settlements must be : either an acknowledged 
portion of Virginia,* and to be by her aided in their struggles, — or 
an independent commonwealth. These views had been partially 
formed in 1775, probably, for on June 6th, 1776, they had attained 
sufficient currency to cause the gathering of a general meeting at 
Harrodsburg, to bring matters to an issue. Clark was not present 
at the commencement of the meeting. Had he been, there is 
reason to think he would have procured the election of envoys 
authorized to lay the whole business before the Assembly of Vir- 
ginia, and ask the admittance of Kentucky by itself into the 
number of her counties. As it was, he and Gabriel Jones were 
chosen members of the Virginia Assembly, and the following 
petition was prepared and signed by James Harrod and eighty- 
seven others, to be laid before that body. 

" To the Honorable the Convention of Virginia. — The Petition of the 
inhabitants, and some of the intended settlers, of that part of 
North America now denominated Transylvania, humbly sheweth : 

" Whereas, some of your petitioners became adventurers in that 
country from the advantageous reports of their friends who first 
explored it, and others since allured by the specious show of the 
easy terms on which the land was to be purchased from those who 
style themselves to be proprietors, have, at a great expense and 
many hardships, settled there, under the faith of holding the lands 
by an indefeasible title, which those gentlemen assured them they 
were capable of making. But your petitioners have been greatly 
alarmed at the late conduct of those gentlemen, in advancing the 
price of the purchase money from twenty shillings to fifty shillings 
sterling per hundred acres, and at the same time have increased 
the fees of entry and surveying to a most exorbitant rate ; and, by 
the short period prefixed for taking up the lands, even on those 
extravagant terms, they plainly evince their intentions of rising in 

* So far Fincastle county had been held to include Kentucky, but the inhabitants had 
no rights or protection as citizens of Virginia. — Marshall, i. 47. 



248 KENTUCKY PETITION. ' 1776. 

their demands as the settlers increase, or their insatiable avarice 
shall dictate. 

" And your petitioners have been more justly alarmed at such 
unaccountable and arbitrary proceedings, as they have lately 
learned, from a copy of the deed made by the Six Nations with Sir 
"William Johnson, and the commissioners from this colony, at Fort 
Stanwix, in the year 1768, that the said lands were included in the 
cession or grant of that tract which lies on the south side of the 
river Ohio, beginning at the mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege 
River, and extending up the said river to Kettaning. And, as in 
the preamble of said deed, the said confederate Indians declare the 
Cherokee River to be their true boundary with the southern 
Indians, your petitioners may, with great reason, doubt the validity 
of the purchase that those proprietors have made of the Chero- 
kees — the only title they set up to the lands for which they demand 
such extravagant sums from your petitioners, without any other 
assurance for holding them than their own deed and warrantee; a 
poor security, as your petitioners humbly apprehend, for the money 
that, among other new and unreasonable regulations, these pro- 
prietors insist should be paid down on the delivery of the deed. 

" And, as we have the greatest reason to presume that his majesty, 
to whom the lands were deeded by the Six Nations, for a valuable 
consideration, will vindicate his title, and think himself at liberty 
to grant them to such persons, and on such terms as he pleases, 
your petitioners would in consequence thereof, be turned out of 
possession, or be obliged to purchase their lands and improvements 
on such terms as the new grantee or proprietor might think fit to 
impose; so that we cannot help regarding the demand of Mr. Hen- 
derson and his company as highly unjust and impolitic, in the 
infant state of the settlement, as well as greatly injurious to your 
petitioners, who would cheerfully have paid the considertion at 
first stipulated by the company, whenever their grant had been 
confirmed by the crown, or otherwise authenticated by the supreme 
legislature. 

"And, as we are anxious to concur in every respect with our 
brethren of the united Colonies, for our just rights and privileges, 
as far as our infant settlement and remote situation will admit of, 
we humbly expect and implore to be taken under the protection of 
the honorable Convention of the Colony of Virginia, of which we 
cannot help thinking ourselves still a part, and request your kind 
interposition in our behalf, that we may not suffer under the rig- 
orous demands and impositions of the gentlemen styling themselves 



1776. CLARK AND JONES ELECTED DELEGATES. 249 

proprietors, who, trie better to effect their oppressive designs, have 
given them the color of a law, enacted by a score of men, artfully 
picked from the few adventurers who went to see the country last 
summer, overawed by the presence of Mr. Henderson. 

"And that you would take such measures as your honors, in your 
wisdom, shall judge most expedient for restoring peace and har- 
mony to our divided settlement; or, if your honors apprehend that 
our case comes more properly before the honorable the General 
Congress, that you would, in your goodness, recommend the same 
to your worthy delegates, to espouse it as the cause of the colony. 
And your petitioners, &e." 

Clark knew perfectly well that the legislature of his native State 
would not acknowledge the validity of the election of delegates 
from the frontiers, but hoping nevertheless to effect his object, 
such a recognition of the Virginia claim to Kentucky as would 
insure her aid in the defense of the stations, he and his companion 
took the southern route by the Cumberland Gap, and after suffer- 
ing agonies from " scald feet," at length reached their destination, 
only to learn tbat the Assembly had adjourned. This of course 
caused a delay in part of their proceedings, but the keen-witted 
soldier saw that before the legislature met again, he might, by 
proper steps, effect much that he wished to; he lost no time, there- 
fore, in waiting upon Patrick Henry, then governor, and explaining 
to him the capabilities, the dangers, the wishes, and the necessities 
of the settlers in the far west — asked for a supply of the first neces- 
sary of life, gunpowder. The governor was favorably disposed, 
and gave Clark a letter to the Executive Council, being himself 
sick, and unable to go with him to Williamsburg, the seat of gov- 
ernment at that time. 

But the Council were very cautious, and while they would lend the 
powder, if Clark would be answerable for it, and pay for its trans- 
portation, they dared not, until the Assembly had recognized the 
Kentucky stations as within Virginia, do more. Clark presented, 
and again presented the impossibility of his conveying the powder 
to so great a distance, through a country swarming with foes. The 
Council listened patiently, but dared not run any risk. An order 
was issued for the powder on the terms proposed, but the inflexible 
pioneer would have none of it, and inclosing the order again to the 
Council, told them, that since Virginia would not aid her children, 
they must look elsewhere— that a land not worth defending was 
not worth claiming, of course — and so he bade them good-bye. 
17 



250 CLARK OBTAINS GUNPOWDER. 1776. 

These intimations were not to be overlooked ; the whole matter 
was again weighed in the Council, and probably the governor's 
advice taken, after which, upon the 23d of August, an order was 
issued for placing the ammunition required at Pittsburgh, sub- 
ject to Major Clark's order, for the use of the inhabitants of 
"Kentucki."* 

One of his objects being thus in the main accomplished, Clark 
prepared himself to urge the suit of the Transylvania colonists be- 
fore the legislature when it should meet in the fall, having first 
written to his friends at the west that powder was waiting them 
at Pittsburgh, which they must manage to get down the river. 
"When the Assembly met, Messrs. Clark and Jones on the one 
hand, and Henderson and his friends on the other, proceeded to 
lay before it the whole question of proprietorship in the Kentucky 
purchase from the Cherokees. The contest must have been one of 
considerable severity, for it was not till December 7, 1776, that the 
success of the delegates appointed in June was made certain by the 
erection of the region in dispute, together with all that now forms 
the State of Kentucky, into a county of that name. His second 
great aim secured, (and he probably considered it so before the actual 
passage of the law,) Clark and his associate were on the point of 
returning at once to the frontier, by the southern route, when they 
fortunately heard that their gunpowder still lay at Pittsburgh. 
The truth was that Clark's letter to his western friends had mis- 
carried. At once the envoys determined to go back byway of the 
Ohio, and see their five hundred pounds of ammunition safe to the 
stations themselves. 

"When they reached Pittsburgh, they learned that many Indians, 
it was thought with hostile intentions, were lurking thereabouts, 
who would probably follow them down the river; but no time was 
to be lost, no matter what dangers threatened, so with seven boat- 
men, the two delegates embarked upon the Ohio, and succeeded in 
reaching safely Limestone creek, where Maysville has been since 
built. Setting their boat adrift, lest it should attract attention, 
they concealed their treasure, as they best could, along the banks 
of the creek, and started for Harrodsburg, to procure a convoy. On 
the way they heard of Colonel Todd as being in the neighborhood 
with a band of men ; Jones and live of the boatmen remained to 
join this party, and return with it for the powder, while Clark and 



* Butler, second edition, 488, gives the order. 



1Y77. TROUBLES ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER. 251 

the other two pushed forward to the Kentucky. Jones and Todd 
having met, turned their steps toward the Ohio, hut were suddenly 
attacked on the 25th of December, near the Blue Licks, by a party 
of natives, who had struck Clark's trail, were defeated, and Jones, 
with two others, were killed.* Clark, however, reached Harrods- 
burg in safety, and a party was sent thence, which brought the gun- 
powder to the forts. 

The year 1776 might be said to have passed without any serious 
1777.] injury to the colonists from the various Indian tribes, 
although it was clear that those tribes were to be looked on as 
engaged in the war, and that the majority of them were with the 
mother country. Through the west and north-west, where the 
agents of England could act to the greatest advantage, dissatisfac- 
tion spread rapidly. The nations nearest the Americans found 
themselves pressed upon and harassed by the more distant bands, 
and through the whole winter of 1776-77, rumors were flying along 
the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, of coming troubles. Nor 
were the people of New York less disturbed in their minds, the 
settlers upon the Mohawk and upper Susquehanna standing in 
continual dread of incursion, f No incursion, however, took place 
during the winter or spring of 1777 ; though why the blow was 
delayed cannot well be known until Great Britain has magna- 
nimity enough to unveil her past acts, and, acknowledging her 
follies and sins, show the world the various steps to that union 
of the savages against her foes, which her noble Chatham denounced 
as a "disgrace," and "deep and deadly sin." 

That blow was delayed, however; and, alas! was struck at 
length, after, and as if in retaliation for one of those violent acts of 
wrong, which must at times be expected from a frontier people. 
Cornstalk was the leading chieftain of the Scioto Shawanese; a 
man whose energy, courage, and good sense, placed him among the 
very foremost of the native heroes of this land. This truly great 
man, who was himself for peace, but who found all his neighbors, 
and even those of his own tribe, stirred up to war by the agents of 
England, went over to the American fort at Point Pleasant, at the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha, in order to talk the matter over with 
Captain Arbuckle, who commanded there, and with whom he was 



* Clark's account in Dillon's Indiana, 128. 
f Journal of the Old Congress — Stone, &c 



252 TREACHEROUS MURDER OF CORNSTALK. 1777. 

■ 

acquainted. This was early in the summer of 1777. The Ameri- 
cans knowing the Shawanese to be inclining to the enemy, thought 
it would he a good plan to retain Cornstalk and Redhawk, a 
younger chief of note, who was with him, and make them hostages 
for the good conduct of their people. The old warrior, accordingly, 
after he had finished his statement of the position he was in, and 
the necessity under which he and his friends would be of "going 
with the stream," unless the Long-Knives could protect them, found 
that, in seeking counsel and safety, he had walked into a trap, and 
was fast there. However, he folded his arms, and with Indian 
calmness, waited the issue. 

The next morning, from the opposite shore was heard an Indian 
hail, known to be from Ellinipsico, the son of Cornstalk. The 
Americans brought him also into their toils as a hostage, and were 
thankful that they had thus secured to themselves peace; as if 
iniquity and deception ever secured that first condition of all good! 
Another day rolled by, and the three captives sat waiting what time 
would bring. On the third day, two savages who were unknown 
to the whites, shot one of the white hunters, toward evening. 
Instantly the dead man's comrades raised the cry, " Kill the red 
dogs in the fort." Arbuckle tried to stop them, but they were men 
of blood, and their wrath was up. The Captain's own life was 
threatened if he offered any hindrance. They rushed to the house 
where the captives were confined, Cornstalk met them at the door, 
and fell, pierced with seven bullets; his son and Redhawk died 
also, less calmly than their veteran companion, and more painfully. 
From that hour, peace was not to be hoped for.* 

But this treachery closed by murder, on the part of the Ameri- 
cans, in no degree caused, or excuses the after steps of the British 
agents ; for almost at the moment when Cornstalk was dying upon 
the banks of the Ohio, there was a congress gathering at Oswego, 
under the eye of Colonel Johnson, "to eat the flesh and drink the 
blood of a Bostonian;" in other words, to arrange finally the 
measures which should be taken against the devoted rebels by 
Christian brethren and their heathen allies. 

In Kentucky, meanwhile, Indian hostilities had been unceas- 
ing : 
From Clark's journal, it appears that on the 6th, 7th, 18th and 



* Doddridge, 237.— Withers' Border Warfare, 151. 



1777. EXTREME SUFFERING IN THE WEST. 253 

28th of March ; on the 7th, 24th and 29th of April ; on the 23d and 
30th of May; on the 22d of June; on the 25th of August; and on 
the 11th of Septemher, predatory attacks were made, and murders 
committed by the Indians in all the settlements and around the forts 
and block-houses. 

At times, the stations were assailed by large bodies of savages ; 
at times, single settlers were picked off by single, skulking foes. 
The horses and cattle were driven away ; the cornfields remained 
uncultivated ; the numbers of the whites became fewer and fewer, 
and from the older settlements little or no aid came to the frontier 
stations, until Col. Bowman, in August, 1777, came from Virginia 
with one hundred men. It was a time of suffering and distress 
through all the colonies, which was in most of them bravely borne; 
but none suffered more, or showed more courage and fortitude, 
than the settlers of the West. Their conduct has excited less ad- 
miration out of their own section than that of Marion, and men 
like him, because their struggles had less apparent connection with 
the great cause of American independence. But who shall say 
what would have become of the resistance of the colonies, had 
England been able to pour from Canada her troops upon the rear 
of the rebels, assisted, as she would have been, by all the Indian 
nations? It may have been the contests before the stations of 
Kentucky, and Clark's bold incursions into Illinois, and against 
Vincennes, which turned the oft-tottering fortunes of the great 
struggle. 

But whatever may be thought of this, very many incidents of 
Western history present a most picturesque and touching character, 
during the period that elapsed from 1777 to 1780. Time has not yet 
so mellowed their features as to give them an air of romauce pre- 
cisely; but the essence of romance is in them. In illustration, 
one or two of these incidents, familiar enough in the West, but 
still worthy of repetition, will be mentioned. 

One of the eminent men of Kentucky, in those and later times? 
was General James Ray. While yet a boy, he had proved himself 
able to outrun the best of the Indian warriors ; and it was when 
but seventeen years of age that he performed the service, for a dis- 
tressed garrison, of which we are about to speak. It was in the 
winter of 1776-77, a winter of starvation. Ray lived at Harrods- 
burg, which, like the other stations, was destitute of corn. There 
was game enough in the woods around, but there were also Indians 
more than enough, and had the sound of a gun been heard in the 



254 logan's station attacked. 177T. 

neighborhood of a station, it would have insured the death of the 
one who discharged it. Under these circumstances, Ray resolved 
to hunt at a distance. There was one horse left of a drove of forty, 
which Major M'Gary had brought to the West; an old horse, faith- 
ful and strong, but not fitted to run the gauntlet through the forest. 
Ray took this solitary animal, and before day dawn, day by day, 
and week by week, rode noiselessly along the runs and rivers until 
he was far enough to hunt with safety ; then he killed his game, 
and by night, or in the dusk of the evening, retraced his steps. 
And thus the garrison lived by the daring labors of this stripling 
of seventeen. Older hunters tried his plan, and were discovered ; 
but he, by his sagacity, boldness, care, and skill, safely pursued his 
disinterested and dangerous employment, and succeeded in con- 
stantly avoiding the perils that beset him. It is not likely that 
Boone, or any one, ever showed more perfectly the qualities of a 
superior woodsman than did Ray through that winter. 

If any one did, however, it was surely Benjamin Logan, in the 
spring of that same year. Logan crossed the mountains with Hen- 
derson, in 17 T5, and was of course one of the oldest settlers. In 
May, 1777, the fort at which Logan lived was surrounded by In- 
dians, more than a hundred in number; and so silently had they 
made their approach, that the first notice which the garrison had 
of their presence was a discharge of firearms upon some men who 
were guarding the women as they milked the cows outside the 
station. One was killed, a second mortally wounded, and a third, 
named Harrison, disabled. This poor man, unable to aid himself, 
lay in sight of the fort, where his wife, who saw his condition, was 
begging some one to go to his relief. But to attempt such a thing 
seemed madness ; for whoever ventured from either side into the 
open ground, where Harrison lay writhing and groaning, would 
instantly become a target for all the sharpshooters of the opposite 
party. For some moments Logan stood it pretty well ; he tried 
to persuade himself, and the poor woman who was pleading to him, 
that his duty required him to remain within the walls and let the 
savages complete their bloody work. But such a heart as his was 
too warm to be long restrained by arguments and judicious expe- 
diency ; and suddenly turning to his men, he cried, " Gome, boysy 
who's the man to help me in with Harrison ?" There were brave 
men there, but to run into certain death in order to save a man 
whom, after all, they could not save — it was asking too much ; and 
all shook their heads, and shrunk back from the mad proposal. 
" £Tot one ! not one of you help a poor fellow to save his scalp V* 



1777. LOGAN OBTAINS AMMUNITION AT HOLSTON. 255 

" Why, what's the good, captain ; to let the red rascals kill us wont 
help Harrison !" At last, one, half inspired by Logan's impetuous 
courage, agreed to go; he could die but once, he said, and was 
about as ready then as he should ever be. The gate was slightly 
opened, and the two doomed men stepped out ; instantly a tempest 
of rifle balls opened upon them, and Logan's companion, rapidly 
reasoning himself into the belief that he was not so ready to die as 
he had believed, bolted back into the station. Not so his noble- 
hearted leader. Alone, through that tempest, he sprang forward 
to where the wounded man lay, and while his hat, hunting-shirt, 
and hair were cut and torn by the ceaseless shower, he lifted his 
comrade like a child in his arms, and regained the fort without a 
scratch. 

But this rescue of a fellow-being, though worthy of record in 
immortal verse, was nothing compared with what this same Benja- 
min Logan did soon after. The Indians continued their siege ; still 
they made no impression, but the garrison were running short of 
powder and ball, and none could be procured except by crossing 
the mountains. To do this, the neighboring forest must be passed, 
thronging with Indians, and a journey of some hundred miles ac- 
complished along a path every portion of which might be waylaid, 
and at last the fort must be re-entered with the articles so much 
needed. Surely, if ever an enterprise seemed hopeless, it was this 
one, and yet the thing must be tried. Logan pondered the matter 
carefully ; he calculated the distance, not less than four hundred 
miles in and back; he estimated the aid from other quarters; and 
in the silence of night asked wisdom and guidance from God. Nor 
did he ask in vain ; wisdom Was given him. At night, with two 
picked companions, he stole from the station, every breath hushed. 
The summer leaves were thick above them, and, with the pro- 
foundest care and skill, Logan guided his followers from tree to 
tree, from run to run, unseen by the savages, who dreamed not, 
probably, of so dangerous an undertaking. Quickly, but mos: 
cautiously, pushing eastward, walking forty or fifty miles a day, 
the three woodsmen passed onward till the Cumberland range was 
in sight ; then, avoiding the Gap, which they supposed would be 
watched by Indians, over those rugged hills, where man had never 
climbed before, they forced their way with untiring energy, and a 
rapidity to us, degenerate as we are, inconceivable. 

The mountains crossed, and the valley of the Holston reached, 
Logan procured his ammunition, and then turned alone on his 
homeward track, leaving his two companions, with full directions, 



256 FORT HENRY THREATENED. 1777, 

to follow him more slowly with the lead and powder. He returned 
before them, because he wished to revive the hopes of his little 
garrison in the wilderness, numbering as it did, in his absence, 
only ten men, and they without the means of defense. He feared 
they would yield, if he delayed an hour ; so back, like a chamois, 
he sped over those broken and precipitous ranges, and actually 
reached and re-entered his fort in ten days from the time he left it, 
safe and full of hope. Such a spirit would have made even women 
dare and do every thing, and by his influence the siege was still 
resisted till the ammunition came safe to hand. From May till 
September that. little band was thus beset; then Colonel Bowman 
relieved them. In the midst of that summer, as George Rogers 
Clark's journal has it, "Lieutenant Linn was married — great mer- 
riment J" This was at Harrodsburg, near by Logan's station. 
Such was the frontier life ! 

It was a trying year, 1777, for those little forts in the wilderness. 
At the close of it, three settlements only existed in the interior — 
Harrodsburg, Boonesborough, and Logan's; and of these three 
the whole military population was but one hundred and two in 
number ! 

'Nov was it in Kentucky alone that the Indians were busy. 
Through the spring and summer constant attacks were made upon 
the settlements in the neighborhood of Wheeling. At this point, 
the Zanes had settled, in 1770, and here, in 1774, Connolly, or the 
settlers, by his direction, had built a fort, called Fort Fincastle,* 
after the name of the western county of Virginia. In this a body 
of men was left by Lord Dunmore, when he made his treaty with 
the Shawanese,f and through the whole of 1775 and 1776 it was 
occupied by more or fewer soldiers; indeed, in those times all men 
were soldiers, and hostility from the Indians daily anticipated. 
This fort, in 1776, was called, in honor of the eloquent governor of 
Virginia, Fort Henry, and was the central point between Fort Pitt 
and the works at the mouth of Kanawha. 

Early in the autumn of 1777, word from friendly Indians, per- 
haps the Christian Delawares, of the Muskingum, or perhaps from 
Isaac Zane, the brother of the Wheeling settlers, reached General 
Hand, who commanded at Fort Pitt, informing him that a large 
body of the north-western Indians was preparing to attack the 



* George R. Clarke is said to have planned it. (American Pioneer. ii., 803.) 
f American Archives, Fourth Series, ii., 1189. 



1777. FORT HENRY BESIEGED. 257 

posts of the upper Ohio. These news were quickly spread abroad, 
and all were watching where the blow would come. 

On the evening of September 26th, smoke was seen by those 
near Wheeling, down the river, and was supposed to proceed from 
the burning of the block-house at Grave creek, and the people of 
the vicinity taking the alarm, betook themselves to the fort. "With- 
in its walls were forty-two fighting men, of various ages and gifts ; 
these were well supplied with guns, both rifles and muskets, but 
had only a scant supply of gun powder; as the event proved. The 
night of the 26th passed without alarm, but when very early upon 
the 27th, two men, who were sent out for horses, in order to alarm 
the settlements near by, had proceeded some distance from the fort, 
they met a party of six savages, by whom one of them was shot. 

The commandant of the post, Colonel Shepherd, learning from 
the survivor that there were but six of the assailants, sent a party 
of fifteen men to see to them. These were suffered to march after 
the six, who seem to have been meant merely for a decoy, until 
they were within the Indian lines, when, suddenly, in front, be- 
hind, and on every side, the painted warriors showed themselves. 
The little band fought bravely against incalculable odds, but of the 
fifteen, three only escaped, and they by means of the brush and 
logs which were in the corn-field where the skirmish took place. 
As soon as the position of the first band was seen at the fort, thir- 
teen others rushed to their assistance, and shared their fate. Then, 
and it was not yet sunrise, the whole body of Indians, disposed in 
somewhat martial order, appeared regularly, to invest the devoted 
fort. There were nearly four hundred of them, and of the defenders, 
but twelve men and boys; unless indeed, the women are counted, than 
whom none icere braver or calmer within the ivalls of that little fortress. 

The Indians were led, as was supposed, by Simon Girty, who was 
acting as an agent for the British, in the attempt to secure the aid 
of a part, at any rate, of the frontier men, in the Eevolutionary 
struggle. 

Fort Henry stood immediately upon the bank of the Ohio, about 
a quarter of a mile above the mouth of Wheeling creek, and be- 
tween it and the steep river hill, with which every traveler in the 
west is acquainted, were twenty or thirty log huts. When Girty 
led his red troops against the fort, he at once took possession of the 
houses of the village, as a safe and ready-made line of attack, and 
from the window of one of the cabins, called upon the little garri- 
son to surrender to King George, and promised absolution to all 
who would do so. Col. Shepherd answered at once that they would 



258 FEMALE HEROISM. 1777. 

neither desert or yield ; and when Grirty recommenced his eloquence, 
a shot from some impatient listener suddenly stopped his mouth. 

Then commenced the siege. It was just sunrise in the valley, 
through which the quiet river flowed as peacefully as if war was 
never known. A calm, warm, bright September day — one of 
those days most lovely among the many pleasant ones of a year in 
the Ohio valley. And from sunrise till noon, and from noon till 
night of that day, the hundreds of besiegers and units of besieged, 
about and within Fort Henry, ceased not to load and discharge 
musket or rifle till it was too hot to hold. 

About noon the fire of the assailants slackened, and then, as 
powder was scarce in the fort, and it was remembered that a keg 
was concealed in the house of Ebenezer Zane, some sixty yards dis- 
tant, it was determined to make an effort to obtain it. When the 
question " Who will go?" was proposed, however, so many com- 
petitors appeared, that time was wasted in adjusting the claims to 
what was almost sure death. The rest of the story is given by Mr. 
George S. McKiernan, from whom the whole account is derived. 

"At this crisis a young lady, the sister of Ebenezer and Silas 
Zane, came forward and desired that she might be permitted to 
execute the service. This proposition seemed so extravagant that 
it met with a peremptory refusal ; but she instantly renewed her 
petition in terms of redoubled earnestness, and all the remonstrances 
of the colonel and her relatives failed to dissuade her from her 
heroic purpose. It was finally represented to her that either of the 
young men, on account of his superior fleetness and familiarity 
with scenes of danger, would be more likely than herself to do the 
work successfully. She replied that the danger which would attend 
the enterprise was the identical reason that induced her to offer her 
services, for, as the garrison was very weak, no soldier's life should 
be placed in needless jeopardy, and that, if she were to fall, the loss 
would not be felt. Her petition was ultimately granted, and the 
gate opened for her to pass out. The opening of the gate arrested 
the attention of several Indians who were straggling through the 
village. It was noticed that their eyes were upon her as she crossed 
the open space to reach her brother's house ; but seized, perhaps 
with a sudden freak of clemency, or believing that a woman's life 
was not worth a load of gunpowder, or influenced by some other 
unexplained motive, they permitted her to pass without molesta- 
tion. When she reappeared with the powder in her arms, the In- 
dians suspecting, no doubt, the character of her burden, elevated 
their firelocks and discharged a volley at her as she swiftly glided 



1777. exploit of major m'colloch. 259 

toward the gate; but the balls flew wide of the mark, and the fear- 
less girl reached the fort in safety with her prize."* 

The allies of Britain, finding rifles powerless when used against 
well-built block-houses and pickets, determined upon trying an 
extemporary cannon, and having bound a hollow maple with 
chains, having bored a touch hole, and plugged up one end, they 
loaded it liberally and leveled it at the gate of the impregnable 
castle. It was now evening, and the disappointed Wyandots 
gathered about their artillery, longing to see its loading of stones 
open to them the door of the American citadel. The match was 
applied ; bursting into a thousand pieces, the cannon of Grirty 
tore, maimed, and killed his copper-colored kinsfolk, but hurt no 
one else. 

During that night many of the assailants withdrew disheartened. 
On the morning of the 28th, fifteen men came from Cross creek to 
the aid of Fort Henry, and forty-one from Short creek. Of these, 
all entered the fort except Major McColloch, the leader of the 
Short creek volunteers, who was separated from his men, and left 
at the mercy of the natives. His escape is thus described by Mr. 
McKiernan : 

* From the very commencement of the war, his reputation as an 
Indian hunter was as great, if not greater, than that of any white 
man on the north-western border. He had participated in so many 
renconters, that almost every warrior possessed a knowledge of 
his person. Among the Indians his name was a word of terror; 
they cherished against him feelings of the most frenzied hatred, 
and there was not a Mingo or Wyandot chief before Fort Henry 
who would not have given the lives of twenty of his warriors to se- 
cure to himself the living body of Major McColloch. When, there- 
fore, the man whom they had long marked out as the first object of 
their vengeance, appeared in their midst, they made almost superhu- 
man efforts to acquire possession of his person. The fleetness of Mr. 
McColloch's well-trained steed was scarcely greater than that of his 
enemies, who, with flying strides, moved on in pursuit. At length 
the hunter reached the top of the hill, and, turning to the left, 
darted along the ridge with the intention of making the best of his 
way to Short creek. 

" A ride of a few hundred yards in that direction brought him 
suddenly in contact with a party of Indians, who were returning to 



* See American Pioneer, vol. ii. p. 309. 



260 escape of major m'colloch. 1777. 

their camp from a marauding excursion to Mason's Bottom, on the 
eastern side of the hill. This party being too formidable in num- 
bers to encounter single-handed, the major turned his horse about, 
and rode over his own trace, in the hope of discovering some other 
avenue to escape. A few paces only of his countermarch had been 
made, when be found himself confronted by his original pursuers, 
who had, by this time gained the top of the ridge, and a tbird party 
was discovered pressing up the hill directly on his right. He was 
now completely hemmed in on three sides, and the fourth was 
almost a perpendicular precipice of one hundred and fifty feet de- 
scent, with "Wheeling creek at its base. 

The imminence of his danger allowed him but little time to reflect 
on his situation. In an instant be decided upon his course. Sup- 
porting his rifle in his left hand, and carefully adjusting bis reins 
with the other, he urged his horse to the brink of tbe bluff, and 
then made the leap whicb decided his fate. In the next moment 
tbe noble steed, still bearing bis intrepid rider in safety, was at the 
foot of the precipice. McCollocb immediately dashed across the 
creek, and was soon beyond the reacb of the Indians."* 

Finding all attempts to take the fort fruitless, tbe Indians killed 
all the stock, including more than three hundred cattle, burned 
bouses and fences, and destroyed every article of furniture. 

Of the forty-two men wbo had been in the fort, twenty-five were 
killed, all outside of the walls, and of the savages, probably one hun- 
dred perished. 

Some of tbe incidents of the first siege of Fort Henry bere 
detailed, f are referred by some of the early bistorians of tbe west 
to tbe second siege of that fort, in 1782. Tbe story of the wooden 
cannon made by tbe Indians, and the "gunpowder exploit," are 
especially referred to that period. In regard to the latter incident, 
there is a further difficulty arising, from the fact that another 
claimant for the honor of the exploit has appeared. The statement 
of Mrs. Cruger, made in 1849, affirms that at the attack on Fort 
Henry, in 1782, of which she was at that time an inmate, Miss 
Molly Scott, ran from the house of Colonel Zane to the fort, to 
obtain a supply of gunpowder for the use of those who were 
defending it. She avers, that she herself assisted in placing the 



* American Pioneer, vol. ii. p. 312. 

f The authority here followed is that of the American Pioneer. Withers, in his border- 
warfare, presents many of the incidents of the first siege, as here given, in 1782. 



1777. SKETCH OF THE GIRTYS. 261 

powder in Molly Scott's apron ; and affirms that Elizabeth Zane 
was not then at Wheeling.* 

There is a farther difficulty in the conflicting statements made in 
regard to the presence of Simon Girty, at that siege. E". B. Craig, 
Esq., whose accuracy is unquestioned, says: "On the 28th of March, 

1778, Simon Girty, Alexander McKee, and Matthew Elliott, made 
their escape from Pittsburgh, and ever after were active agents of 
the British government, and exercised much influence with the 
Indians against the United States." If the date here assigned to 
the flight of Girty and his companions is correct, it necessarily 
contradicts the statement that he was present at the siege of 
Wheeling, in 1777. 

As Girty's name is associated with the whole history of the Indian 
wars of that period, it may be proper to refer more particularly to 
his origin and history. 

The father of Glirty, was a native of Ireland, who emigrated to, 
and settled in Pennsylvania about the year 1740. He was a man 
of bad character and dissolute habits. He had four sons, Thomas, 
Simon, George, and James. It is said he was murdered by the 
paramour of his wife, who afterward married her, and removed 
with her about 1754, to the extreme frontier. There the whole 
family were taken by the Indians, and the step-father was burned 
before the eyes of his family. Of the remaining members, Thomas 
was rescued by Colonel Armstrong, in the Kittanning expedition, 
and the rest were ransomed at various times from 1758 to 1765, 
but only the mother and Simon returned. 

George Girty was adopted by the Delawares, and continued with 
them until his death. He became a perfect savage, and adopted 
entirely the manners of the Indians. To consummate cunning, he 
added the most fearless intrepidity. He fought in the battle of 
Point Pleasant, Blue Licks, and Sandusky, and gained himself 
much distinction for skill and bravery. In his latter years he gave 
himself up to intemperance and died drunk, about 1813, on the 
Miami of the Lake. 

James Girty fell into the hands of the Shawanese, who adopted 
him as a son. As he approached manhood he became dextrous in 
all the arts of savage life. To the most sanguinary spirit he added 
all the vices of the depraved frontier men, with whom he frequently 
associated. It is represented that he often visited Kentucky at the 
time of its first settlement, and many of the inhabitants felt the 



*De Hass's Western Virginia, p. 280. 



262 CHARACTER OF SIMON GIRTY. 1777. 

effects of his courage and cruelty. Neither age nor sex found 
mercy at his hand. His delight was in carnage. When unable to 
walk in consequence of disease, he laid low with his hatchet captive 
women and children who came within his reach. Traders who were 
acquainted with him, say, so furious was he, that he would not have 
turned on his heel to save a prisoner from the flames. His pleasure 
was to see new and refined tortures inflicted, and to perfect this 
gratification he frequently gave directions. To this barbarian are 
to be attributed many of the cruelties charged on his brother 
Simon. Yet this monster was caressed by Elliott and Proctor. 

Thomas Girty alone, of the sons, returned to civilized life. He 
was one of Brady's spies in the Indian wars after the revolution, 
and died, perhaps in Butler county, Pennsylvania, in 1820. 

Simon Girty was the most notorious of the family. He was 
adopted by the Senecas, but returned with his mother to the settle- 
ments, after his release. He joined the army under Lord Dunmore, 
in 1774, and in that campaign was the companion of Simon 
Kenton, sleeping, as he said, often under the same blanket. At 
the revolution, he sought a commission in the continental army, 
was refused, and with McKee and Elliott, who were dissatisfied for 
the same reason, left the vicinity of Pittsburgh, and joined the 
Indians. In Kentucky and Ohio, he sustained the reputation of a 
relentless barbarian, and his name was associated with every thing 
cruel and fiend-like. This impression was in part erroneous. It 
is said to be a fact susceptible of proof, that through his importu- 
nities, many prisoners were saved from death. His influence 
among the Indians was great, and when he chose to be merciful, it 
was generally in his power to protect the imploring captive. 

His reputation was that of an honest man. In the payment of 
his debts he was scrupulously exact; knowing and duly appreciating 
integrity, he fulfilled his engagements to the last cent. It is stated 
that on one occasion he sold his horse, rather than incur the odium 
of violating his promise. He was a great lover of rum. Nothing 
could afford him more joy than a keg of this beverage. When 
intoxicated, in abuse he was indiscriminate, sparing neither friends 
nor foes. Then it was he had no compassion in his heart. Although 
much disabled by rheumatism, for the last ten years of his life he 
rode to his hunting grounds in pursuit of game. Suffering the 
most excruciating pains he often boasted of his warlike spirit, and 
it was his constant wish that he might breathe his last in battle. 
It is probable that he was gratified, for it is said he was cut to 
pieces by Johnston's mounted men at the battle of the Thames. 
This, however, is not certain. 



1777. KENTUCKIANS ELECT BURGESSES. 263 

But, notwithstanding the dangers and difficulties which sur- 
rounded them during 1777, the pioneers of the West held steadily 
to their purposes, and those of Kentucky being now a component 
part of the citizens of Virginia, proceeded to exercise their civil 
privileges, and, in April, elected John Todd and Richard Callaway, 
burgesses, to represent them in the Assembly of the parent State. 
Early in the following September, the first court was held at 
Harrodsburg, and Col. Bowman, who, as had arrived from the 
settlements in August, was placed at the head of a regular military 
organization which had been commenced the March previous. 
Thus, within herself, feeble as she was, Kentucky was organizing, 
and George Rogers Clark, her chief spirit, that had represented her 
beyond the mountains the year before, was meditating another trip 
to Williamsburg, for the purpose of urging a bolder and more 
decided measure than any yet proposed. 

He understood the whole game of the British. He saw that it 
was through their possession of Detroit, Yincennes, Kaskaskia, 
and the other western posts — which gave them easy and constant 
access to the Indian tribes of the north-west — that the British 
hoped to effect such an union of the wild men as would annihilate 
the frontier fortresses. He knew that the Delawares were divided 
in feeling, and the Shawanese but imperfectly united in favor of 
England, ever since the murder of Cornstalk. He was convinced, 
that could the British in the north-west be defeated and expelled, 
the natives might be easily awed or bribed into neutrality, and by 
spies sent for the purpose, and who were absent from April 20th, 
to June 22d, he had satisfied himself that an enterprise against the 
Illinois settlements might easily succeed. 

Having made up his mind, on the 1st of October, he left Harrods- 
burg for the East, and reached the capital of Virginia, November 
the 5th. Opening his mind to no one, he watched with care the 
state of feeling among those in power, waiting the proper moment 
to present his scheme. Fortunately, while he was upon his road, 
on the 17th of October, Burgoyne had surrendered, and hope was 
again predominant in the American councils. When, therefore, 
the western soldier, on the 10th of December, broke the subject of 
his proposed expedition against the forts on the distant Mississippi, 
to Patrick Henry, who was still govornor, he met with a favorable 
hearing, and though doubts and fears arose by degrees, yet so well 
digested were his plans, that he was able to meet each objection, 
and remove every seeming impossibility. 

Already the necessity of securing the western posts had been 



264 CLARK ORDERED TO ATTACK ILLINOIS. 1778. 

presented to the consideration of Congress ; as early as April 29th^ 
1776, the committee on Indian Affairs were instructed to report 
upon the possibility of taking Detroit ; * and again, upon the 20th 
of November, 1777, a report was made to that body, in which this 
necessity was urged, and also the need that existed, of taking some 
measure to prevent the spirit of disaffection from spreading among 
the frontier inhabitants.! Three Commissioners, also, were chosen 
to go to Fort Pitt, for the purpose of inquiring into the causes of 
the frontier difficulties, and doing what could be done to secure all 
the whites to the American cause, to cultivate the friendship of the 
Shawanese and Delawares, and to concert with General Hand, some 
measures for pushing the war westward, so as to obtain possession 
of Detroit and other posts. General Washington was also requested 
to send Colonel William Crawford, an old pioneer, to take active 
command in the West; and he accordingly left head-quarters upon 
the 25th. All this ended in nothing, but it proved the correct- 
ness of Clark's views, and aided, we may suppose, in convincing 
those who ruled in the Ancient Dominion, that their glory and 
interest, as well as the safety of the whole frontier country, were 
deeply involved in the success of the bold plan of the founder of 
Kentucky. 

Clark having satisfied the Virginia leaders of the feasibility of his 
1778.] plan, received on the 2d of January, two sets of instruc- 
tions — the one open, authorizing him to enlist seven companies to 
go to Kentucky, subject to his orders, and to serve for three months 
from their arrival in the West ; the others set secret, and drawn as 
follows : 

"VIRGINIA: Set. In Council, Williamsburg, Jan, 2d, 1778. 
" Lieutenant- Colonel George Rogers Clark: 

" You are to proceed with all convenient speed, to raise seven 
companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the 
usual manner; and armed most properly for the enterprise, and 
with this force attack the British force at Kaskasky. 

"It is conjectured that there are many pieces of cannon and 
military stores, to considerable amount at that place; the taking 
and preservation of which, would be a valuable acquisition to the 
State. If you are so fortunate, therefore, as to succeed in your 



* Secret Journals, 1, 43. 

f Old Journals, vol. ii. p. 340. 



1778. GOVERNOR HENRY'S INSTRUCTIONS. 265 

expedition, you will take every possible measure to secure the 
artillery and stores, and whatever may advantage the State. 

"For the transportation of the troops, provisions, &c, down the 
Ohio, you are to apply to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, for 
boats ; and, during the whole transaction, you are to take especial 
care to keep the true destination of your force secret ; its success 
depends upon this. Orders are, therefore, given to Capt. Smith to 
secure the two men from Kaskasky. Similar conduct will be 
proper in similar cases. 

"It is earnestly desired that you show humanity to such British 
subjects and other persons as fall in your hands. If the white 
inhabitants at that post and neighborhood will give undoubted 
evidence of their attachment to this State, (for it is certain they 
live within its limits,) by taking the test prescribed by law, and by 
every other way and means in their power, let them be treated as 
fellow-citizens, and their persons and property duly secured. 
Assistance and protection against all enemies whatever, shall be 
afforded them, and the Commonwealth of Yirginia is pledged to 
accomplish it. But if these people will not accede to these reason- 
able demands, they must feel the miseries of war, under the direc- 
tion of that humanity that has hitherto distinguished Americans, 
and which, it is expected, you will ever consider as the rule of your 
conduct, and from which you are, in no instance, to depart. 

"The corps you are to command, are to receive the pay and 
allowance of militia, and to act under the laws and regulations of 
this State now in force, as militia. The inhabitants at this post 
will be informed by you, that in case they accede to the offers of 
becoming citizens of this Commonwealth, a proper garrison will be 
maintained among them, and every attention bestowed to render 
their commerce beneficial, the fairest prospects being opened to the 
dominions of both France and Spain. 

"It is in contemplation to establish a post near the mouth of the 
Ohio. Cannon will be wanted to fortify it. Part of those at Kas- 
kasky will be easily brought thither, or otherwise secured, as 
circumstances will make necessary. 

"You are to apply to General Hand, at Pittsburgh, for powder 
and lead necessary for this expedition. If he can't supply it, the 
person who has that which Captain Lynn brought from New 
Orleans can. Lead was sent to Hampshire by my orders, and 
that may be delivered you. "Wishing you success, I am, Sir, your 
humble servant, 

P. HENRY." 
18 



266 CLARK DESCENDS THE OHIO. 1778. 

With these instructions, and twelve hundred pounds in the 
depreciated currency of the time, Colonel Clark, for such was now 
his title, on the 4th of February, started for Pittsburgh. It had 
been thought best to raise the troops needed, beyond the moun- 
tains, as the colonies were in want of all the soldiers they could 
muster east of the Alleghenies, to defend themselves against the 
British forces. Clark, therefore, proposed to enlist men about 
Pittsburgh, while Major W. B. Smith, for the same purpose, went 
to the Holston, and other officers to other points. None of them, 
however, succeeded as they hoped to; at Pittsburgh, Clark found 
great opposition to the intention of carrying men away to defend 
the outposts of Kentucky, while their own citadel and the whole 
region about it, were threatened by the savage allies of England; 
and Smith, though he nominally succeeded in raising four compa- 
nies, was unable, essentially, to aid his superior officer after all. 
With three companies and several private adventurers, Clark, at 
length, commenced his descent of the Ohio, which he navigated as 
far as the Falls, where he took possession of, and fortified Corn 
Island, opposite to the spot now occupied by Louisville. At this 
place, he appointed Colonel Bowman to meet him with such 
recruits as had reached Kentucky by the southern route, and as 
many men as could be spared from the stations. 

He was joined on Corn Island by Captain Bowman, and a com- 
pany from Kentucky, under Captain Dillard. His principal officers 
were Captains Bowman, Helm, Harrod, Montgomery, and Dillard ; 
and he daily expected a reinforcement from the Holston country, 
under Major Smith, which failed. He now disclosed to his troops 
that their point of destination was Kaskaskia, in the Illinois coun- 
try. The project met the enthusiastic approbation of his men, 
except the company from Kentucky, under Captain Dillard; a 
large part of which, with the lieutenant, on the morning appointed 
for starting, the worthy captain had the mortification to find, had 
waded the river and deserted. They were pursued in the morning, 
overtaken in the woods, about twenty miles from the falls, eight 
taken back, and the rest wandered about in the woods for some 
weeks, where they suffered greater deprivations and hardships than 
their comrades who had gone on the expedition, before they got 
shelter in a fort.* 



* Clark's Journal—Butler's Kentucky, p. 49. 



1778. CLARK PASSES THE FALLS OF OHIO. 267 

Having waited until his arrangements were all completed, and 
those chosen who were to be of the invading party, on the 24th of 
June, during a total eclipse of the sun, with four companies, he 
left his position and fell down the river. His plan was to follow 
the Ohio as far as the fort known as Fort Massac, and thence to go 
by land direct to Kaskaskia. His troops took no other baggage 
than they could carry in the Indian fashion, and for his success he 
trusted entirely to surprise. If he failed, his plan was to cross the 
Mississippi, and throw himself into the Spanish settlements on the 
west of that river. Before he commenced his march, he received 
two pieces of information, of which he made good use at the pro- 
per time, by means of which he conquered the West without 
bloodshed. One of these important items was the alliance of 
France with the colonies ; this, at once, made the American side 
popular with the French and Indians of Illinois and the lakes; 
France having never lost her hold upon her ancient subjects and 
allies, and England having never secured their confidence. The 
other item was, that the inhabitants of Kaskaskia, and other old 
towns, had been led by the British to believe that the Long Knives, 
or Virginians, were the most fierce, cruel, and blood-thirsty savages 
that ever scalped a foe. With this impression on their minds, 
Clark saw that proper management would readily dispose them to 
submit from fear, if surprised, and then to become friendly from 
gratitude, when treated with unlooked-for clemency. 

Near the mouth of the Tennessee river, he found a party of 
hunters, who had recently come from Kaskaskia, and who could 
give him important information. They reported that M. Roche- 
blave was the commander ; that the militia, chiefly French citizens, 
were kept in good discipline ; that spies were stationed along the 
Mississippi ; that a rumor had reached Kaskaskia that the " Long- 
Knives"* had projected an attack, and that the hunters and Indians 
had received orders to keep watch, and report if any American 
troops were coming that way. The fort near the town was kept 
in order, as a place of retreat if the village was attacked, but it had 
no regular garrison. The hunters offered to return with Clark, 
and one John Saunders was employed as a guide. 

The party landed near the old site of Fort Massac, and secured 
their boats in the mouth of a small creek. Heavy rains had fallen, 



* The Indians and French of Illinois called the Neit Englanders Bosionais" and the 
Virginians "Long-Knives" 



268 CLARK CROSSES FROM MASSAC TO KASKASKIA. 1778. 

succeeded by hot, sultry weather. Their route lay through a wil- 
derness without a path. Cypress swamps, ponds, and deep, muddy, 
sluggish streams had to be forded. Their success depended on a 
secret and rapid march through the woods and prairies. For most 
part of the route, the game on which they relied for subsistence 
was scarce, and to send out hunting parties would expose them to 
discovery. On the prairies, a July sun beat on them, and water 
was scarce. The distance, as they traveled, was over one hundred 
miles. On the third day the guide became so bewildered that he 
could not direct their course. A suspicion arose amongst the men 
that he designed to betray them, and they earnestly demanded that 
he should be put to death. He begged that, under a guard, he 
might go a short distance into the prairie and try to find his course. 
In an hour or two the poor fellow exclaimed, " I know that point 
of timber," and pointed out the direction of Kaskaskia. It was on 
the Fourth of July, 1778, that this party of invaders, with their gar- 
ments torn and soiled, and their beards of three weeks' growth, 
approached the town, and secreted themselves among the hills east 
of the Kaskaskia river. Clark sent forward his spies to watch the 
proceedings of the people, and after dark put his troops in motion, 
and took possession of a house, where a family lived, about three- 
quarters of a mile above town. Here they found boats and canoes. 
The troops were divided into three parties, two of which were 
ordered to cross the river, while the other, under the immediate 
command of Colonel Clark, took possession of the fort. 

Kaskaskia then contained about two hundred and fifty houses. 
Persons who could speak the French language, were ordered to 
pass through the streets and make proclamation, that all the inhab- 
itants must keep within their houses, under penalty of being shot 
down in the streets. 

The few British officers who had visited these French colonies 
since the commencement of the rebellion of their Atlantic colo- 
nies, as they termed the Revolution, had told the most exaggerated 
stories about the brutality and ferocity of the "Long-Knives;" — 
that they would not only take the property of the people, but would 
butcher, in the most horrible manner, men, women, and children ! 
The policy of these stories was to excite in the minds of these sim- 
ple-hearted French people, the most fearful apprehensions against 
the colonists, that they might be watchful and be prepared for a 
determined resistance, should any attempt be made on these remote 
posts. These stories were a stimulus to the French traders to sup- 
ply the Indians with guns, ammunition, and scalping-knives, to aid 
their depredations on the settlements of Kentucky. 



1778, CLARK SURPRISES THE KASKASKIANS. 269 

Colonel Clark gained this intelligence from the hunters, and in 
his journal says, "I was determined to improve upon this, if I was 
fortunate enough to get them into my possession ; as I conceived 
the greater the shock I could give them at first, the more sensibly 
would they feel my lenity, and become more valuable friends."* 

Few men have had a quicker or keener sagacity than Clark 
His plan was to produce a terrible panic, and then capture the town 
without bloodshed, and well did he succeed. 

The two parties having crossed the river, entered the quiet and 
unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling in the most furious 
manner, while those who made the proclamation in French, ordered 
the people into their houses on pain of instant death. In a mo- 
ment, men, women, and children were screaming, "les long 
Oouteaux! — les long Couteauxl" — the Long-Knives! — the Long- 
Knives ! 

In about two hours after the surprise of the town, the inhabi- 
tants had all surrendered, and delivered up their arms to the con- 
queror. !N"ot a drop of blood had been shed, though the victory 
was complete. The whole management displayed in a most admi- 
rable manner, what the French style ruse de guerre, the policy of 
war. M. Rocheblave, the governor, was taken in his chamber; 
but his public papers and documents were admirably concealed or 
destroyed by his wife. 

Throughout the night the Virginia troops were ordered to patrol 
the streets, with yells and whoopings after the Indian fashion, which, 
though exceedingly alarming to the conquered inhabitants, was a 
stratagem of Clark to accomplish his purposes. 

One of the richest and most distinguished citizens of Kaskaskia 
at that period was M. Cerre, said by Col. Clark to have been a 
most bitter enemy to the Americans. In this, probably, he was 
misinformed. None of the French families in Illinois were partic- 
ularly friendly to the government of Great Britain. But, probably, 
M. Cerre had partaken of the feeling of his townsmen concerning 
the " Long-Knives." He had long been a successful trader, but 
had left the place before the arrival of the Americans, and was 
then at St. Louis, on his way to Quebec. 

The commander at once determined to bring him and all his 
influence to the side of the American interest. Accordingly, he 
took possession of his house and extensive stock of merchandise, 



* Clark's Journal in Dillon's Indiana, i. p. 137. 



270 CLARK TAKES KASKASKIA. 1778. 

and placed a guard over the property. Another stratagem was to 
prevent all intercourse between his own men and the citizens, and 
to admit none of the latter to his presence, except by positive com- 
mand for them to appear before him; or, apparently, in great con- 
descension, when urgently solicited, to grant audience to some 
humble petitioner. By this course of policy he contrived, at first, 
to confirm all the worst suspicions the British had instilled into the 
minds of the simple villagers, of the ferocity of the " Long-Knives,' * 
and then, by undeceiving them, to produce a revulsion of feelings, 
and gain their unlimited confidence. In this he was completely 
successful. The town was in possession of an enemy the inhabi- 
tants had been taught were the most ferocious and brutal of all 
men, and of whom they entertained the most horrible apprehen- 
sions, and all intercourse was strictly prohibited between each 
other, and the conquerors. After five days the troops were 
removed to the outskirts of the town, and the citizens were per- 
mitted to walk in the streets. But finding them engaged in con- 
versation, one with another, Col. Clark ordered some of the officers 
to be put in irons, without assigning a single reason, or permitting 
a word of defense. This singular display of despotic power in the 
conqueror, did not spring from a cruel disposition, or a disregard 
to the principles of liberty, but it was the course of policy he had 
marked out to gain his object. 

Of all commanders, perhaps, Colonel Clark had the readiest and 
clearest insight into human nature. The effect of this stretch of 
military power, at first, was to fill the inhabitants with consterna- 
tion and dismay. 

After some time, M. Gibault, the parish priest, got permission to 
wait on Colonel Clark, with £.ve or six elderly gentlemen. 

If the inhabitants of the town were filled with astonishment at 
the suddenness of their captivity, these men were far more aston- 
ished at the personal appearance of Clark and his soldiers. 

Their clothes were dirty and torn, (for they had no change of 
apparel,) their beards of three and four .weeks' growth, and, as 
Clark states in his journal, they looked more frightful and disgust- 
ing than savages. 

Some minutes passed before the deputation could speak, and 
then they felt at a loss whom they should address as commandant, 
for they saw no difference in the personal appearance between the 
chieftain and his men. 

Finally, the priest, in the most submissive tone and posture, re- 
marked, that the inhabitants expected to be separated, perhaps 



1778. CLARK TAKES KASKASKIA. 271 

never to meet again, and they begged through him, as a great favor 
from their conqueror, to be permitted to assemble in the church, 
offer up their prayers to God for their souls, and take leave of each 
other. 

The commander observed, with apparent carelessness, that the 
Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of others, 
but left every man to worship God as he pleased, that they might 
go to church if they wished, but on no account must a single per- 
son leave the town. All further conversation was repelled, and 
they were sent away rather abruptly, that the alarm might be 
raised to the highest pitch. 

The whole population assembled in the church, as for the last 
time, mournfully chanted their prayers, and bid each other fare- 
well- — never expecting to meet again in this world ! But so much 
did they regard this as a favor, that the priest and deputation re- 
turned from the church to the lodgings of Col. Clark, and in the 
name of the people, expressed thanks for the indulgence they had 
received. They then begged leave to address their conqueror upon 
their separation and their lives. They claimed not to know the 
origin or nature of the contest between Great Britain and the col- 
onies. "What they had done had been in subjection to the British 
commanders, whom they were constrained to obey. They were 
willing to submit to the loss of all their property, as the fate of war, 
but they begged they might not be separated from their families, 
and that clothes and provisions might be allowed them, barely suf- 
ficient for their present necessities. 

Col. Clark had now gained the object of his artful maneuver. 
He saw their fears were raised to the highest pitch, and he abruptly 
thus addressed them : 

" Who do you take me to be ? Do you think we are savages — 
that we intend to massacre you all? Do you think Americans will 
strip women and children, and take the bread out of their mouths? 
My countrymen," said the gallant colonel, "never make war upon 
the innocent ! It was to protect our own wives and children that 
we have penetrated this wilderness, to subdue these British posts, 
from whence the savages are supplied with arms and ammunition 
to murder us. We do not war against Frenchmen. The king of 
France, your former master, is our ally. His ships and soldiers 
are fighting for the Americans. The French are our firm friends. 
Go, and enjoy your religion, and worship when you please. Re- 
tain your property — and now please to inform all your citizens 
from me, that they are quite at liberty to conduct themselves as 



272 CLARK TAKES CAHOKIA. 1778. 

usual, and dismiss all apprehensions of alarm. "We are your 
friends, and come to deliver you from the British." 

This speech produced a revulsion of feelings better imagined 
than described. The news soon spread throughout the village, the 
bell rang a merry peal, the people, with the priest, again assembled 
in the church, Te Deam was loudly sung, and the most uproarious 
joy prevailed throughout the night. The people were now allowed 
all the liberty they could desire. All now cheerfully acknowledged 
Col. Clark as the commandant of the country. 

An expedition was now planned against Cahokia, and Major 
Bowman with his detachment, mounted on French ponies, was 
ordered to surprise that post. Several Kaskaskia gentlemen offered 
their services to proceed ahead, notify the Cahokians of the change 
of government, and prepare them to give the Americans a cordial 
reception. The plan was entirely successful, and the post was 
subjugated without the disaster of a battle. Indeed, there were 
not a dozen British soldiers in the garrison. 

In all their intercourse with the citizens, Col. Clark instructed 
his men to speak of a large army encamped at the falls of the Ohio, 
which would soon overrun and subjugate all the British posts in 
the West, and that Post Vincent would be invaded by a detach- 
ment from this army. He soon learned from the French, that 
Governor Abbot was gone to Detroit, and that the defense was left 
with the citizens, who were mostly French. M. Gibault, the priest, 
readily undertook an embassy to Yincennes, and to bring over the 
people to the American interests without the trouble and expense 
of an invasion. This was also successful, and in a few days the 
American flag was displayed on the fort, and Captain Helm 
appointed to the command, much to the surprise and consternation 
of the neighboring Indians. 

M. Gibault and party, with several gentlemen from Yincennes, 
returned to Kaskaskia about the first of August with the joyful 
intelligence. 

The reduction of these posts was the period of the enlistment of 
the men, and Colonel Clark was at a loss to know how to act, as 
his instructions were vague and general. To abandon the country 
now, was to lose the immense advantages gained, and the com- 
mander, never at a loss for expedients, opened a new enlistment 
and engaged his own men on a new establishment, and he issued 
commissions for French officers in the country to command a 
company of the inhabitants. He then established a garrison at 



1778. GIBAULT NEGOTIATES AT VINCENNES. 273 

Cahokia, commanded by Capt. Bowman, and another at Kas- 
kaskia, commanded by Capt. Williams. Capt. "William Linn took 
charge of a party that was to be discharged when they arrived 
at the Falls, (Louisville,) and orders were sent to remove the station 
from Corn Island, and erect a fort on the main land; and a stockade 
fort was erected. 

Capt. John Montgomery, in charge of M. Rocheblave, the late 
British commander, and as bearer of dispatches, was sent with a 
corps of men to Virginia. 

For the command of Post Vincent, he chose Capt. Leonard 
Helm, in whom he reposed great confidence. Capt. Helm had 
much knowledge and experience in Indian character, and Col. 
Clark appointed him agent for Indian affairs in the department of 
the Wabash. About the middle of August, he went out to take 
possession of his new command. 

At that period, an Indian of the Piankashaw tribe that had their 
principal village near Vincennes, possessed great influence among 
his people. He was known by the name of "Big Grate," or "Big 
Door," and called by the Indians, "The Grand Door to the 
Wabash," because nothing could be done by the Indian confederacy 
on the Wabash without his approbation. His father who had been 
known as "Tobacco," or, more commonly, "Old Tobac," sent him 
" a spirited compliment by priest G-ibault, who had influence with 
these Indians. Big Door returned it. Next followed a regular 
"talk," with a belt of wampum. 

Captain Helm arrived safe at Vincennes, and was received with 
acclamation by the people, and soon sent the "talk" and the wam- 
pum to the Grand Door. These Indians had been under British 
influence, and had done no small mischief to the frontier settle- 
ments. The proud and pompous chief was taken with the courtesy 
of the shrewd Captain, and sent him a message that he was glad to 
see one of the Big Knife chiefs in town; that here he joined the 
English against the Big Knives, but he long thought they "looked 
a little gloomy;" that he mast consult his counselors, take time 
to deliberate, and hoped the captain of the Big Knives would be 
patient. After several days of very constant and ceremonious pro- 
ceedings, the captain was invited to council by Old Tobac, who 
played quite a subordinate part to his son. 

After the customary display of Indian eloquence, about the sky 
having been dark, and the clouds now having been brushed away, 
the Grand Door announced "that his ideas were quite changed" — 
and the "Big Knives was in the right," — "and that he would tell 



274 CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 1778. 

all the red people on the Wabash to bloody the land no more for 
the English." 

"He jumped up, struck his breast, called himself a man and a 
warrior, said that he was now a Big Knife, and took Capt. Helm 
by the hand. His example was followed by all present." * 

This was a most fortunate alliance, for, in a short time, all the 
tribes along the Wabash, as high as the Ouiatenon, came to Post 
Vincennes and followed the example of the Great Door chief, and 
the interests of the British lost ground daily in all the villages south 
of Lake Michigan. The French citizens at the different posts, 
enlisted warmly in the American cause. 

Captain Montgomery reached Williamsburg, then the seat of 
government in the "Old Dominion," with M. Rocheblave, the 
Governor of Illinois, a prisoner of war, and the dispatches of Col . 
Clark, announcing that the British posts were captured, and the 
vast territory of the north-west subjugated. Only four persons 
had known the real destination of Clark when he left the seat of 
government at the commencement of the year. These were the 
Governor, Patrick Henry, and his confidential counselors, Thomas 
Jefferson, George Wythe and George Mason. They had assumed 
a fearful responsibility in giving him private instructions, author- 
izing an attack on these remote British posts. The degree of suc- 
cess was beyond the expectations of the most sanguine. 

In October, the House of Burgesses created the county of Illi- 
nois, and appointed John Todd, Esq., then of Kentucky, lieu- 
tenant-colonel and civil commandant. The act, which we have 
in manuscript, with the seal of the Commonwealth, contained the 
following provisions : 

"All the citizens of the Commonwealth of Virginia, who are 
already settled, or shall hereafter settle on the western side of the 
Ohio, shall be included in a distinct county, which shall be called 
Illinois county ; and the Governor of this Commonwealth, with the 
advice of the council, may appoint a county lieutenaat, or com- 
mandant-in-chief, in that county, during pleasure, who shall appoint 
and commission so many deputy commandants, militia and officers, 
and commissaries as he shall think proper, in the different districts, 
during pleasure, all of whom, before they enter into office, shall 
take the oath of fidelity to this Commonwealth, and the oath of 
office, according to the form of their own religion. And all civil 



* Journal of Clark, in Dillon's Indiana, p. 144. 



1778. CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 275 

officers to which the inhabitants have been accustomed, necessary 
to the preservation of peace, and the administration of justice, shall 
be chosen by a majority of citizens in their respective districts, to 
be convened for that purpose, by the county lieutenant or com- 
mandant, or his deputy, and shall be commissioned by the said 
county lieutenant, or commandant-in-chief. 

In November, the Legislature passed the following compli- 
mentary resolution to Clark and his men: 

In the House of Delegates, V 
Monday, the 23d Nov., 1778. f 

Whereas, authentic information has been received, that Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel George Rogers Clark, with a body of Virginia militia, 
has reduced the British posts in the western part of this common- 
wealth, on the river Mississippi, and its branches, whereby great 
advantage may accrue to the common cause of America, as well as 
to this commonwealth in particular: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this House are justly due to the 
said Colonel Clark, and the brave officers and men under his com- 
mand, for their extraordinary resolution and perseverance, in so 
hazardous an enterprise, and for their important services thereby 
rendered their country.* 

Test, E. RANDOLPH, C. H. D. 

After organizing a civil government, and providing for an elec- 
tion of magistrates by the people, Col. Clark directed his attention 
to the subjugation of the Indian tribes. In this he displayed the 
same tact and shrewdness, the same daring, and his acts were 
crowned with the same success as in the conquest with the British 
posts. 

He always reprobated the policy of inviting and urging the In- 
dians to hold treaties, and maintained that such a course was 
founded upon a mistaken view of their character. He supposed 
they always interpreted such overtures from the government as an 
evidence of the fear and conscious weakness of the whites. Hence, 
he avoided every intimation that he desired peace, and assumed a 
line of conduct that would appear that he meant to exterminate 
them at once. He always waited for them to apply and beg for a 
treaty. 



* See Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 490. 



276 CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 1778. 

These and other measures, which displayed great penetration 
into Indian character, were completely successful. No commander 
ever subjugated as many warlike tribes, in so short a time, and at so 
little expense of life. 

His meetings with them were opened at Cahokia, in September, 
and his principles of action being never to court them, never to 
load them with presents, never to seem to fear them, though always 
to show respect to courage and ability, and to speak in the most 
direct manner possible — he waited for the natives to make the first 
advances, and offer peace. When they had done so, and thrown 
away the bloody wampum sent them by the British, Clark coldly 
told them he would answer them the next day, and, meanwhile, cau- 
tioned them against shaking hands with the Americans, as peace 
was not yet concluded; it will be time to give hands when the 
heart can be given too, he said. The next day the Indians came to 
hear the answer of the Big Knife, which is given, as taken by Mr. 
Butler and Mr. Dillon, from Clark's own notes : 

" Men and warriors : pay attention to my words. You informed 
me yesterday, that the Great Spirit had brought us together, and 
that you hope that, as he was good, it would be for good. I have 
also the same hope, and expect that each party will strictly adhere 
to whatever may be agreed upon, whether it shall be peace or war, 
and henceforward prove ourselves worthy of the attention of the 
Great Spirit. I am a man and a warrior, not a counselor ; I carry 
war in my right hand, and in my left, peace. I am sent by the Great 
Council of the Big Knife, and their friends, to take possession of 
all the towns possessed by the English in this country, and to 
watch the motions of the Red people : to bloody the paths of those 
who attempt to stop the course of the river ; but to clear the roads 
for us to those that desire to be in peace ; that the women and 
children may walk in them without meeting any thing to strike 
their feet against. I am ordered to call upon the Great Fire for 
warriors enough to darken the land, and that the Red people may 
hear no sound, but of birds who live on blood. I know there is a 
mist before your eyes ; I will dispel the clouds, that you may clearly 
see the causes of the war between the Big Knife and the English; 
then you may judge for yourselves, which party is in the right; and 
if you are warriors, as you profess yourselves to be, prove it by 
adhering faithfully to the party which you shall believe to be 
entitled to your friendship, and not show yourselves to be squaws. 

" The Big Knife is very much like the Red people, they don't 
know how to make blankets, and powder, and cloth ; they buy 



1778. CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 277 

these things from the English, from whom they are sprung. They 
live by making corn, hunting, and trade, as you and your neigh- 
bors, the French, do. But the Big Knife daily getting more 
numerous, like the trees in the woods, the land became poor, and 
the hunting scarce; and having but little to trade with, the women 
began to cry at seeing their children naked, and tried to learn how 
to make clothes for themselves ; some made blankets for their hus- 
bands and children ; and the men learned to make guns and pow- 
der. In this way we did not want to buy so much from the English ; 
they then got mad with us, and sent strong garrisons through our 
country, (as you see they have done among you on the lakes, and 
among the French,) they would not let our women spin, nor our 
men make powder, nor let us trade with anybody else. The Eng- 
lish said we should buy every thing from them, and since we had 
got saucy, we should give two bucks for a blanket, which we used 
to get for one ; we should do as they pleased, and they killed some 
of our people, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and 
the real cause of the war between the English and us ; which did 
not take place for some time after this treatment. But our women 
became cold and hungry, and continued to cry ; our young men 
got lost for want of counsel to put them in the right path. The 
whole land was dark, the old men held down their heads for shame, 
because they could not see the sun, and thus there was mourning 
for many years over the land. 

"At last the Great Spirit took pity on us, and kindled a great 
council fire, that never goes out, at a place called Philadelphia ; he 
then stuck down a post, and put a war tomahawk by it, and went 
away. The sun immediately broke out, the sky was blue again, 
and the old men held up their heads, and assembled at the fire ; 
they took up the hatchet, sharpened it, and put it into the hands 
of our young men, ordering them to strike the English as long as 
they could find one on this side of the great waters. The young 
men immediately struck the war-post, and blood was shed : in this 
way the war began, and the English were driven from one place to 
another, until they got weak, and then they hired you Red people 
to fight for them. The Great Spirit got angry at this, and caused 
your old father, the French king, and other great nations, to join 
the Big Knife, and fight with them against all their enemies. So 
the English have become like a deer in the woods ; and you may 
see that it is the Great Spirit, that has caused your waters to be 
troubled ; because you have fought for the people he was mad with. 



278 CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 1778. 

If your women and children should now cry, you must blame your- 
selves for it, and not the Big Knife. 

" You can now judge who is in the right; I have already told 
you who I am ; here is a bloody belt, and a white one, take which 
you please. Behave like men, and don't let your being surrounded 
by the Big Knife, cause you to take up the one belt with your 
hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you take the bloody 
path, you shall leave the town in safety, and may go and join your 
friends, the English ; we will then try, like warriors, who can put 
the most stumbling blocks in each other's way, and keep our 
clothes longest stained with blood. If, on the other hand, you 
should take the path of peace, and be received as brothers to the 
Big Knife, with their friends, the French, should you then listen 
to bad birds, that may be flying through the land, you will no 
longer deserve to be counted as men, but as creatures with two 
tongues, that ought to be destroyed without listening to any thing 
you might say. As I am convinced you never heard the truth be- 
fore, I do not wish you to answer before you have taken time to 
counsel. We will, therefore, part this evening, and when the 
Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak and think 
like men, with one heart and one tongue."* 

This speech produced the desired effect, and upon the following 
day the "Bed people*' and the "Big Knife," united hearts and 
hands both. In all these proceedings, there is no question that, 
directly and indirectly, the alliance of the United States with 
France was very instrumental in producing a friendly feeling 
among the Indians, who had never lost their old regard toward their 
first Great Father. 

But though it was Clark's general rule not to court the savages 
there were some particular chieftains so powerful as to induce him 
to invite them to meet him, and learn the merits of the quarrel be- 
tween the colonies and England. Among these was Black Bird, 
one of the lake chiefs ; he came at the invitation of the American 
leader, and, dispensing with the usual formulas of the Indian nego- 
tiation, sat down with Col. Clark, in a common sense way, and 
talked and listened, questioned and considered, until he was satis- 
lied that the rebels had the right of the matter ; after which he be- 
came, and remained a firm friend of the Big Knives. 



* See Butler's History of Kentucky, p. 



1778. CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 279 

While the negotiations between the conqueror of Kaskaskia and 
the natives were going forward, an incident occurred, so character- 
istic of Colonel Clark, that it is worthy of notice : A party of 
Indians, known as Meadow Indians,* had come to attend the 
council with their neighbors. These, by some means, were induced 
to attempt the murder of the invaders, and tried to obtain an 
opportunity to commit the crime proposed, by surprising Clark and 
his officers in their quarters. In this plan they failed, and their 
purpose was discovered by the sagacity of the French in attend- 
ance ; when this was done, Clark gave them to the French to deal 
with as they pleased, but with a hint that some of the leaders 
would be as well in irons. Thus fettered and foiled, the chiefs 
were brought daily to the council house, where he whom they pro- 
posed to kill, was engaged daily in forming friendly relations with 
their red brethren. At length, when by these means the futility 
of their project had been sufficiently impressed upon them, the 
American commander ordered their irons to be struck off, and in 
his quiet way, full of scorn, said, " Every body' thinks you ought to 
die for your treachery upon my life, amidst the sacred deliberations 
of a council. I had determined to inflict death upon you for your 
base attempt, and you yourselves must be sensible that you have 
justly forfeited your lives; but on considering the meanness of 
watching a bear and catching him asleep, I have found out that 
you are not warriors, only old women, and too mean to be killed 
by the Big Knife. But," continued he, "as you ought to be 
punished for putting on breech cloths like men, they shall be taken 
away from you ; plenty of provisions shall be given for your journey 
home, as women don't know how to hunt, and during your stay 
you shall be treated in every respect as squaws." f 

These few cutting words concluded, the Colonel turned away to 
converse with others. The children of the prairie, who had 
looked for anger, not contempt — punishment, not freedom — were 
unaccountably stirred by this treatment. They took counsel 
together, and presently a chief came forward with a belt and pipe 
of peace, which, with proper words, he laid upon the table. The 
interpreter stood ready to translate the words of friendship, but 



* These were a remnant of the Mascoutin tribe, or Prairie Tribe, as the name sig- 
nifies. 

f This was a mode of punishment used by the Indians as a mark of disgrace. An 
Indian thus degraded, never after eould be a man. He must do the drudgery of a 
squaw. 



280 CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 1778. 

with curling lip, the American said he did not wish to hear them, 
and lifting a sword which lay before him, he shattered the offered 
pipe, with the cutting expression that "he did not treat with 
women." The bewildered, overwhelmed Meadow Indians, next 
asked the intercession of other red men, already admitted to 
friendship, but the only reply was, " The Big Knife has made no 
war upon these people; they are of a kind that we shoot like 
wolves when we meet them in the woods, lest they eat the deer." 

All this wrought more and more upon the offending tribe ; again 
they took counsel, and then two young men came forward, and, 
covering their heads with their blankets, sat down before the 
impenetrable commander; then two chiefs arose, and stating that 
these young warriors offered their lives as an atonement for the 
misdoings of their relatives, again they presented the pipe of peace. 
Silence reigned in the assembly, while the fate of the proffered 
victims hung in suspense: all watched the countenance of the 
American leader, who could scarce master the emotion which the 
incident excited. Still, all sat noiseless, nothing heard but the 
deep breathing of those whose lives thus hung by a thread. Pres- 
ently, he upon whom all depended, arose, and, approaching the 
young men, he bade them be uncovered and stand up. They 
sprang to their feet. "I am glad to find," said Clark, warmly, 
"that there are men among all nations. With you, who alone are 
fit to be chiefs of your tribe, I am willing to treat ; through you I 
am ready to grant peace to your brothers ; I take you by the hands 
as chiefs, worthy of being such." Here again the fearless gener- 
osity, the generous fearlessness of Clark, proved perfectly success- 
ful, and while the tribe in question became the allies of America, 
the fame of the occurrence, which spread far and wide through 
the north-west, made the name of the white negotiator everywhere 
respected. 

"In October of the same year, an agent arrived at Ouiatenon 
on the upper "Wabash, whose special mission was to keep the 
Indians of that place and vicinity, ia the British interest. There- 
fore, it was resolved, in the language of Colonel Clark, " to take 
him off." A detachment of men under Lieutenant Bailey, from 
Kaskaskia, and Captain Helm, commanding at Yincennes, in all 
numbering about one hundred, a portion of whom were French 
militia and Indians, were sent to surprise him ; but by some acci- 
dent, he perhaps the only one at the post, received intelligence of 
their approach, absconded, and returned to the north, leaving his 
friends who were unprepared for any resistance, to the mercy of 



1778. CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 281 

their captors. Forty men were made prisoners, all of whom were 
released by signing a treaty much to our advantage; and the 
detachment returned as far as Vincennes, by water." 

In leaving Captain Helm at Vincennes, with a very diminutive 
command, Colonel Clark was supposed to have relaxed from his 
former caution and vigilance ; but at or about that time, he had 
been officially informed of the orders to General Mcintosh, to 
march with all possible dispatch against Detroit, where it was 
believed that the whole British force, together with their Indian 
allies, would find employment in their immediate defense. Mcin- 
tosh, however, loitered on his march until the season wore away, 
and proceeded no further against November, than the upper 
Muskingum, where he built a fort, left a garrison, and returned to 
Fort Pitt. 

From the failure of that expedition, the post at Vincennes was 
left exposed to the attack of the British and Indians, without any 
sufficient force to defend it. Henry Hamilton, the British Lieuten- 
ant-Governor of Detroit, collected an army of about thirty regulars, 
fifty French volunteers, and four hundred Indians, went from 
Detroit to the Wabash, thence down that river, and appeared 
before the fort on the 15th of December, 1778. The people made 
no efibrt to defend the place. Captain Helm and a man named 
Henry, were the only Americans in the fort. The latter had a 
cannon well charged, placed in the open gateway, while the com- 
mandant, Helm, stood by it with the lighted match. When 
Colonel Hamilton and his troops approached within hailing dis- 
tance, the American officer called out, with a loud voice, "Halt!" 
This show of resistance caused Hamilton to stop, and demand a 
surrender of the garrison. 

Helm exclaimed, " No man shall enter here until I know the 
terms." Hamilton responded, "You shall have the honors of 
war;" and the fort was surrendered, and the one officer and the one 
private received the customary mark of respect for their brave 
defense. 

A portion of Hamilton's force was dispatched with the Indians 
to attack the settlements on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Capt. 
Helm was detained in the fort as a prisoner, and the French inhabi- 
tants were disarmed. Col. Clark's position became perilous. 
Detached parties of hostile Indians, sent out by Col. Hamilton, 
began to appear in Illinois. He ordered Major Bowman to evacu- 
ate the fort at Cahokia, and meet him at Kaskaskia. " I could 
see," says Clark, "but little probability of keeping possession of 
19 



282 CONQUEST OF ILLINOIS. 1779. 

the country, as my number of men was too small to stand a siege, 
and my situation too remote to call for assistance. I made all the 
preparation I possibly could for the attack, and was necessitated to 
set fire to some of the houses in town, to clear them out of the 
way." At this crisis, the bold and hazardous project of capturing 
Colonel Hamilton, and retaking Post Yincennes, became the theme 
of his daily and nightly meditations. 

He employed Col. Francis Yigo, then a resident of St. Louis, to 
make an exploration of the circumstances and strength of the 
enemy at Post Yincennes. Col. Yigo, though a Spanish subject, 
possessed an innate love of liberty ; an attachment to republican 
principles, and an ardent sympathy for an oppressed people, strug- 
gling for their rights. He disregarded personal consequences, for 
as soon as he had heard of the arrival of Col. Clark at Kaskaskia, 
and the possession of Illinois by the Americans, he went there and 
tendered his wealth and influence to sustain the cause of liberty. 

At the request of Col. Clark, Col. Yigo, with a single servant, 
proceeded to Yincennes. At the Embarrass he was taken prisoner 
by a party of Indians, plundered and brought before Col. Hamilton. 
Being a Spanish subject, though suspected of being a spy for the 
Americans, the governor had no power to hold him as a prisoner 
of war, but forbid him to leave the fort. Entreated by the French 
inhabitants to allow him to depart, and threatened with the refusal 
of all supplies for the garrison, the governor reluctantly yielded, on 
condition that Col. Yigo would sign an article "not to do any act 
during the war, injurious to the British interests." This he refused, 
but consented to a pledge not to do anything injurious on his way 
to St. Louis. This was accepted, and Col. Yigo was permitted to 
depart in a pirogue down the Wabash and Ohio, and up the Missis- 
sippi to St. Louis. 

He kept his pledge most sacredly. On his way to St. Louis, he 
abstained from all intercourse with the Americans — but he only 
staid at home long enough to change his dress, when he returned 
to Kaskaskia, and gave Col. Clark full and explicit information of 
the condition of the British force at Yincennes, the projected 
movements of Hamilton, and the friendly feelings of the French 
toward the Americans. From him, Col. Clark learned that a por- 
tion of the British troops were absent on marauding parties with 
the Indians, that the garrison consisted of about eighty regular 
soldiers, three brass field-pieces and some 'swivels, and that Gov. 
Hamilton meditated the re-capture of Kaskaskia early in the spring. 
Col. Clark determined on the bold project of an expedition to 



1779. CLARK MARCHES AGAINST VINCENNES. 283 

Vincennes, of which he wrote to Gov. Henry, and sent an express 
to Virginia. As a reason for this hazardous project, Col. Clark 
urged the force and designs of Hamilton, saying to Gov. Henry in 
his letter, "I knew if I did not take Mm, Tie would take me." 

A boat fitted up as a galley, carrying two four-pounders and four 
swivels, and commanded by Capt. John Eogers, with forty-six men, 
and provisions, was dispatched from Kaskaskia to the Ohio, with 
orders to proceed up the Wabash as secretly as possible to a place 
near the mouth of the Embarrass. Two companies of men were 
raised from Cahokia and Kaskaskia, commanded by Captains 
McCarty and Charleville, which, with the Americans, amounted to 
one hundred and seventy men. 

The winter was unusually wet and the streams all high ; but on 
the 7th of February, 1779, this fragment of an army commenced 
its march from Kaskaskia to Post Vincent. Their route lay 
through the prairies and points of timber east of the Kaskaskia 
river, a north-easterly course through Washington and Marion 
counties into Clay county, where the trail, visible thirty years since, 
would strike the route of the present road from St. Louis to Vin- 
cennes. This was one of the most dreary and fatiguing expedi- 
tions of the ^Revolutionary war. After incredible hardships, they 
reached the Little Wabash, the low bottoms of which, for several 
miles, were covered with water, as Col. Clark's report affirms, 
" generally three feet deep, never under two, and frequently over 
four feet." 

They arrived at the "two Wabashes," as Bowman, in his journal 
calls the two branches, (now known as the "Little Wabash" and 
"Muddy" rivers,) on the 13th. Here they made a canoe, and on 
the 15th, ferried over their baggage, which they placed on a scaf- 
fold on the opposite bank. Eains fell every day, but the weather 
was not cold. Hitherto they had borne their extreme privations 
and difficulties with incredible patience, but now the spirits of 
many seemed exhausted. There was an Irish drummer in the 
party who possessed an uncommon talent in singing comic Irish 
songs. While the men were wading to their waist, and sometimes 
to the arm-pits in mud and water, the fertile ingenuity of Colonel 
Clark, who never failed in resources, placed the Irishman on his 
drum, which readily floated, while he entertained his exhausted 
troops with his comic and musical powers. 

On the 18th day of February, eleven days after their departure 
from Kaskaskia, they heard the morning gun of the fort, and at even- 
ing of the same day, they were on the Great Wabash, below the 



284 CLARK MARCHES AGAINST VINCENNES. 1779. 

month of the Embarrass. The party were now in the most exhausted, 
destitute and starving condition, and no sign of their boat with 
supplies. The river was out of its banks, all the low grounds cov- 
ered with water, and canoes could not be constructed to carry them 
over before the British garrison would discover and capture, or 
massacre the whole party. On the 20th of February they hailed 
and brought to a boat from Post Vincent, and from the crew, whom 
they detained, they learned that the French population were 
friendly to the Americans, and that no suspicion of the expedition 
had reached the British garrison. 

Colonel Clark says : 

"This last day's march, (February 21st,) through the water, was 
far superior to any thing the Frenchmen had any idea of: they 
were backward in speaking — said the nearest land to us was a 
small league, called the sugar camp, on the bank of the slough. A 
canoe was sent off, and returned without finding that we could 
pass. I went in her myself, and sounded the water; found it deep 
as to my neck. I returned with a design to have the men trans- 
ported on board the canoes to the sugar camp, which I knew would 
spend the whole day and ensuing night, as the vessels would pass 
slowly through the bushes. The loss of so much time, to men half 
starved, was a matter of consequence. I would have given now a 
great deal for a day's provisions, or for one of our horses. I re- 
turned but slowly to the troops — giving myself time to think. On 
our arrival, all ran to hear what was the report. Every eye was 
fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke in a serious manner to one of 
the officers; the whole were alarmed without knowing what I said. 
I viewed their confusion for about one minute — whispered to those 
near me to do as I did — immediately put some water in my hand, 
poured on powder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, marched 
into the water without saying a word. 

" The party gazed, fell in, one after another, without saying a 
word, like a flock of sheep. I ordered those near me to give a fa- 
vorite song of theirs. It soon passed through the line, and the 
whole went on cheerfully. I now intended to have them trans- 
ported across the deepest part of the water; but when about waist 
deep, one of the men informed me that he thought he felt a path. 
We examined, and found it so; and concluded that it kept on the 
highest ground, which it did ; and by taking pains to follow it, we 
got to the sugar camp without the least difficulty, where there was 
about half an acre of dry ground, at least not under water, where 
we took up our lodgings. The Frenchmen that we had taken on 



1779. CLARK MARCHES AGAINST VINCBNNES. 285 

the river appeared to be uneasy at our situation. They begged 
that they might be permitted to go in the two canoes to town in 
the night: they said they would bring from their own houses pro- 
visions, without the possibility of any person knowing it; that some 
of our men should go with them, as a surety of their good conduct ; 
that it was impossible we could march from that place till the wa- 
ter fell, for the plain was too deep to march. Some of the offi- 
cers, believed that it might be done. I would not suffer it. I never 
could well account for this piece of obstinacy, and give satisfactory 
reasons to myself, or anybody else, why I denied a proposition ap- 
parently so easy to execute, and of so much advantage; but 
something seemed to tell me that it should not be done, and it was 
not done. 

" The most of the weather that we had on this march, was moist 
and warm for the season. This was the coldest night we had. The ice 
in the morning was from one-half to three-quarters of an inch thick, 
near the shores, and in still water. The morning was the finest 
we had on our march. A little after sunrise I lectured the whole. 
What I said to them I forget; but it may be easily imagined by a 
person that could possess my affections for them at that time : I 
concluded by informing them, that passing the plain that was then 
in full view, and reaching the opposite woods, would put an end to 
their fatigue — that in a few hours they would have a sight of their 
long wished for object — and immediately stepped into the water 
without waiting for any reply. A huzza took place. As we gen- 
erally marched through the water in a line, before the third entered 
I halted and called to Major Bowman, ordered him to fall in the 
rear with twenty-five men, and to put to death any man who re- 
fused to march, as we wished to have no such person amongst us. 
The whole gave a cry of approbation, and on we went. This was 
the most trying of all the difficulties we had experienced. 

" I generally kept fifteen or twenty of the strongest men next 
myself; and judged from my own feelings what must be those of 
others. Getting about the middle of the plain, the water about 
mid-deep, I found myself sensibly failing ; and as there were no 
trees nor bushes for the men to support themselves by, I feared 
that many of the most weak would be drowned. I ordered the 
canoes to make the land, discharge their loading, and ply back- 
ward and forward with all diligence, and pick up the men ; and to 
encourage the party, sent some of the strongest men forward, with 
orders, when they got to a certain distance, to pass the word back 
that the water was getting shallow ; and when getting near the 



286 CLARK MARCHES AGAINST VINCENNES. 1779. 

woods to cry out ' Land !' This stratagem had its desired effect. 
The men, encouraged by it, exerted themselves almost beyond their 
abilities — the weak holding by the stronger. The water never got 
shallower, but continued deepening. Getting to the woods where 
the men expected land, the water was up to my shoulders: but 
gaining the woods was of great consequence : all the low men and 
weakly hung to the trees, and floated on the old logs, until they 
were taken off by the canoes. The strong and tall got ashore, and 
built fires. Many would reach the shore, and fall with their bodies 
half in the water, not being able to support themselves without it. 

u This was a delightful dry spot of ground, of about ten acres. 
We soon found that fires answered no purpose ; but that two strong 
men taking a weaker one by the arms was the only way to recover 
him; and, being a delightful day, it soon did. But, fortunately, 
as if designed by Providence, a canoe of Indian squaws and chil- 
dren was coming up to town, and took through part of this plain 
as a nigh way. It was discovered by our canoes as they were out 
after the men. They gave chase and took the Indian canoe, on 
board of which was nearly half a quarter of buffalo, some corn, 
tallow, kettles, &c. This was a grand prize, and was invaluable. 
Broth was immediately made and served out to the most weakly, 
with great care : most of the whole got a little ; but a great many 
gave their part to the weakly, jocosely saying something cheering 
to their comrades. 

" This little refreshment and fine weather, by the afternoon, gave 
life to the whole. Crossing a narrow, deep lake, in the canoes, and 
marching some distance, we came to a copse of timber, called the 
Warrior's Island. We were now in full view of the fort and town, 
not a shrub between us, at about two miles distance. Every man 
now feasted his eyes, and forgot that he had suffered any thing — 
saying, that all that had passed was owing to good policy, and 
nothing but what a man could bear, and that a soldier had no 
right to think, &c. — passing from one extreme to another, which 
is common in such cases. It was now we had to display our abili- 
ties. The plain between us and the town was not a perfect level. 
The sunken grounds were covered with water, full of ducks. We 
observed several men out on horseback, shooting them, within half 
a mile of us, and sent out as many of our active young Frenchmen 
to decoy and take one of these men prisoner, in such a manner as 
not to alarm the others ; which they did. The information we got 
from this person was similar to that which we got from those we 
took on the river : except that of the British having that evening 



1779. CLARK BEFORE VINCENNES. 287 

completed the wall of the fort, and that there were a good many 
Indians in town. 

" Our situation was now truly critical — no possibility of retreat- 
ing in case of defeat — and in full view of a town that had at this 
time upward of six hundred men in it, troops, inhabitants, and 
Indians. The crew of the galley, though not fifty men, would now 
have been a reinforcement of immense magnitude to our little 
army, (if I may so call it,) but we would not think of them. We 
were now in the situation that I had labored to get ourselves in. 
The idea of being made prisoner was foreign to almost every man, 
as they expected nothing but torture from the savages, if they fell 
into their hands. Our fate was now to be determined, probably in 
a few hours. "We knew that nothing but the most daring conduct 
would insure success. I knew that a number of the inhabitants 
wished us well — that many were lukewarm to the interest of either 
— and I also learned that the Grand Chief, the Tobacco's son, had, 
but a few days before, openly declared in council with the British, 
that he was a brother and a friend to the Big Knives. These were 
favorable circumstances ; and as there was but little probability of 
our remaining until dark undiscovered, I determined to begin 
the career immediately, and wrote the following placard to the 
inhabitants : 

" To the inhabitants of Post Vincennes. 

" Gentlemen: — Being now within two miles of your village, 
with my army, determined to take your fort this night, and not 
being willing to surprise you, I take this method to request such 
of you as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the liberty I bring 
you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if any there be, 
that are friends to the king, will instantly repair to the fort and 
join the hair-buyer general, and fight like men. And if any such 
as do not go to the fort shall be discovered afterward, they may 
depend on severe punishment. On the contrary, those who are 
true friends to liberty may depend on being well treated; and I 
once more request them to keep out of the streets. For every one 
I find in arms on my arrival, I shall treat him as an enemy. 

[Signed.] G. E. CLARK. 

"A little before sunset we moved and displayed ourselves in full 
view] of the town — crowds gazing at us. We were plunging 
ourselves into certain destruction, or success. There was no mid- 
way thought of. We had but little to say to our men, except 



288 CLARK ATTACKS VINCENNES. 1779. 

inculcating an idea of the necessity of obedience, &c. "We knew 
they did not want encouraging; and that any thing might be 
attempted with them that was possible for such a number — per- 
fectly cool, under proper subordination, pleased with the prospect 
before them, and much attached to their officers. They all declared 
that they were convinced that an implicit obedience to orders was 
the only thing that would ensure success — and hoped that no mercy 
would be shown the person that should violate them. Such 
language as this from soldiers, to persons in our station, must have 
been exceedingly agreeable. We moved on slowly in full view of 
the town ; but as it was a point of some consequence to us to make 
ourselves appear as formidable, we, in leaving the covert that we 
were in, marched and counter-marched in such a manner that we 
appeared numerous. 

"In raising volunteers in the Illinois, every person that set about 
the business had a set of colors given them, which they brought 
with them, to the amount of ten or twelve pair. These were dis- 
played to the best advantage ; and as the low plain we marched 
through was not a perfect level, but had frequent raisings in it 
seven or eight feet higher than the common level, (which was 
covered with water,) and as these raisings generally run in an 
oblique direction to the town, we took the advantage of one of 
them, marching through the water under it, which completely 
prevented our being numbered ; but our colors showed considerably 
above the heights, as they were fixed on long poles procured for 
the purpose, and at a distance made no despicable appearance ; and 
as our young Frenchmen had, while we lay on the Warrior's 
Island, decoyed and taken several fowlers, with their horses, officere 
were mounted on these horses, and rode about more completely to 
deceive the enemy. In this manner we moved, and directed our 
march in such a way as to suffer it to be dark before we had advan- 
ced more than half way to the town. We then suddenly altered 
our direction, and crossed ponds where they could not have 
suspected us, and about eight o'clock gained the heights back of 
the town. 

" The garrison was soon completely surrounded, and the firing 
continued without intermission, (except about fifteen minutes a 
little before day,) until about nine o'clock the following morning. 
It was kept up by the whole of the troops, — -joined by a few of the 
young men of the town who got permission — except fifty men kept 
as a reserve. 

"I had made myself fully acquainted with the situation of the fort 



1779. VINCENNES BESIEGED. 289 

and town, and the parts relative to each. The cannon of the gar- 
rison was on the upper floors of strong block-houses, at each angle 
of the fort, eleven feet above the surface ; and the ports so badly 
cut that many of our troops lay under the fire of them, within 
twenty or thirty yards of the walls. They did no damage except to 
the buildings of the town, some of which they much shattered: and 
their musketry, in the dark, employed against woodsmen covered 
by houses, palings, ditches, the banks of the river, &c, was but of 
little avail, and did no injury to us except wounding a man or two. 
As we could not afford to lose men, great care was taken to pre- 
serve them sufficiently covered, and to keep up a hot fire in order 
to intimidate the enemy as well as to destroy them. 

"The embrasures of their cannon were frequently shut, for our rifle- 
men, finding the true direction of them, would pour in such volleys 
when they were opened, that the men could not stand to the 
guns ; seven or eight of them in a short time got cut down. Our 
troops would frequently abuse the enemy, in order to aggravate 
them to open their ports and fire their cannon, that they might 
have the pleasure of cutting them down with their rifles — fifty of 
which perhaps would be leveled the moment the port flew open ; and 
I believe that if they had stood at their artillery, the greater part of 
them would have been destroyed in the course of the night, as the 
greater part of our men lay within thirty yards of the walls ; and in 
a few hours were covered equally to those within the walls, and 
much more experienced in that mode of fighting. 

" Sometimes an irregular fire, as hot as possible, was kept up from 
different directions for a few minutes, and then only a continual 
scattering fire at the ports as usual ; and a great noise and laughter 
immediately commenced in different parts of the town, by the re- 
served parties, as if they had only fired on the fort a few minutes 
for amusement ; and as if those continually firing at the fort were 
only regularly relieved. Conduct similar to this kept the garrison 
constantly alarmed. 

"Thus the attack continued, until about nine o'clock on the morn- 
ing of the 24th. Learning that the two prisoners they had brought 
in the day before had a considerable number of letters with them, 
I supposed it an express we expected about this time, which I knew 
to be of the greatest moment to us, as we had not received one 
since our arrival in the country ; and not being fully acquainted 
with the character of our enemy, we were doubtful that those pa- 
pers might be destroyed ; to prevent which I sent a flag, with a 
letter, demanding the garrison." 



290 SIEGE CONTINUED. 1779. 

The following is a copy of the letter * which was addressed by 
Col. Clark to Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, on the occasion : 

"Sir : — In order to save yourself from the impending storm that 
now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender yourself, 
with all your garrison, stores, &c. For if I am obliged to storm, 
you may depend on such treatment as is justly due to a murderer. 
Beware of destroying stores of any kind, or any papers or letters 
that are in your possession, or hurting one house in town — for, by 
heavens ! if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you. 

[Signed.] G. K. CLARK." 

To this the governor replied, that he could not think of being 
"awed into any action unworthy a British subject; " but his true 
feeling peeped out in his question to Helm, when the bullets rat- 
tled about the chimney of the room in which they were playing 
piquet together, and Helm swore that Clark would have them pri- 
soners. " Is he a merciful man ? " said the governor. 

Clark finding the British unwilling to yield quietly, began "firing 
very hot." "When this came on, Helm cautioned the English sol- 
diers not to look out through the loop-holes ; for these Virginia 
riflemen, he said, would shoot their eyes out if they did. And seven 
being actually shot by balls which came through the port-holes, 
Hamilton was led to send out a flag with the following letter : 

"Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a 
truce for three days ; during which time he promises there shall be 
no defensive works carried on in the garrison, on condition that 
Colonel Clark shall observe, on his part, a like cessation of any de- 
fensive work : that is, he wishes to confer with Colonel Clark as 
soon as can be ; and promises that whatever may pass between them 
two, and another person mutually agreed upon to be present, shall 
remain secret till matters be finished, as he wishes, that whatever 
the result of the conference may be, it may tend to the honor and 
credit of each party. If Colonel Clark makes a difficulty of comi ng 
into the fort, Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton will speak to him by 
the gate. 

[Signed.] HEKRY HAMILTON. 

24th February, 79." 

" I was at a great loss to conceive what reason Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Hamilton could have for wishing a truce for three days, on 



^Extracted from Major Bowman's MS. Journal. 



1779. SIEGE CONTINUED. 291 

such terms as he proposed. [Numbers said it was a scheme to get 
me into their possession. I had a different opinion, and no idea 
of his possessing such sentiments, as an act of that kind would in- 
fallibly ruin him. Although we had the greatest reason to expect a 
reinforcement in less than three days, that would at once put an 
end to the siege, I yet did not think it prudent to agree to the pro- 
posals, and sent the following answer: 

" Colonel Clark's compliments to Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, 
and begs leave to inform him that he will not agree to any terms 
other than Mr. Hamilton's surrendering himself and garrison pris- 
oners at discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference 
with Colonel Clark, he will meet him at the church, with Captain 
Helm. [Signed,] G. E. C. 

February 24th, '79." 

"We met at the church, about eighty yards from the fort — Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Hamilton, Major Hay, Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs, Capt. Helm, their prisoner, Major Bowman and myself. 
The conference began. Hamilton produced terms of capitulation, 
signed, that contained various articles, one of which was that the 
garrison should be surrendered, on their being permitted to go to 
Pensacola on parole. After deliberating on every article, I rejected 
the whole. He then wished I would make some proposition. I 
told him that I had no other to make, than what I had already 
made — that of his surrendering as prisoners at discretion. I said 
that his troops had behaved with spirit; that they could not sup- 
pose that they would be worse treated in consequence of it ; that 
if he chose to comply with the demand, though hard, perhaps the 
sooner the better ; that it was in vain to make any proposition to 
me ; that he by this time, must be sensible that all the garrison would 
fall ; that both of us must view all blood spilt for the future by 
the garrison as murder; that my troops were already impatient, 
and called aloud for permission to tear down and storm the fort ; 
if such a step was taken, many of course would be cut down ; and 
the result of an enraged body of woodsmen breaking in, must be 
obvious to him; it would be out of the power of an American 
officer to save a single man. Various altercations took place for a 
considerable time. Captain Helm attempted to moderate our fixed 
determination. I told him he was a British prisoner, and it was 
doubtful whether or not he could with propriety speak on the sub- 
ject. Hamilton then said that Captain Helm was from that moment 
liberated, and might use his pleasure. I informed the Captain that 



292 HAMILTON PROPOSES TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 1779. 

I would not receive him on such terms — that he must return to the 
garrison and await his fate. I then told Lieutenant-Colonel Ham- 
ilton that hostilities should not commence until five minutes after 
the drums gave the alarm. We took our leave and parted but a 
few steps, when Hamilton stopped and politely asked me if I would 
be so kind as to give him my reasons for refusing the garrison on 
any other terms than those I had offered. I told him I had no 
objections in giving him my real reasons, which were simply these: 
that I knew the greater part of the principal Indian partizans of 
Detroit were with him — that I wanted an excuse to put them to 
death, or otherwise treat them as I thought proper — that the cries 
of the widows and the fatherless on the frontiers, which they had 
occasioned, now required their blood from my hands, and that I 
did not choose to be so timorous as to disobey the absolute com- 
mands of their authority, which I looked upon to be next to divine ; 
that I would rather lose fifty men, than not to empower myself to 
execute this piece of business with propriety; that if he chose to 
risk the massacre of his garrison for their sakes, it was his own 
pleasure ; and that I might perhaps take it into my head to send 
for some of those widows to see it executed. Major Hay, paying 
great attention, I had observed a kind of distrust in his counte- 
nance, which in a great measure influenced my conversation during 
this time. 

" On my concluding, * Pray, sir,' said he, < who is it that you call 
Indian partizans?' ' Sir,' I replied, 'I take Major Hay to be one 
of the principal.' I never saw a man in the moment of execution 
so struck as he appeared to be — pale and trembling, scarcely able 
to stand. Hamilton blushed, and, I observed, was much affected 
at his behavior. Major Bowman's countenance sufficiently 
explained his disdain for the one, and his sorrow for the other. 
Some moments elapsed without a word passing on either side. 
From that moment, my resolutions changed respecting Hamilton's 
situation. I told him that we would return to our respective posts ; 
that I would reconsider the matter, and let him know the result; 
no offensive measures should be taken in the meantime. Agreed 
to, and we parted. What had passed being made known to our 
officers, it was agreed that we should moderate our resolutions." 

During the conference at the church, some Indian warriors who 
had been sent to the falls of the Ohio for scalps and prisoners, were 
discovered on their return, as they entered the plains near Post Vin- 
cennes. A party of the American troops, commanded by Captain 
Williams, went out to meet them. The Indians, who mistook this 



1779. HAMILTON SURRENDERS. 298 

detachment for a party of their friends, continued to advance 
"with all trie parade of successful warriors." " Our men," says 
Major Bowman, "killed two on the spot, and wounded three, took 
six prisoners and brought them into the town ; two of them proved 
to be whites ; we released them and brought the Indians to the 
main street before the fort gate ; there tomahawked them and threw 
them into the river." 

In the course of the afternoon of the 24th, the following articles 
were signed, and the garrison capitulated : 

"Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton engages to deliver up to Colonel 
Clark, Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all the stores, &c. 

" The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war, and 
march out with their arms and accoutrements, &c. 

" The garrison to be delivered up at ten o'clock to-morrow. 

"Three days time to be allowed the garrison to settle their accounts 
with the inhabitants and traders of the place. 

"The officers of the place to be allowed their necessary baggage, &c. 

" Signed at Post St. Vincent, [Vincennes,] 24th February, 1779. 

"Agreed for the following xeasons : the remoteness from succor; 
the state and quantity of provisions, &c. ; unanimity of officers and 
men in its expediency ; the honorable terms allowed ; and lastly, 
the confidence in a generous enemy. 

[Signed,] HENRY HAMILTON, 

Lieut. Gov. and Superintendent." 

"The business being now nearly at an end, troops were 
posted in several strong houses around the garrison, and patroled 
during the night to prevent any deception that might be attempted. 
The remainder on duty lay on their arms ; and, for the first time 
for many days past, got some rest. During the siege, I got only 
one man wounded; not being able to lose many, I made them 
secure themselves well. Seven were badly wounded in the fort, 
through ports." 

On the 25th of February, Fort Sackville was surrendered to the 
American troops, and the garrison treated as prisoners of war. 
The American flag waved on its battlements, and thirteen guns 
celebrated the victory. 

Seventy-nine prisoners, and stores to the value of 50,000 dollars, 
were obtained by this bold and desperate enterprise, and the whole 
country along the Mississippi and Wabash, remained ever after in 
in the peaceable possession of the Americans. Governor Hamilton 



294 HAMILTON SENT TO VIRGINIA. 1779. 

was sent to Richmond, and his men permitted to return to Detroit 
on parole of honor. 

Six were badly, and one man mortally wounded on the part of the 
British, and only one man wounded on the part of the Americans. 

The governor and some others were sent prisoners to Virginia, 
where the council ordered their confinement in jail, fettered and 
alone, in punishment for their abominable policy of urging barba- 
rians to greater barbarism, as they surely had done by offering 
rewards for scalps, but none for prisoners, a course which naturally 
resulted in wholesale and cold-blooded murder; the Indians driving 
captives within sight of the British forts and then butchering them. 
As this rigid confinement, however just, was not in accordance 
with the terms of Hamilton's surrender, General Phillips protested 
in regard to it, and Jefferson having referred the matter to the 
commander-in-chief, Washington gave his opinion decidedly against 
it, in consequence of which the Council of Virginia released the 
Detroit "hair buyer" from his irons.* 

Clark returned to Kaskaskia, where, in consequence of the com- 
petition of the traders, he found himself more embarrassed from 
the depreciation of the paper money which had been advanced him 
by Virginia than he had been by the movements of the British; 
and where he was forced to pledge his own credit to procure what 
he needed, to an extent that influenced vitally his own fortune and 
life thenceforward. 

After the taking of Vincennes, Detroit was undoubtedly within 
the reach of the enterprisng Virginian, had he been but able to 
raise as many soldiers as were starving and idling at Forts Laurens 
and Mcintosh. In his letter to Mr. Jefferson, he says, that with 
five hundred men, when he reached Illinois, or with three hundred 
after the conquest of Post Vincennes, he could have taken Detroit. 
The people of Detroit rejoiced greatly when they heard of Hamil- 
ton's capture. Governor Henry having promised him a reinforce- 
ment, he concluded to wait for that, as his force was too small to 
both conquer and garrison the British Forts. But the results of 
what was done were not unimportant; indeed of very great impor- 
tance. Hamilton had made arrangements to enlist the Southern 
and Western Indians, for the next spring's campaign ; and, if Mr. 
Stone be correct in his suppositions, Brant and his Iroquois were 
to act in concert with him. Had Clark, therefore, failed to conquer 



Spark's Washington, vi- 315. 



1778. boone's second captivity. 295 

the governor, there is too much reason to fear, that the West 
would have been, indeed, swept, from the Mississippi to the moun- 
tains, and the great blow struck, which had been contemplated 
from the outset, by Britain. But for his small army of dripping, 
but fearless Virginians, the union of all the tribes from Georgia 
to Maine, against the colonies, might have been effected, and the 
whole current of our history changed. 

The conquest of Clark changed the face of affairs in relation to 
the whole country north of the Ohio river, which, in all probability, 
would have been the boundary between Canada and the United 
States. This conquest was urged by the American Commissioners 
in negotiating the definite treaty of 1793. 

While Clark was thus successful in the West, the difficulties and 
misfortunes of the people of the frontier were greatly enhanced. 
The people of Kentucky had suffered much for salt, and the labor 
and risk of packing it over the mountains on horseback were too 
great ; for only by that mode of transportation could they obtain 
the necessaries of life which the wilderness did not furnish. It 
was arranged that thirty men, under the guidance of Captain 
Boone, should proceed to the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking river, 
and manufacture salt. The enterprise was commenced on New 
Year's day, 1778. 

Boone was to be guide, hunter, and scout; the rest to cut wood, 
and attend to the manufacturing department. January passed 
quietly, and before the 7th of February, enough of salt had accu- 
mulated to lead to the return of three of the party to the stations, 
with the treasure. The rest still labored on, and Boone enjoyed 
the winter weather in the forest after his own fashion. But there 
was more than mere game about him in those woods along the 
Licking. On the 7th of February, as he was hunting, he came 
upon a party of one hundred and two foes — two Canadians, the 
remainder Indians, Shawanese apparently. Boone fled; but their 
swiftest runners were on his trail, and he was soon their prisoner. 
Finding it impossible to give his companions at the Licks due 
notice, so as to secure their escape, he proceeded to make terms on 
their behalf with his captors, and then persuaded his men by ges- 
tures, at a distance, to surrender without offering battle. Thus, 
without a blow, the invaders found themselves possessed of twenty- 
eight prisoners, and among them the greatest, in an Indian's eyes, 
of all the Long-Knives. This band was on its way to Boonesbo- 
rough, to attack or to reconnoitre ; but such good luck as they had 



296 boone's second captivity. 1778. 

met with, changed their minds, and, turning upon their track, 
they took up their march for old Chillicothe, an Indian town on 
the Little Miami. 

It was no part of the plan of the Shawanese, however, to retain 
these men in captivity, nor yet to scalp, slay, or eat them. Under 
the influence and rewards of Governor Hamilton, the British com- 
mander in the North-West, the Indians had taken up the business 
of speculating in human beings, both dead and alive ; and the 
Shawanese meant to take Boone and his comrades to the Detroit 
market. On the 10th of March, accordingly, eleven of the party, 
including Boone himself, were dispatched for the north, and, after 
twenty days of journeying, were presented to the English governor, 
who treated them, Boone says, with great humanity. To Boone 
himself, Hamilton and several other gentlemen seem to have taken 
an especial fancy, and offered considerable sums for his release ; 
but the Shawanese had also become enamored of the veteran hunter, 
and would not part with him. He must go home with them, they 
said, and be one of them, and become a great chief. So the 
pioneer found his very virtues becoming the cause of a prolonged 
captivity. 

In April, the red men, with their one white captive, about to be 
converted into a genuine son of nature, returned from the flats of 
Michigan, covered with brush-choken forests, to the rolling valley 
of the Miamis, with its hill-sides clothed in their rich, open woods 
of maple and beech, then just bursting into bloom. And now the 
white blood was washed out of the Kentucky ranger, and he was 
made a son in the family of Blackfish, a Shawanese chief, and was 
loved and caressed by father and mother, brothers and sisters, till 
he was thoroughly sick of them. But disgust he could not show ; 
so he was kind and affable, and knew how to allay any suspicions 
they might harbor lest he should run away. He took his part in 
their games and romps; shot as near the centre of a target as a 
good hunter ought to, and yet left the savage marksmen a chance 
to excel him, and smiled in his quiet eye when he witnessed their 
joy at having done better than the best of the Long-Knives. He 
grew into favor with the chief, was trusted, treated with respect, 
and listened to with attention. No man could have been better 
calculated than Boone to disarm the suspicions of the red men. 
Some have called him a white Indian, except that he never showed 
the Indian's blood-thirstiness when excited. Scarce any other 
white ever possessed in an equal degree the true Indian gravity, 
which comes neither from thought, feeling, nor vacuity, but from 



1778. boone's escape from captivity. 297 

a peculiar organization. And so in hunting, shooting, swimming, 
and other Shawanese amusements, the newly-made Indian, Boone, 
spent the month of May, necessity making all the inconveniences 
of his lot endurable. 

On the 1st of June, his aid was required in the business of salt 
making, and for that purpose he and a party of his brethren started 
for the valley of the Scioto, where he stayed ten days, hunting, 
boiling brine, and cooking. But when he returned to Chillicothe 
a sad sight met his eyes ; four hundred and fifty of the choice 
warriors of the "West, painted in the most exquisite war style, and 
armed for the battle. He scarce needed to ask whither they were 
bound; his heart told him Boonesborough; and already in imagi- 
nation he saw the blazing roofs of the little borough he had 
founded, and the bleeding forms of his friends. Could he do 
nothing? He was a long way from his own white homestead; 
one hundred and fifty miles at least, and a rough and inhospitable 
country much of the way between him and it. But he had traveled 
fast and far, and might again. So, without a word to his fellow 
prisoners, early on the morning of June the 16th, without his 
breakfast, in the most secret manner, unseen, unheard, he departed. 
He left his red relatives to mourn his loss, and over hill and valley 
sped, forty miles a day, for four successive days, and ate but one 
meal by the way. He found the station wholly unprepared to 
resist so formidable a body as that which threatened it, and it was 
a matter of life and death that every muscle should be exerted to 
get all in readiness for the expected visitors. 

Rapidly the white men toiled to repair and complete the fortifi- 
cations, and to have all ready for an attack. But the Indians did 
not make their appearance, and in a few days another escaped 
captive brought information of the delay of the expedition in con- 
sequence of Boone's flight. The savages had relied on surprising 
the stations, and their plans being foiled by their adopted son 
Daniel, all their determinations were unsettled. Thus it proved 
the salvation of Boonesborough, and probably of all the frontier 
forts, that the founder of Kentucky was taken captive and remained 
a captive as long as he did. So often do seeming misfortunes 
prove, in God's hand, our truest good. 

Boone, finding his late relatives so backward in their proposed 
call, determined to anticipate them by a visit to the Scioto valley, 
where he had been at salt making; and early in August, with 
nineteen men, started for the town on Paint Creek. He knew, of 
course, that he was trying a somewhat hazardous experiment, as 
20 



298 E00NESB0R0UGH ATTACKED BY BRITISH AND INDIANS. 1778, 

Boonesborough might be attacked in bis absence ; but be bad his 
wits about him, and his scouts examined the country far and wide. 
Without interruption, he crossed the Ohio, and had reached within 
a few miles of tbe place he meant to attack, when his advanced 
guard, consisting of one man, Simon Kenton, discovered two 
natives riding one horse, and enjoying some joke as they 
rode. Not considering that these two might be, like himself, the 
van of a small army, Simon, one of the most impetuous of men, 
shot and ran forward to scalp them, but found himself at once in 
the midst of a dozen or more of his enemies, from whom he escaped 
only by the arrival of Boone and the remainder. The commander, 
upon considering the circumstances, and learning from spies whom 
he sent forward, that the town he intended to attack was deserted, 
came to the opinion that the band just met was on its way to join 
a larger body for the invasion of Kentucky, and advised an imme- 
diate return. 

His advice was taken, and the result proved its wisdom; for in 
order to reach Boonesborough, they were actually obliged to go 
around, and outstrip a body of nearly five hundred savages, led by 
Canadians, who were marching against his doomed borough, and 
after all, got there only the day before them. 

Shortly after their return, in August, the whole Indian army, 
four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by Blackfish, 
with eleven Canadians under Captain Du Quesne, with British and 
French colors flying, appeared before Boonesborough, and sum- 
moned the fort to '• surrender in the name of his Britannic 
Majesty," with the promise of liberal treatment. 

It was, as Boone says, a critical period for him and his friends. 
Should they yield, what mercy could they look for ? and he, espe- 
cially, after his unkind flight from his Shawanese parents ? They 
had almost stifled him with their caresses before; they would liter- 
ally hug him to death if again within their grasp. Should they 
refuse to yield, what hope of successful resistance ? And they had 
so much need of all their cattle, to aid them in sustaining a siege, 
and yet their cows were abroad in the woods. Boone pondered the 
matter, and concluded it would be safe to ask two days for consid- 
eration. It was granted, and he drove in his cows. The evening 
ot the 9th soon arr ved, however, and he politely thanked the rep- 
resentative of his gracious Majesty for giving the garrison time to 
prepare for their defense, and announced their determination to 
fig it. Captain JDu Quesne was much grieved at this answer, since 
Governor Hamilton was anxious to save bloodshed, and wished tne 



1778. INVADERS RETREAT FROM BOONESBOROUGII. 299 

Kentuckians taken alive ; and rather than proceed to extremities, 
he offered to withdraw his troops, if the garrison would make a 
treaty, though to what point the treaty was to aim is unknown. 

Boone was determined not to yield ; but then he had no wish to 
starve in his fort, or have it taken by storm, and be scalped ; and 
he thought, remembering Hamilton's kindness to him when in De- 
troit, that there might be something in what the captain said, and 
at any rate, to enter upon a treaty was to gain time, and something 
might be gained. So he agreed to treat ; but where ? Could nine 
of the garrison, as desired, safely venture into the open field? It 
might be all a trick to get possession of some of the leading whites. 
Upon the whole, however, as the leading Indians and their Cana- 
dian allies must come under the rifles of the garrison, who might 
with certainty and safety pick them off if treachery were attempted, 
it was thought best to run the risk; and Boone, with eight others, 
went out to meet the leaders of the enemy, sixty yards from the 
fort, within which the sharpest shooters stood, with leveled rifles, 
ready to protect their comrades. The treaty was made and signed, 
and then the Indians, saying it was their custom for two of them 
to shake hands with every white man when a treaty was made, ex- 
pressed a wish to press the palms of their new allies. Boone and 
his friends must have looked rather queer at this proposal ; but it 
was safer to accede than to refuse and be shot down instantly; so 
they presented each his hand. As anticipated, the warriors seized 
them with rough and fierce eagerness, the whites drew back strug- 
gling, the treachery was apparent, the rifle balls from the garrison 
struck down the foremost assailants of the little band, and, amid a 
fire from friends and foes, Boone and his fellow deputies bounded 
back into the station, with the exception of one, unhurt. 

The treaty trick having thus failed, Captain Da Quesne had to 
look to more ordinary modes of warfare, and opened a fire which 
lasted during ten days, though to no purpose, for the woodsmen 
were determined not to yield. On the 20th of August, the Indians 
were forced unwillingly to retire, having lost thirty-seven of their 
number, and wasted a vast amount of powder and lead. The gar- 
rison picked up from the ground, after their departure, one hundred 
and twenty-five pounds of their bullets.* 

A formidable expedition into the Indian country was planned for 
the summer of the same year. It was arranged that fifteen hun- 



* Butler's Kentucky. 



300 DETROIT EXPEDITION A FAILURE. 1778. 

dred men were to assemble at the mouth of the Kanawha, and as 
many more to pass down the river from Fort Pitt. There the two 
divisions were to unite, enter the Indian country, and destroy their 
towns and crops. General M'Intosh, then commanding at Fort 
Pitt, led the division from that point. Failing to receive any rein- 
forcement from the Kanawha, General M'Intosh prepared to invade 
the Indian country by the way of Big Beaver, or nearly the same route 
that Col. Bouquet had pursued fourteen years before. Preparatory 
to the expedition, Fort M'Intosh was built, on the present site of 
Beaver. It was a regular stockaded work, with four bastions, and 
was defended by six pieces of cannon.* 

From this point it was intended to operate in reducing Detroit, 
where mischief was still brewing. Indeed, the natives were now 
more united than ever against the frontier inhabitants. In June, 
Congress was in possession of information that led them to think 
a universal frontier war close at hand.f The Senecas, Cayugas, 
Mingoes, (by which doubtless were meant the Ohio Iroquois, or 
possibly the Mohawks,) Wyandots, Onondagas, Ottawas, Chip- 
pewas, Shawanese and Delawares, were all said to be more or less 
united in opposition to America. Congress, learning the danger 
to be so immediate and great, determined to push on the Detroit 
expedition, and ordered another to be undertaken by the Mohawk 
valley against the Senecas, who might otherwise very much annoy 
and impede the march from Fort Pitt. For the capture of De- 
troit, three thousand continental troops and two thousand five 
hundred militia were voted; an appropriation was made of nearly a 
million of dollars ; and General M'Intosh was to carry forward the 
needful operations. 

All the flourish which was made about taking Detroit, however, 
and conquering the Senecas, ended in the resolves of Congress. 
The dilatory movements of M'Intosh occupied the summer, and it 
was finally thought too late in the season for advantageous action, 
and also too great an undertaking for the weak handed colonies. 

This having been settled, it was resolved that the forces in the 
west should move up and attack the Wyandots and other Indians 
about the Sandusky, and a body of troops was accordingly marched 
forward to prepare a half-way house, or post by which the necessary 
connection might be kept up. This was built upon the Tuscara- 
was, a few miles south of the present town of Bolivar. In these 



* Craig's History of Pittsburgh. 

f Journals of the Old Congress, vol. ii. p. 585. 



1778. FORT LAURENS BUILT. 301 

quiet, commercial days, the Ohio canal passes through its midst. 
It was named Fort Laurens, in honor of the President of Congress. 
"While these warlike measures were pursued on the one hand, 
the confederacy on the other, by its commissioners, Andrew and 
Thomas Lewis, of Virginia, formed at Fort Pitt, on the 17th of 
September, a treaty of peace and alliance with the chiefs of the 
Delawares, "White-Eyes, Kill-Buck, and Pipe. 

The erection of Fort Laurens has been already noticed. At that 
1779.] point, seventy miles from Fort M'Intosh, and exposed to 
all the fierce north-western tribes, Col. John Gibson had been left 
with one hundred and fifty men to get through the winter of 
1778-79, as he best could, while M'Intosh himself returned to Pitts- 
burgh, disappointed and dispirited. Nor was Congress in a very 
good humor with him, for already had six months passed to no pur- 
pose. Washington was consulted, but could give no definite advice, 
knowing nothing of those details which must determine the course 
of things for the winter. M'Intosh, at length, in February, asked 
leave to retire from his unsatisfactory command, and was allowed 
to do so. IsTo blame appears to have been attached to him for any 
unfaithfulness in the performance of his duty. He doubtless 
attempted to do whatever was in his power, but was regarded as 
weak and inefficient. Among other things, he led a party with 
provisions for the relief of Col. Gibson's starving garrison, but un- 
happily the guns fired as a salute by those about to be relieved, 
scared the pack-horses, and much of the provisions was scattered 
and lost in the woods. The force at Fort Laurens, meantime, had 
been suffering cruelly, both from the Indians and famine, and, 
though finally rescued from starvation, had done, and could do, 
nothing. The post was at last abandoned in August, 1779. 

A new cause of trouble was meanwhile arising in the north. Of 
the six tribes of the Iroquois, the Senecas, Mohawks, Cayugas, and 
Onondagas, had been, from the outset inclining to Britain, though 
all of these, but the Mohawks, had now and then tried to persuade 
the Americans to the contrary. During the winter of 1778-79, the 
Onondagas, who had been for a while nearly neutral, were sus- 
pected by the Americans of deception, and this suspicion having 
become nearly knowledge, a band was sent, early in April, to de- 
stroy their towns, and take such of them as could be taken, prison- 
ers. The work appointed was done, and the villages and wealth 
of the poor savages were annihilated. This sudden act of severity 
startled all. The Oneidas, hitherto faithful to their neutrality, 



302 EXPEDITION AGAINST IROQUOIS PROJECTED. 1779. 

were alarmed, lest the next blow should fall on them, and it was 
only after a full explanation that their fears were quieted. As for 
the Onondagas, it was not to he hoped that they would sit down 
under such treatment; and accordingly, that some hundred of their 
warriors were at once in the field, and from that time forward, a 
portion of their nation remained, and justly, hostile to the United 
States. 

The Continental Congress, meanwhile, had become convinced, 
from the massacre at Wyoming and Cherry Valley, that it was 
advisable to adopt some means of securing the north-western and 
western frontiers against the recurrence of such catastrophes ; and, 
the hostile tribes of the Six Nations being the most numerous and 
deadly foes, it was concluded to begin by strong action against 
them. Washington had always said, that the only proper mode of 
defense against the Indians was to attack them ; and this mode he 
determined to adopt on this occasion. Some difference of opinion 
existed, however, as to the best path into the country of the inimi- 
cal Iroquois. 

General Schuyler was in favor of a movement up the Mohawk 
river; the objection to which route was, that it carried the invaders 
too near to Lake Ontario, and within reach of the British. The 
other course proposed was up the Susquehanna, which heads, as all 
know, in the region that was to be reached. The latter route was 
the one determined on by Washington for the main body of troops, 
which was to be joined by another body moving up the Mohawk, 
and also by detachments coming from the western army, by the 
way of the Allegheny and French creek. Upon further thought, 
however, the movement from the west was countermanded. All 
the arrangements for this invasion were made in March and April, 
but it was the last of July before General Sullivan could get his 
men on their march from Wyoming, where they had gathered; 
and, of course, information of the proposed movements had been 
given to the Indians and Tories, so that Brant, the Johnsons, and 
their followers, stood ready to receive the invaders. 

They were not, however, strong enough to withstand the Ameri- 
cans; and, having been defeated at the battle of Newton, were 
driven from village to village, and their whole country was laid 
waste. Houses were burned, crops and orchards destroyed, and 
every thing done that could be thought of, to render the country 
uninhabitable. Of all these steps Mr. Stone speaks fully. Forty 
towns were burnt, and more than one hundred and sixty thousand 
bushels of corn destroyed. Well did the Senecas name Washing- 



1779. brodhead's Allegheny expedition. 303 

ton, whose armies did all this, " the Town Destroyer." Having 
performed this portion of his work, Sullivan turned homeward 
from the beautiful valley of the Genesee; leaving Niagara, whither 
the Indians fled, as to the stronghold of British power in that 
neighborhood, untouched. This conduct, Mr. Stone thinks " diffi- 
cult of solution,"* as he supposes the destruction of that post to 
have been one of the main objects of the expedition. Such, how- 
ever, was not the fact. Originally, it had been part of the proposed 
plan to attack Niagara; but, early in January, Washington was led 
to doubt, and then to abandon that part of the plan, thinking it 
wiser to carry on, merely, some operations on a smaller scale against 
the savages. 

One of the smaller operations was from the West. On the 22d 
of March, 1779, Washington wrote to Colonel Daniel Brodhead, 
who had succeeded Mcintosh in command at Fort Pitt, that an 
incursion into the country of the Six Nations was in preparation, 
and that in connection therewith, it might be advisable for a force 
to ascend the Allegheny to Kittanning, and thence to Venango, 
and, having fortified both points, to strike the Mingoes and Mun- 
seys upon French creek, and elsewhere in that neighborhood, and 
thus aid General Sullivan in the great blow he was to give by his 
march up the Susquehanna. Brodhead was also directed to say to 
the western Indians, that if they made any trouble, the whole force 
of the United States would be turned against them, and they should 
be cut off from the face of the earth. 

But, on the 21st of April, these orders were countermanded, and 
Brodhead was directed to prepare an expedition against the Indians 
of the Ohio and western lakes, with an especial view to the reduc- 
tion of Detroit. Whether this order came too late, or w r as with- 
drawn, is not ascertained. Brodhead, however, proceeded as first 
directed, and marched up the Allegheny. His report will furnish 
the best account of the expedition : 

" I left this place on the 11th of August, with six hundred and 
fLYe, rank and file, including the militia and volunteers, and one 
month's provisions, which, except the live cattle, was transported 
by water, under the escort of one hundred men, to a place called 
Mahoney, about fifteen miles above Fort Armstrong, (Kittanning,) 
where, after four days' detention by excessive rains, and the stray- 
ing of some of the cattle, the stores were loaded on pack-horses, 



* Life of Brant, toI. ii. 



304 brodhead's Allegheny expedition. 1779. 

and the troops proceeded on the march for Conowago, on the path 
leading to Cushcushing. At ten miles this side the town, one of 
the advance guards, consisting of fifteen white men and eight Dela- 
ware Indians, under the command of Lieutenant Harding, dis- 
covered between thirty and forty warriors coming down the river 
in seven canoes. These warriors having likewise discovered some 
of the troops, immediately landed, stripped off their shirts, and 
prepared for action, and the advance guard immediately began the 
attack. All the troops, except one column and flankers, being in 
the narrows between the river and a high hill, were immediately 
prepared to receive the enemy ; which being done, I went forward 
to discover the enemy, and saw six of them retreating over the 
river Without arms - % at the same time the rest ran away, leaving 
their canoes, blankets, shirts, provisions, and eight guns, besides 
five dead, and, by the signs of blood, several went off wounded ; 
only two of our men and one of the Delaware Indians were 
wounded, and so slightly that they are already recovered and fit 
for action. 

" The next morning the troops proceeded to Buckaloons, where 
I ordered a small breastwork to be thrown up, of felled timber and 
fascines. A captain and forty men were left to secure our baggage, 
and the troops marched immediately to Conowago, which I found 
had been deserted about eighteen months past. Here the troops 
seemed much mortified, because we had no person to proceed as a 
guide to the upper towns, but I ordered them to proceed on a path 
which appeared to have been traveled by the enemy some time 
past, and we continued marching on it about twenty miles before 
any discoveries were made, except a few tracks of their spies; but 
immediately before ascending a high hill we discovered the Alle- 
gheny river, and a number of cornfields, and descending, several 
towns, which the enemy had deserted on the approach of the troops ; 
some of them fled just before the advanced guard reached the town, 
and left several packs of deer skins. 

" At the upper Seneca town we found a painted image or war-post, 
clothed in dog skin, and John Montour informed me this town was 
called Yoghwonwaga; beside this we found other towns, consisting 
in the whole of one hundred and thirty houses, some of which were 
large enough to accommodate three or four Indian families. The 
troops remained on the ground three days, destroying the towns 
and cornfields. I never saw finer corn, although it was planted 
much thicker than is common among our farmers. The quantity 
of corn and other vegetables destroyed at the several towns, from 



1779. bowman's expedition. 305 

the best accounts I could collect from the officers employed to de- 
stroy it, must certainly exceed five hundred acres, which is the 
lowest estimate ; and the plunder taken is estimated at three thou- 
sand dollars. I have directed a sale of it for the benefit of the 
troops, and hope it will meet your approbation. On my return I 
preferred the Venango road. The old towns of Conowago, Bucka- 
loons, and Maghinquechahocking, about twenty miles above Ve- 
nango, on French creek, consisting of thirty-five large houses, were 
likewise burnt. The greater part of the Indian houses were larger 
than common, and were built of square and round logs and frame 
work. From the great quantity of corn in the ground, and the 
number of new houses built and building, it appears that the 
Seneca and Munsey nations intended to collect at this settlement, 
which extends about eight miles on the Allegheny river, between 
one hundred and seventy and two hundred miles from Pittsburgh; 
the river at the upper town is little if any larger than Kiskiminetas 
creek. It is remarkable that neither man nor beast has fallen into 
the enemy's hands on this expedition." 

On Brodhead's return to Pittsburgh, he found there the chiefs of 
the Delawares, Shawanese, and Hurons, who had come to treat for 
peace. On the 17th of September, a conference was held with 
them, and a treaty of peace and of alliance with the Americans was 
made. 

Further west, during this summer and autumn, the Indians were 
more successful. In July, the stations being still troubled, Col. 
Bowman undertook an expedition into the country of the Shawa- 
nese, acting upon the principle, that the best mode of defense 
against Indians is to assail them. He marched undiscovered 
into the immediate viciuity of the towns upon the Little Miami, 
and so divided and arranged his forces, as to insure apparent suc- 
cess, one portion of the troops being commanded by himself, 
another by Colonel Benjamin Logan; but from some unexpected 
cause, his division of the whites did not co-operate fully with that 
led by Logan, and the whole body was forced to retreat, after 
having taken some booty, including one hundred and sixty horses, 
and leaving the town of the savages in cinders, but also leaving the 
fierce warriors themselves in no degree daunted or crippled. 

ISTor was it long before they showed themselves south of the Ohio 
again, and unexpectedly won a victory over the Americans of no 
slight importance. The facts, so far as they are ascertained, are 
these : 

An expedition which had been made into the neighborhood of 



306 REMARKABLE INCIDENT OF CAPTAIN BENHAM. 1779. 

Lexington, where the first permanent improvements were made in 
April of this year, upon its return came to the Ohio near the Licking, 
at the very time that Colonel Rogers and Captain Benham reached 
the same point on their way up the river in boats. A few of the 
Indians were seen by the commander of the little American squad- 
ron, near the mouth of the Licking, and supposing himself to be 
far superior in numbers, he caused seventy of his men to land, 
intending to surround the savages; in a few moments, however, he 
found he was himself surrounded, and after a hard fought battle, 
only twenty or twenty -five, or perhaps even fewer of the party, were 
left alive. It was in connection with this skirmish that an incident 
occurred which seems to belong rather to a fanciful story than to 
sober history, and which yet appears to be well authenticated. 

In the party of whites was Captain Robert Benham. He was 
one of those that fell, being shot through both hips, so as to be 
powerless in his lower limbs ; he dragged himself, however, to a 
tree-top, and there lay concealed from the savages after the contest 
was over. On the evening of the second day, seeing a raccoon, he 
shot it, but no sooner was the crack of his rifle heard than he dis- 
tinguished a human voice not far distant; supposing it to be some 
Indian, he reloaded his gun and prepared for defense; but a few 
moments undeceived him, and he discovered that the person whose 
voice he had heard was a fellow sufferer, with this difference, how- 
ever, that both his arms were broken ! Here, then, were the only 
two survivors of the combat, (except those who had entirely escaped,) 
with one pair of legs and one pair of arms between them. It will 
be easily believed that they formed a co-partnership for mutual aid 
and defense. Benham shot the game which his friend drove toward 
him, and the man with sound legs then kicked it to the spot where 
he with sound arms sat ready to cook it. To procure water, the 
one with legs took a hat by the brim in his teeth, and walked into 
the Licking up to his neck, while the man with arms was to make 
signals if any boat appeared in sight. In this way they spent 
about six weeks, when, upon the 27th of November, they were 
rescued. Benham afterward bought and lived upon the land 
where the battle took place; his companion, Mr. Butler tells us, 
was a few years since still living at Brownsville, Pennsylvania. 

But the military operations of 1779 were not those which were 
of the most vital importance to the West. The passage of the 
Land Laws by Virginia was of more consequence than the losing 
or gaining of many battles to the hardy pioneers of Kentucky and 
to their descendants. Of these laws but a vague outline can be 



1779. CLAIMS TO WESTERN LANDS. 807 

given ; but it may be enough to render the subject in some 
degree intelligible. 

In 1779 there existed claims of various kinds to the western 
lands : 

Those of the Ohio, Walpole and other companies, who had a 
title more or less perfect, from the British Government; none of 
these had been perfected by patents, however. 

Claims founded on the military bounty warrants of 1763; some 
of these were patented. 

Henderson's claim by purchase from the Indians. 

Those based on mere selection and occupancy. 

Others resting on selection and survey, without occupancy. 

Claims of persons who had imported settlers ; for each such 
settler, under an old law, fifty acres were to be allowed. 

Claims of persons who had paid money into the old colonial 
treasury for land. 

The claims of officers and soldiers of the Revolution, to whom 
Virginia was indebted. 

These various claims were, in the first place, to be provided for, 
and then the residue of the rich valleys beyond the mountains 
might be sold to pay the debts of the parent State. In May, the 
chief laws relative to this most important and complicated subject 
were passed, and commissioners were appointed to examine the 
various claims which might be presented, and give judgment 
according to the evidence brought forward; their proceedings, 
however, to remain open to revision until December 1, 1780. And 
as the subject was a perplexed one, the following principles were 
laid down for their guidance: 

All surveys (without patents,) made before January 1, 1778, by 
any county surveyor commissioned by William and Mary College, 
and founded upon charter ; upon importation rights duly proved ; 
upon treasury rights, (money paid into the colonial treasury ; ) upon 
entries not exceeding four hundred acres, made before October 26, 
1763 ; upon acts of the Virginia Assembly resulting from orders in 
council, &c. ; upon any warrant from a colonial governor, for mili- 
tary services, &c. were to be good; all other surveys null and void. 

Those who had not made surveys, if claiming under importation 
rights ; under treasury rights ; under warrants for military services, 
were to be admitted to survey and entry. 

Those who had actually settled, or caused at their cost others to 
settle, on unappropriated land, before January 1, 1778, were to have 
four hundred acres, or less, as they pleased, for every family so 
settled; paying $2.25 for each hundred acres. 



308 VIRGINIA LAND LAWS. 1779. 

Those who had settled in villages before January 1, 1778, were 
to receive for each family four hundred acres, adjacent to the vil- 
lage, at $2.25 per hundred acres; and the village property was to 
remain unsurveyed until the General Assembly could examine the 
titles to it, and do full justice. 

To all having settlement rights, as above described, was given 
also a right of pre-emption to one thousand acres adjoining the 
settlement, at State prices — forty cents an acre. 

To those who had settled since January 1, 1778, was given a 
pre-emption right to four hundred acres, adjoining and including 
the settlement made by them. 

All the region between Green river, the Cumberland mountains, 
Tennessee, the river Tennessee, and the Ohio, was reserved, to be 
used for military claims. 

The two hundred thousand acres granted Henderson and his 
associates, October, 1778, along the Ohio, below the mouth of 
Green river, remained still appropriated to them. 

Having thus provided for the various classes of claimants, the 
Legislature offered the remainder of the public lands at forty cents 
an acre ; the money was to be paid into the Treasury, and a war- 
rant for the quantity wished taken by the purchaser ; this warrant 
he was to take to the surveyor of the county in which he wished to 
locate, and an entry was to be made of every location, so special 
and distinct that the adjoining lands might be known with 
certainty. To persons unable to pay cash, four hundred acres were 
to be sold on credit, and an order of the county court was to be 
substituted for the warrant of the Treasury. 

To carry these laws into effect, four Virginians were sent west- 
ward to attend to claims ; these gentlemen opened their court on 
the 13th of October, at St. Asaph's, and continued their sessions at 
various points, until April 26, 1780, when they adjourned to meet 
no more, after having given judgment in favor of about three thou- 
sand claims. The labors of the commissioners being ended, those 
of the surveyor commenced; and Mr. George May, who had been 
appointed to that office, assumed its duties upon the 10th day of 
that month, the name of which he bore. 

"At this time," says Imlay, "what was called continental 
currency, was reduced to as low a rate as five hundred to one ; nay, 
I believe one thousand to one was a more common exchange. 

*' This circumstance, though it had its good effects so far as it 
tended to accelerate the settlement of the country, still was pro- 
ductive of no small degree of evil and injustice. For, in conse- 



1779. VIRGINIA LAND LAWS. 309 

quence of the great quantity of this money which lay dead in the 
hands of individuals, it was no sooner known in the different 
States that Virginia held out an opportunity to them of obtaining 
a consideration for this depreciated currency, than it was sent to 
the treasury in such quantities and given for land warrants, that in 
a short time, more of them were issued than would have covered 
half the territory within its limits. 

" Previous to this era, a great part of the valuable land in the dis- 
trict of Kentucky had either been taken up on old military grants 
and pre-emption rights, or located by those who had been first in 
obtaining their warrants, for it required some time for the business 
to extend itself and become generally known and understood. In 
consequence, a large proportion of the holders of treasury warrants 
were disappointed when they determined if they could not obtain 
prime lands, they would lay their warrants upon such as were 
vacant, however sterile, which doubtless was proper, for though 
the warrants had cost them only a nominal value, nor was the 
State of Virginia sensible of the dangerous avenue they were open- 
ing to fraudulent practices, yet it was possible in an extensive tract 
of mountainous country, there might be in the valleys or between 
the hills, some bottom land, which in the progress of settlements 
would be of value. 

"But they did not stop here, for finding a general spirit of migra- 
tion was taking place from every part of the Atlantic to the 
Western country, and that the reputation of the fine lands upon 
the Ohio, particularly those of Kentucky, were every day advancing 
in estimation, they determined to have their surveys made out in 
the most artful manner, by having for corner trees such kinds as 
are never known to grow but in the most fertile soil, and which 
may always be found in the narrow strips of bottom land, and the 
plots embellished with the greatest elegance, displaying fine water 
courses, mill seats, where perhaps there will not be a grain of corn 
for half a century to come, plains, groves, and meadows. Hence 
proceeded so generally the business of land jobbing ; hence it is that 
there is to be seen in the mercuries throughout Europe, such 
immense tracts of land in America offered for sale ; and hence it is 
that so many persons have cause to complain of having been 
deceived in the accounts which have been given of land they have 
purchased." 

The Governor of Virginia appointed four commissioners for 
Kentucky ; but it was not until some time in October, 1779, they 
arrived in the country and opened court. The law itself was 



310 VIRGINIA LAND LAWS. 1779. 

vague, and the proceedings of the court, and the certificates 
granted to claimants under the law, were more indefinite and un- 
certain. The description of tracts were general, the boundaries not 
well defined, and consequently the claims, when located, interfered 
with each other. Every family that settled on waste or unappro- 
priated lands belonging to Virginia, upon the western waters, was 
entitled to a pre-emption right to any quantity of land not exceed- 
ing four hundred acres; and, upon the payment of two dollars and 
twenty-five cents on each one hundred acres, a certificate was 
granted, and a title in fee-simple confirmed. 

Each settler could select and survey for pre-emption any quantity 
of waste or unappropriated lands, not exceeding one thousand 
acres to each claimant, for which forty dollars for each hundred 
acres were required. Payments could be made in the paper cur- 
rency of Virginia, which had depreciated greatly.* 

The following specimens from the record of the Commissioners' 
Court are given to illustrate the vague manner in which tracts of 
land were described in the entry: 

" Michael Stoner this day appeared, and claimed a right of settle- 
ment and pre-emption to a tract of land lying on Stoner's Fork, a 
branch of the south fork of the Licking, about twelve miles above 
Licking Station, by making corn in the country in the year 1775, 
and improving said land in 1776. Satisfactory proof being made 
to the court, they are of opinion that said Stoner has a right to a 
settlement of four hundred acres of land, including the above 
mentioned improvement, and a pre-emption of one thousand acres 
adjoining the same, and that a certificate issue accordingly." 

" Joseph Combs, this day claimed a right to a pre-emption of 
one thousand acres of land lying on Combs', since called Howard's 
creek, about eight miles above Boonesborough, on both sides of the 
creek, and about three or four miles from the mouth of it, by 
improving the said land, by building a cabin on the premises, in 
the month of May, 1775, Satisfactory proof being made to the 
court, they are of opinion that the said Combs has a right to a pre- 
emption of one thousand acres, including the said improvement, 
and that a certificate issue accordingly." 

The sessions of this court were held at different places in Ken- 
tucky, to accommodate the claimants, for the period of one year, 
during which about three thousand certificates were granted. The 



* Life of Boone, in Sparks' Biography, p. 95. 



1768. SPANISH SOLDIERS FIRST AT ST. LOUIS. 311 

foregoing extracts illustrate the vague and undefined descriptions of 
localities. Many of the claims were rendered null from more 
specific and definite surveys covering the same land; and many of 
the old pioneers, amongst whom was Daniel Boone, lost the lands 
they had entered and surveyed, hy subsequent law suits. 

The winter of 1779-80, was uncommonly severe throughout the 
United States, and has been distinguished as " the hard winter." 
The effect on the new settlements in the West was great distress 
and suffering. In Kentucky, the rivers, creeks, and branches were 
frozen to an uncommon thickness where the water was deep, and 
became exhausted in shallow places. Horses and cattle died from 
thirst and starvation. The snow, from continuous storms, became 
of unusual depth and continued a long time. Men could not hunt. 
Families were overtaken in the wilderness on their journey, and 
their progress arrested, and there was great suffering. The 
supplies of the settlements were exhausted, and corn became 
extremely scarce. 

When the snow melted, and the ice broke up in the rivers, the 
low grounds and river bottoms were submerged, and much of the 
stock that had survived the severity of the winter, perished in the 
waters. The game of the forest furnished meat, which was the 
only solid food to be obtained until the corn was grown. The 
summer brought large accessions to the population by emigra- 
tion. 

On the 11th of August, 1768, during the period of the revolt of 
1780.] Lower Louisiana, M. Rious, with a detachment of Spanish 
troops, arrived at St. Louis, and took formal possession of Upper 
Louisiana, in the name of the king of Spain.* The occupation of 
Rious was military, and St. Ange was allowed still to exercise the 
functions of the civil government. On the 17th of July, 1769, he 
evacuated St. Louis, and returned to New Orleans, to aid O'Reilly 
in the reduction of the lower province. 

After the submission of the people to the government of Spain, 
O'Reilly deputed Don Pedro Piernas to be lieutenant-governor, and 
civil and military commandant of Upper Louisiana. On the 29th 
of November, Piernas arrived at St. Louis, received the govern- 
ment from St. Ange, and in February, 1771, entered upon the 
exercise of his official functions. No opposition was made to the 



*Gayarre's Spanish domination in Louisiana. 



312 FIRST SPANISH VICTORY AT ST. LOUIS. 1770. 

new government, the administration of Piernas was mild and pa- 
ternal, and the people soon became reconciled to, and in time be- 
came strongly attached to the Spanish government. 

Unzaga was left in charge of the government of Lower Louisi- 
ana on the departure of O'Reilly, on the 29th of October, 1770, aud 
was confirmed as governor of Louisiana by a royal decree, on the 
17th of August, 1772. The administration of O'Reilly had com- 
pletely crushed out the spirit of resistance to the Spanish domina- 
tion, and the administration of Unzaga, and his deputy Piernas, 
occupied with no wars or rebellions, afford few events worthy of 
record. On the 24th of March, 1770, the Spanish government, by 
a royal decree, confirmed the acts of O'Reilly, in substituting the 
laws aud usages of Spain instead of those of France, which were 
in force in the colony. All controversies were tried under the 
Spanish law, by a tribunal of which the governor was the supreme 
judge in Lower Louisiana, and by a tribunal of which the deputy 
governor was the supreme judge in Upper Louisiana. No titles to 
land in Upper Louisiana were given under the French domination. 
The grants to Laclede, and the various grants made by St. Ange, 
during the period of his provisional government, were held to be 
invalid, because made without the authority of Spain, after the 
treaty of cession. All these titles were, however, examined, sur- 
veyed, and on the 23d of May, 1772, confirmed by Piernas. No 
land titles west of the Mississippi, in Upper Louisiana, date 
beyond that period. A liberal policy in the bestowment of grants 
was pursued, the government was mild, and more in accordance 
with the usages of the French than the government of Great Bri- 
tain, and accordingly a large emigration set in from Canada, and 
the Illinois, to the western side of the Mississippi. Immigrants, too, 
were attracted by the climate, soil, and trade of the province of 
Lower Louisiana, and under these circumstances its population was 
largely increased. 

On the 1st of February, 1777, Don Bernando de Gralvez suc- 
ceeded Unzaga in the government of Louisiana. Piernas had 
previously resigned, in 1775, his authority to Cruzat, and in 1778, 
Cruzat was superseded by Don Francisco de Leyba. The war of 
the Revolution had begun, and Louisiana, though far removed from 
the scene of conflict, was still within reach of its influence, and 
shared in the commotions it excited. As early as 1777, the Span- 
ish court had sent orders to the governors of Louisiana, to afford 
secret aid to the Americans, and arms and ammunition had been 
procured at New Orleans, to the amount of seventy thousand dol- 



1779. SPAIN DECLARES WAR AGAINST ENGLAND. 313 

lars, and shipped to Fort Pitt for their use. In January, 1778, 
Captain Willing, an American officer, with a party of fifty men, 
descended the river, and ravaged the British shore of the Missis- 
sippi from the bayou Manchac to Natchez. 

On the 8th of May, 1779, Spain declared war against Great Bri- 
tain, and on the 8th of July, the people of Louisiana were author- 
ized to take their share in the war against the colonies of Great 
Britain. Accordingly, Galvez collected a force of fourteen hundred 
men, and on the 7th of September, attacked and took Fort Man- 
chac. Thence he proceeded to Baton Rouge, and after a short 
siege, reduced that post on the 21st of September, while a detach- 
ment of his force took possession of the post at Natchez. Eight 
vessels of the British were taken by the Spanish colonists on the 
lakes and in the Mississippi. GTalvez, encouraged by his success, 
collected another force of two thousand men, in the next year, and 
laid siege to Mobile, which in a short time was surrendered. Gal- 
vez then returned to Havana, obtained a reinforcement of troops, 
with arms and ammunition, for the siege of Pensacola, then the 
principal post of the British in West Florida ; but, on his return, 
his transports were dispersed and lost in a storm. Galvez returned 
to Havana, procured another reinforcement, and in March, 1781, 
laid siege to Pensacola. The siege was maintained with great 
vigor on both sides for a month, when the fortifications were 
pierced, by the explosion of a magazine. The garrison offered a 
capitulation, and Pensacola, and with it all west Florida, on the 9th 
of May, was surrendered to Spain. 

The war did not immediately affect the people of Upper Louisi- 
ana. The conquest of Illinois by Clark, in 1778, removed from 
their neighborhood all the British posts in the Illinois. There was 
no British force nearer than Detroit, and the garrison there, and 
their Indian allies, were so fully occupied with the war along the 
American border, that danger was not to be apprehended from that 
quarter. The British commandant at Mackinaw, however, was 
meditating the reduction of Upper Louisiana, and after the reverses 
the British arms had sustained in Florida, determined to lead an 
expedition on his own responsibility against St. Louis. Accord- 
ingly, he collected a force of one hundred and forty soldiers, and 
fifteen hundred Indians, and with these he set out early in the 
spring of 1780, with a view of surprising that place. 

Rumors of the intention of the British to attack Louisiana had 
been current among the Indians of Illinois. This intelligence was 
21 



314 ST. LOUIS THREATENED. 1779, 

conveyed to General Clark while at Kaskaskia, in the spring of 
1779. Clark immediately informed the inhabitants of St. Louis, 
and through them the governor, Leyba, of their danger, and prof- 
fered his aid in case of an attack. His offer was rejected, for the 
reason that no immediate danger was to be apprehended. 

The territory on which St. Louis stood, as likewise that on which 
several other towns had been located, and the surrounding country, 
were claimed by the Illinois Indians, but they had acquiesced in 
the intrusion of the whites, and had never molested them. But 
when the rumor of an attack upon the town began to spread abroad, 
the people became alarmed for their safety. 

The town was almost destitute of works of defense, but the in- 
habitants, amounting to a little more than a hundred men,* imme- 
diately proceeded to inclose it with a species of wall, formed of the 
trunks of small trees planted in the ground, the interstices being 
filled up with earth. The wall was some five or six feet high. It 
started from the Half Moon, a kind of fort in that form, situated 
on the river, the present Floating Dock, and ran from thence a 
little above the brow of the hill, in a semicircle, until it reached 
the Mississippi, somewhat above the bridge, now on Second street. 
Three gates were formed in it; one near the bridge, and two others 
on the hill, at the points where the roads from the north-western 
and south-western parts of the common fields came in. At each 
of these gates was placed a heavy piece of ordnance, kept con- 
tinually charged, and in good order. Having completed this work, 
and hearing no more of the Indians, it was supposed that the attack 
had been abandoned. "Winter passed away, and spring came ; still 
nothing was heard of the Indians. The inhabitants were led to 
believe that their apprehensions were groundless, from the repre- 
sentations of the commandant, Leyba, who did every thing in his 
power to dissipate their anxiety, assuring them that there was no 
danger, and that the rumor of the proposed attack was false. The 
month of May came, the labors of planting were over, and the 
peaceful and happy villagers gave themselves up to such pursuits 
and pleasures as suited their taste. 

A few days before the attack, an old man named Quenelle, being 
on the opposite side of the river, saw another Frenchman, by the 
name of Ducharme, who had formerly absconded from St. Louis, 
who told him of the projected attack. The governor called him 
"an old dotard," and ordered him to prison. 



* The whole population was probably nine hundred, or one thousand. 



1780, ST. LOUIS ATTACKED. 315 

In the meantime, numerous bands of the Indians living on the 
lakes and the Mississippi — the Ojibwas, Meno monies, Winneba] 
goes, Sioux, Sacs, &c, together with a large number of Canadians, 
amounting in all to upward of fourteen hundred, had assembled 
on the eastern shore of the Mississippi, a little above St. Louis, 
awaiting the 26th of May, the day fixed for the attack. The 25th 
of May was the feast of Corpus Chrisli, a day highly venerated by 
the inhabitants, who were all Catholics. Had the assault taken 
place then, it would have been fatal to them ; for, after divine ser- 
vice, all, men, women, and children, had flocked to the prairie to 
gather strawberries, which were that season very abundant and 
fine. The town, being left perfectly unguarded, coy Id have been 
taken with ease, and the unsuspecting inhabitants, who were roam- 
ing about in search of fruit, could have been massacred without 
resistance. Fortunately, however, a few only of the enemy had 
crossed the river, and ambushed themselves in the prairie. The 
villagers frequently came so near them, in the course of the day, 
that the Indians, from their places of concealment, could have 
reached them with their hands. But they knew not how many of 
the whites were still remaining in the town, and in the absence of 
their coadjutors feared to attack, lest their preconcerted plan might 
be defeated. 

On the 26th, the body of the Indians crossed, and marched 
directly toward the fields, expecting to find the greater part of the 
villagers there; but in this they were disappointed, a few only 
having gone out to view their crops. These perceived the approach 
of the savage foe, and immediately commenced a retreat toward 
the town, the most of them taking the road that led to the upper 
gate, nearly through the mass of Indians, and followed by a shower 
of bullets. The firing alarmed those who were in town, and the 
cry, "To arms! to arms!" was heard in every direction. They 
rushed toward the works, and threw open the gates to their brethren. 
The Indians advanced slowly, but steadily, toward the town, and 
the inhabitants, though almost deprived of hope, by the vast supe- 
riority in numbers of the assailants, determined to defend them- 
selves to the last. 

In expectation of an attack, Silvio Francisco Cartabona, a gov- 
ernmental officer, had gone to Ste. Genevieve for a company of 
militia, to aid in defending the town, in case of necessity, and had, 
at the beginning of the month, returned with sixty men, who were 
quartered on the citizens. As soon as the attack commenced, 
however, neither Cartabona nor his men could be seen. Either 



316 TREACHERY OF LEYBA. 1780. 

through fear or treachery, the greater part concealed themselves in 
a garret, and there remained until the Indians had retired. The 
assailed, heing deprived of a considerable force by this shameful 
defection, were still resolute and determined. About fifteen men 
were posted at each gate ; the rest were scattered along the line of 
defense, in the most advantageous manner. 

When within proper distance, the Indians began an irregular 
fire, which was answered with showers of grape-shot from the artil- 
lery. The firing for a while was warm, but the Indians, perceiving 
that all their efforts would be ineffectual, on account of the 
intrenchments, and deterred by the cannon, to which they were 
unaccustomed, from making a nearer approach, suffered their zeal 
to abate, and deliberately retired. At this stage of affairs the lieu- 
tenant-governor made his appearance. The first intimation that he 
received of what was going on, was by the discharge of artillery, 
on the part of the inhabitants. He immediately ordered several 
pieces of cannon, which were posted in front of the government- 
house, to be spiked and filled with sand, and went, or rather was 
rolled in a wheelbarrow, to the scene of action. In a very peremp- 
tory tone, he commanded the inhabitants to cease firing, and return 
to their houses. Those posted at the lower gate did not hear the 
order, and consequently kept their stations. The commandant 
perceived this, and ordered a cannon to be fired at them. They 
had barely time to throw themselves on the ground, when the 
volley passed over them, and struck the wall, tearing a great part 
of it down. These proceedings, as well as the whole tenor of his 
conduct, after the first rumor of an attack, gave rise to suspicions 
very unfavorable to the lieutenant-governor. 

It was freely said, that he was the cause of the attack, that he 
was connected with the British, and that he had been bribed into a 
dereliction of duty, which, had not Providence averted, would have 
doomed them to destruction. Under the pretext of proving to 
them that there was no danger of an attack, he had, a few days 
before it occurred, sold to the traders all the ammunition belonging 
to the government; and they would have been left perfectly desti- 
tute and defenseless, had they not found, in a private house, eight 
barrels of powder, belonging to a trader, which they seized in the 
name of the king, upon the first alarm. These circumstances gave 
birth to a strong aversion to the commandant, which evinces itself, 
even at this day, in execrations of his character, whenever his name 
is mentioned to those who have known him. Representations of 
his conduct, together with a detailed account of the attack, were 



1780. DISGRACE OF LEYBA. 817 

sent to New Orleans by a special messenger, and the result was, 
that the governor-general re-appointed Francisco Cruzat to the 
office of lieutenant-governor. 

As soon as it was ascertained that the Indians had retired from 
the neighborhood, the inhabitants proceeded to gather and bury 
the dead that lay scattered in all parts of the prairie. Seven were 
at first found and buried in one grave. Ten or twelve others, in 
the course of a fortnight, were discovered in the long grass that 
bordered the marshes. The acts of the Indians were accompanied 
by their characteristic ferocity. Some of their victims were horribly 
mangled. With the exception of one individual, the whites who 
accompanied the Indians did not take part in the butcheries that 
were committed. A young man named Calve was found dead, his 
skull split open, and a tomahawk, on the blade of which was writ- 
ten the word " Calve,'" sticking in his brain. He was supposed to 
have fallen by the hand of his uncle. Had those who discovered 
the Indians in the prairie fled to the lower gate, they would have 
escaped, but the greater part of them took the road that led to the 
upper gate, through the very ranks of the enemy, and were thus 
exposed to the whole of their fire. About twenty persons, it is 
computed, met their death in endeavoring to get within the 
entrenchments. None of those within them were injured, and 
none of the Indians were killed ; at least, none of them were found. 
Their object was not to plunder, for they did not attempt, in their 
retreat, to take with them any of the cattle or horses that were in 
the prairie, and which they might have taken ; nor did they attack 
any of the neighboring towns, where the danger would have been 
less, and the prospect of success greater. The only object they had 
in view, was the destruction of St. Louis ; and this would seem to 
favor the idea that they were instigated by the English, and gives 
good ground, when connected with other circumstances, to believe 
that Leyba was their aider and abettor. 

Thus ended an attack, which, properly conducted, might have 
been destructive to the infant town, and which, from the number 
of the enemy, and the danger incurred, was calculated to impress 
itself deeply on the minds of those who witnessed it. It forms an 
era in the history of the place ; and the year in which it occurred 
has ever since been designated by the inhabitants as the year of 
the blow — "L'armee du Coup." 

Leyba, aware that representations of his course had been specially 
forwarded to the governor-general at New Orleans, and fearful of 
the consequences, and unable to bear up under the load of scorn 



318 CRUZAT RE-APPOINTED COMMANDANT. 1780. 

and contempt which the inhabitants heaped upon him, died a short 
time after the attack, suspected by many of having hastened his 
end by poison. 

Upon his death, Cartabona performed the functions of govern- 
ment until the following year, when Cruzat returned to St. Louis y 
and assumed the command as lieutenant-governor a second time. 

After the events narrated above, the inhabitants of St. Louis, find- 
ing that their garrison were unworthy of trust, without ammuni- 
tion, and without means of defense against a regularly organized 
attack, deputed Mr. A. Chouteau to proceed to New Orleans for 
assistance. A wooden fort was built on the most elevated spot 
within the city, upon which were mounted several heavy pieces of 
ordnance, and still later there were added four stone turrets, from 
which cross-fires could be kept up. This might have answered for 
the protection of the city, but only against the Indians. No traces 
of this fortification are now to be seen — the very site of which has 
yielded to the improvements of the city. 

The fortifications consisted of a square building called the bastion, 
situated at the northern extremity of the hill, nearly opposite the 
Half Moon ; of a circular fort, directly south of the bastion, and 
situated on what is now called Olive street; of another circular 
building, which served both for a fort and prison, south of that 
last mentioned, and situated on Walnut street ; of a circular fort, 
in a line with, and south of the others, situated at the extremity of 
the hill, near what is called Mill creek ; and finally, of another 
circular fort, east of the latter, and somewhat above the bridge, near 
the river. All of these fortifications were provided with ammuni- 
tion and artillery, and soldiers were kept constantly on guard in 
them. The forts, besides, were connected together by a strong 
wall, made of cedar posts, planted upright in the ground, fitted 
closely together, and with loop-holes for small arms between every 
two. These precautionary defenses had been dictated by the 
danger which had been incurred, and which was fresh in the recol- 
lection of all, and probably had the effect of preventing any further 
assaults upon the place. The inhabitants were never afterward 
molested.* 

In the autumn of 1780, La Balme, a native of France, made an 
attempt to carry an expedition fromKaskaskia against Detroit. With 
twenty or thirty men, he marched from Kaskaskia to Post Vincen- 



* Western Journal 



1780. EXORBITANT CLAIMS OF SPAIN. 319 

nes, where he was joined by a small reinforcement. He then 
moved up the Wabash, and reached the British trading post Ke-ki- 
ong-a, at the head of the Maumee. After plundering the traders, 
and some of the Indians, he marched from the post, and encamped 
near the river Aboite. A party of the Miami Indians attacked the 
encampment in the night. La Balme and several of his followers 
were slain, and the expedition was defeated.* 

With the year 1780, commences the history of those troubles 
relative to the navigation of the Mississippi, which, for so long a 
time, produced the deepest discontent in the "West. Spain had 
taken the American part so far as to go to war with Britain, but 
no treaty had yet been concluded between Congress and the powers 
at Madrid. Mr, Jay, however, had been appointed Minister from 
the United States, at the Spanish court, where he arrived in the 
spring of this year, and where he soon learned the grasping plans 
of the Southern Bourbons. These plans, indeed, were in no degree 
concealed, the French Minister being instructed to inform Con- 
gress, — 

"That his most Christian Majesty (of France,) being informed 
of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of an 
alliance between the United States and his Catholic Majesty, (of 
Spain,) has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary to the United 
States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an alliance ; and in 
order to make the way more easy, has commanded him to communi- 
cate to the Congress, certain articles, which his Catholic Majesty 
deems of great importance to the interests of his crown, and on 
which it is highly necessary that the United States explain them- 
selves with precision, and with such moderation as may consist with 
their essential rights. 

"That the articles are: 

"A precise and invariable western boundary to the United 
States ; 

" The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi ; 

"The possession of the Floridas; and, 

"The land on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi. 

" That on the first article, it is the idea of the Cabinet of Madrid, 
that the United States extend to the westward no farther than 
settlements were permitted by the Eoyal Proclamation, bearing 



* Dillon's Indiana. 



320 JAY UTTERLY OPPOSES SPANISH POLICY. 1780. 

date the 7th day of October, 1763, (that is to say, not west of the 
Alleghenies.) 

" On the second, that the United States do not consider them- 
selves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no 
territory belonging to them being situated thereon. 

"On the third, that it is probable the king of Spain will conquer 
the Floridas, during the course of the present war; and in such an 
event, every cause of dispute relative thereto, between Spain and 
these United States, ought to be removed. 

"On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the 
Mississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the afore- 
said proclamation, are possessions of the crown of Great Britain, 
and proper objects against which the arms of Spain may be employed, 
for the purpose of making a permanent conquest for the Spanish 
crown. That such conquest may probably be made during the 
present war. That, therefore, it would be advisable to restrain the 
southern States from making any settlements or conquests in these 
territories. That the Council of Madrid consider the United 
States as having no claim to those territories, either as not having 
had possession of them before the present war, or not having any 
foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great 
Britain, whose dominion they have abjured."* 

These extraordinary claims of his Catholic Majesty were in no 
respect admitted during this year, either by Mr. Jay or Congress, 
and in October a full statement of the views of the United 
States, as to their territorial rights, was drawn up, probably by Mr. 
Madison, and sent to the Ambassador at Madrid, f Meantime, as 
Virginia considered the use of the Great Western river very neces- 
sary to her children, Governor Jefferson had ordered a fort to be 
constructed upon the Mississippi, below the mouth of the Ohio. 
This was done in the spring of the year 1780, by General G. R. 
Clark, who was stationed at the Falls; and was named by him 
after the writer of the Declaration of Independence. This fort, 
for some purposes, may have been well placed, but it was a great 
mistake to erect it, without notice, in the country of the Chicka- 
saws, who had thus far been true friends to the American cause. 
They regarded this unauthorized intrusion upon their lands as the 
first step in a career of conquest, and as such resented it ; while 



* See Titkin's History of the United States, ii. p. 92. 
f Pitkin, ii. 512, 91. Life of John Jay, i. 108, &c. 



1780. EDUCATION PROVIDED EOR IN KENTUCKY. 821 

the settlers of Kentucky looked upon the measure with but little 
favor, as it tended to diminish the available force in their stations, 
which were still exposed to the ceaseless hostility of the Shawanese 
and Wyandots. 

The inhabitants of these stations, meanwhile, were increasing 
with wonderful rapidity under the inducements presented by the 
land laws. Emigrants crowded over the mountains as soon as 
spring opened. Three hundred large family boats arrived early in 
the year at the Falls ; and on Beargrass creek was a population 
containing six hundred serviceable men.* Nor did the swarming 
stop with the old settlements ; in the southwest part of the State the 
hunter Maulding, and his four sons, built their outpost upon the 
Red river, which empties into the Cumberland ; while, sometime 
in the spring of this same year, Dr. Walker, and Colonel Hender- 
son, the first visitor and first colonist of Kentucky, tried to run the 
line which should divide Virginia from Carolina, (or, as things are 
now named, Kentucky from Tennessee,) westward as far as the 
Mississippi; an attempt in which they failed, f Eor was it to 
western lands and territorial boundaries alone that Virginia direc- 
ted her attention at this time; in May her Legislature resolved, 
that, 

" Whereas, It is represented to this General Assembly that there 
are certain lands within the county of Kentucky, formerly belong- 
ing to British subjects, not yet sold under the law of escheats and 
forfeitures, which might at a future day be a valuable fund for the 
maintenance and education of youth, and it being the interest of this 
Commonwealth always to promote and encourage every design which may 
tend to the improvement of the mind, and the diffusion of useful knowledge 
even among its remote citizens, whose situation, in a barbarous neighbor- 
hood and a savage intercourse, might otherwise render unfriendly to 
science: be it therefore enacted, that eight thousand acres of land, 
within the said county of Kentucky, late the property of those Bri- 
tish subjects, (Robert M'Kenzie, Henry Collins, and Alexander 
M'Kee,) should be vested in trustees, 'as a free donation from this 
commonwealth, for the purpose of a public school, or seminary of 
learning, to be erected within the said county, as soon as its cir- 
cumstances and the state of its funds will permit.' " 

Thus was early laid the foundation of the first western seminary 
of literature, just Hve years after the forts of Boonesborough and 



* Butler, second edition, 99. 

f Marshal, i. 113. Holme's Annals, ii. 304, note 3d. 



322 BYRD INVADES KENTUCKY. 1780. 

Harrodsburg rose amidst the woods. Thus was the foundation laid 
for the establishment of the Transylvania University at Lexington. 

In the summer of 1780, a force of six hundred Canadians and 
Indians, with six pieces of cannon, under the command of Colonel 
Byrd, of the British army, invaded Kentucky, by the way of the 
Miami and the Licking. Their first point of attack was Riiddel's 
station, on the south fork of the Licking, below the mouth of 
Hinkston fork. Singularly enough, their approach was not dis- 
covered before they appeared before the station, although they had 
been twelve days occupied in cutting a road through the country, 
from the Ohio. Col. Byrd immediately demanded the surrender 
of the station. Resistance was useless, and Riiddel consented to 
yield the post on condition that the prisoners should be protected 
by the British from the Indians. Byrd promised his protection, 
and the gates were thrown open. Immediately the Indians rushed 
in, seized the inhabitants, and divided them among themselves. 
Riiddel remonstrated, but Byrd confessed that he could do noth- 
ing, that he had no control over the savages, but that he himself 
was at their mercy. The Indians next proposed to attack Martin's 
station, five miles further, but Byrd refused to assist them unless 
the chiefs would pledge themselves that all the prisoners taken 
should be surrendered to him. They consented ; the army marched 
to Martin's station ; it was surrendered without a contest ; the pri- 
soners were relinquished, and the Indians divided the spoils among 
themselves. 

The Indians next insisted on attacking Lexington and Bryant's 
station. Byrd refused to march further, and insisted that it would 
be impracticable to procure provisions, or to transport the cannon 
by land, and thus with difficulty dissuaded them from the enter- 
prise. His conduct, however, shows that motives of humanity 
influenced him more than a doubt of success ; since with the force at 
his command it would have been easy to have reduced all the 
stockades, and to have broken up all the settlements of Kentucky. 

As soon as it was decided to abandon the expedition, the army 
retreated to the forks of the Licking. There the Indians separated, 
and set out for their villages, taking with them the prisoners they 
had taken at Riiddel's station, together with a great amount of 
stock and other booty they had secured. The British passed down 
the Licking, and up the Miami, as far as they could proceed in 
their boats, where they concealed their artillery, and returned to 
Detroit. 



1780. FORT JEFFERSON ON MISSISSIPPI BUILT. 323 

General Clark was at this juncture absent from the falls, engaged 
in the building of Fort Jefferson. The State of Yirginia was 
anxious to extend her jurisdiction to the Mississippi, and Clark 
was directed to take military possession of the western limit of that 
territory of Kentucky. Accordingly, he descended the Ohio, and 
built a fort a short distance below its mouth, which he named Fort 
Jefferson. After its completion it was placed under the command 
of Captain George, with a garrison of one hundred men. It was 
located within the territory of the Chickasaws, and they immedi- 
ately remonstrated, through a Scotch half-breed chief, Colbert, 
against its erection. Their remonstrance was disregarded, and 
they prepared to drive the whites from their lands. Accordingly, 
they attacked the fort in the fall of the same year, when the garrison 
was reduced to thirty men. The siege was pressed with great 
vigor for six days, when Clark arrived with a reinforcement, and 
compelled the Indians to retire. The fort was dismantled, and 
abandoned in the next year, in accordance with the instructions of 
the governor of Yirginia, and the hostilities of the Chickasaws 
ceased. 

When Clark returned from the building of Fort Jefferson, he 
received at the falls a letter from the governor of Virginia, recom- 
mending an invasion of the Indian country, and the destruction of 
the trading post at Loramie's store. The invasion of Byrd fur- 
nished an additional motive for an expedition to chastise the 
Indians, in accordance with the usual practice of the pioneers of 
the time, to allow no inroad of the Indians to pass without retalia- 
tion. Clark immediately proceeded to Harrodsburg, to enlist 
volunteers to invade the Indian country, but the people were so 
engaged with the land entries, then recently opened, that it was 
impossible to interest them in the expedition. In accordance with 
Clark's request, May, the surveyor, closed the land-office ; and, in 
consequence, a regiment of troops was immediately raised. "With 
these, and with a mounted regiment from the falls, Clark proceeded 
to the mouth of the Licking, crossed the Ohio, and marched 
up the Miami valley to Piqua, on Mad river. The town was taken 
by surprise, but the Indians made a desperate defense. They 
were, however, routed, and compelled to fly ; their town and their 
growing corn were destroyed. Seventeen of the whites and seven- 
teen of the Indians, it is said, were killed. The town was never 
rebuilt; the Indians passed over and built another town on the 
Great Miami, to which they also gave the name of Piqua. 

Detachments of the army were sent out, who destroyed the corn 



324 CLARK'S FIRST EXPEDITION TO MIAMI. 1780. 

and burned all the other villages around the head waters of the 
Miami. 

Thomas Vickroy, who afterward, in conjunction with George 
Woods, surveyed the site of Pittsburgh, was in Clark's army on 
this expedition. His account of it is interesting, as it fixes the 
date of the first occupation of the site of Cincinnati : 

" In April, 1780, I went to Kentucky, in company with eleven 
flat boats with movers. "We landed, on the 4th of May, at the 
mouth of Beargrass creek, above the falls of Ohio. I took my 
compass and chain along, to make a fortune by surveying, but 
when we got there, the Indians would not let us survey. In the 
same summer, Col. Byrd came from Detroit, with a few British 
soldiers, and some light artillery, with Simon Girty, and a great 
many Indians, and took the two forts on Licking. Immediately 
afterward, General Clark raised an army of about a thousand men, 
and marched with one party of them against the Indian towns. 
When we came to the mouth of the Licking, we fell in with Col. 
Todd and his party. On the first day of August, 1780, we crossed 
the Ohio river, and built the two block houses where Cincinnati 
now stands. I was at the building of the block houses. Then, as 
Gen. Clark had appointed me commissary of the campaign, he 
gave the military stores into my hands ; and gave me orders to 
maintain that post for fourteen days. He left with me Captain 
Johnston, and about twenty or thirty men, who were sick and lame. 
On the fourteenth day the army returned with sixteen scalps, hav- 
ing lost fifteen men killed. They reported the death of Eogers, 
Clark's cousin, who fought that day with the Indians." 

The expedition of Clark so effectually chastised the Indians on 
the Miami, that Kentucky was for a time relieved from the attack 
of any body of Indians large enough to excite serious alarm. 
During that period of comparative quiet, those measures which led 
to the cession of the western lands to the United States began to 
assume a definite form. On the 25th of June, 1778, when the 
articles of confederation were under discussion in Congress, the 
objections of New Jersey to the proposed plan of union were 
brought forward, and among them was this : 

" It was ever the confident expectation of this State, that the 
benefits derived from a successful contest were to be general and 
proportionate ; and that the property of the common enemy, falling 
in consequence of a prosperous issue of the war, would belong to 
the United States, and be appropriated to their use. We are there- 



1780. CONTROVERSY ABOUT LANDS. 325 

fore greatly disappointed in finding no provision made in the con- 
federation for empowering the Congress to dispose of such property, 
but especially the vacant and impatented lands, commonly called 
the crown lands, for defraying the expenses of the war, and for 
such other public and general purposes. The jurisdiction ought in 
every instance to belong to the respective states, within the charter 
or determined limits of which such lands may be seated ; but reason 
and justice must decide, that the property which existed in the 
Crown of Great Britain, previous to the present revolution, ought 
now to belong to the Congress, in trust for the use and benefit of 
the United States. They have fought and bled for it in proportion 
to their respective abilities; and therefore the reward ought not to 
be predilectionally distributed. Shall such States as are shut out 
by situation from availing themselves of the least advantage from 
this quarter, be left to sink under an enormous debt, whilst others 
are enabled, in a short period, to replace all their expenditures from 
the hard earnings of the whole confederacy?"* 

Eor was ISTew Jersey alone in her views. In January, 1779, the 
Council and Assembly of Delaware, while they authorized their 
delegates to ratify the Articles of Confederation, also passed cer- 
tain resolutions, and one of them was : 

" That this State consider themselves justly entitled to a right, in 
common with the members of the Union, to that extensive tract of 
country which lies to the westward of the frontiers of the United 
States, the property of which was not vested in, or granted to, 
individuals at the commencement of the present war. That the 
same hath been, or may be, gained from the king of Great Britain, 
or the native Indians, by the blood and treasure of all, and ought, 
therefore, to be common estate, to be granted out on terms bene- 
ficial to the United States." f 

But this protest, however positive, was not enough for Maryland, 
the representatives of which, in Congress, presented upon the 21st 
of May, 1779, their instructions relative to confirming the articles 
of confederation. From those instructions are selected the follow- 
ing passages: 

"Virginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a small por- 
tion of the lands in question, would draw into her treasury vast 
sums of money ; and, in proportion to the sums arising from such 
sales, would be enabled to lessen her taxes. Lands comparatively 



* See Secret Journal, i. p. 377. 
f See Secret Journal, i. p. 429. 



326 CONTROVERSY ABOUT LANDS. 1780. 

cheap, and taxes comparatively low, with the lands and taxes of an 
adjacent State, would quickly drain the State thus disadvantageous^ 
circumstanced of its most useful inhahitants ; its wealth and its 
consequence in the scale of the confederated States would sink of 
course. A claim so injurious to more than one-half, if not the 
whole of the United States, ought to be supported by the clearest 
evidence of the right. Yet what evidences of that right have been 
produced? What arguments alleged in support either of the 
evidence or the right? None that we have heard of deserving a 
serious refutation. 

"We are convinced, policy and justice require, that a country 
unsettled at the commencement of this war, claimed by the British 
crown, and ceded to it by the treaty of Paris, if wrested from the 
common enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen States, 
should be considered as a common property, subject to be parceled 
out by Congress, into free, convenient and independent govern- 
ments, in such manner, and at such times as the wisdom of that 
assembly shall hereafter direct. 

" Thus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us by 
our constituents, were we to authorize you to ratify on their behalf 
the confederation, unless it be further explained. We have coolly 
and dispassionately considered the subject: we have weighed 
probable inconveniences and hardships against the sacrifice of just 
and essential rights, and do instruct you not to agree to the con- 
federation, unless an article or articles be added thereto in con- 
formity with our declaration. Should we succeed in obtaining 
such article or articles, then you are hereby fully empowered to 
accede to the confederation."* 

These difficulties toward perfecting the Union were increased by 
the passage of the laws in Virginia, in May, 1779, for disposing of 
the public lands. Apprehensive of the consequences, Congress, 
upon the 30th of October, in that year, resolved that Virginia be 
recommended to reconsider her Act opening a land office, and 
that she and all other States claiming wild lands, be requested 
to grant no warrants during the continuance of the war. The 
troubles which thus threatened to arise from the claims of Virginia,, 
New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut, to the lands which 
other colonies regarded as common property, caused New York, on 
the 19th of February, 1780, to pass an act which gave to the dele- 



* See Secret Journal, i. p. 435. 



1780. CONTROVERSY ABOUT LANDS. 327 

gates of that State power to cede the western lands claimed by her 
for the benefit of the United States. This law was laid before 
Congress on the 7th of March, 1780, but no step seems to have 
been taken until September 6th, 1780, when a resolution passed 
that body pressing upon the States claiming western lands the wis- 
dom of giving up their claims in favor of the whole country ; and 
to aid this recommendation, upon the 10th of October, was passed 
the following resolution — which formed the basis of all after action, 
and was the first of those legislative measures which have thus far 
resulted in the creation of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and 
Michigan — 

" That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded or relin- 
quished to the United States, by any particular State, pursuant to 
the recommendation of Congress, of the 6th day of September last, 
shall be disposed of for the common benefit of the United States, 
and be settled and formed into distinct republican States, which 
shall be members of the Federal Union, and have the same rights 
of sovereignty, freedom, and independence, as the other States ; 
that each State which shall be so formed shall contain a suitable 
extent of territory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one 
hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances 
will admit: that the necessary and reasonable expenses which any 
particular State shall have incurred since the commencement of the 
present war, in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts or 
garrisons within, and for the defense, or in acquiring any part of 
the territory that may be ceded or relinquished to the United 
States, shall be reimbursed. 

" That the said lands shall be granted or settled at such times, 
and under such regulations as shall hereafter be agreed on by the 
United States, in Congress assembled, or in any nine or more of 
them." 

The lands at the falls of the Ohio were first claimed and pa- 
tented by Dr. John Connolly and John Campbell.* In the spring 
of 1773, Captain Thomas Bullitt went as a surveyor from Virginia, 
to locate and survey lands in Kentucky. On his way he visited 
Chillicothe, held a conference with the chiefs of the Shawanese, 
and obtained from them permission to make a settlement on the 
Ohio. Proceeding down the river, he established his camp at the 
mouth of Beargrass creek. From that point he surveyed the 



*See Casseday's History of Louisville. 



328 PLAN OF CONQUERING DETROIT RENEWED. 1780- 

country on the south side of the Ohio, twenty miles, to a river he 
named Salt river, from the circumstance of finding on it a salt lick, 
that still bears his name, and made preparations to establish a col- 
ony at the falls of the Ohio. His death ended his schemes of colo- 
nization, but the settlement at Beargrass remained, and became a 
prominent point for emigration during the period of the Indian 
wars. On his expedition to Illinois, Clark took possession of, and 
fortified Corn island, above the mouth of Beargrass, and on his 
return, that point was made his head-quarters. The security thus 
afforded to the neighborhood invited emigration, and in the spring 
of 1780, three hundred flat boats, with emigrant families, arrived at 
the falls. The population of the settlement was thus increased to 
six hundred inhabitants, located on the lands claimed by Connolly, 
then a refugee tory in Canada, and Campbell, who had been car- 
ried a prisoner thither by the Indians. 

The Beargrass settlement thus became an important point in 
Kentucky, and accordingly, in May of that year, the legislature of 
Virginia passed an " act for establishing the town of Louisville, 
at the falls of Ohio." By that act the property of John Con- 
nolly, consisting of one thousand acres of land, was confiscated to 
the commonwealth, and vested in a board of trustees, to be sold for 
its benefit, in lots of a half acre each. All sales of lots were to be 
made at public auction, in fee, on the condition that the purchasers 
should erect on each of them a dwelling house, within two years 
after the date of the purchase. If that condition was not complied 
with, they might be sold again for the benefit of the town. The 
purchase money, to the amount of thirty dollars per acre, was to be 
paid to the commonwealth of Virginia; the remainder above that 
amount to the county of Jefferson. And the purchasers of these 
lots were thenceforth to be entitled to all the rights, privileges, and 
immunities of the unincorporated towns of the commonwealth of 
Virginia. 

In December of that year, the plan of conquering Detroit was 
renewed again. In 1779, that conquest might have been effected 
by Clark, had he been supported by any spirit; in January, 1780, 
the project was discussed between Washington and Brodhead, and 
given up or deferred, as too great for the means of the Continental 
establishment; in the following October, so weak was that establish- 
ment, that Fort Pitt itself was threatened by the savages and British, 
while its garrison, destitute of bread, although there was an abun- 
dance in the country, were half disposed to mutiny. Under these 
circumstances, Congress being powerless for action, Virginia pro- 



1781. VIRGINIA MAKES CESSION OF LAND. 329 

posed to carry out the original plan of her western general, and ex- 
tend her operations to the lakes ; we find, in consequence, that an 
application was made by Jefferson to the commander-in chief for 
aid, and that on the 29th of December, an order was given by him 
on Brodhead for artillery, tools, stores, and men.* How far the 
preparations for this enterprise were carried, and why they were 
abandoned, we have not been able to discover, but upon the 25th 
of April, 1781, Washington wrote to General Clark, warning him 
that Connolly,' who had just been exchanged, was expected to 
go from Canada to Venango, (Franklin, mouth of French creek,) 
with a force of refugees, and thence to Fort Pitt, with blank com- 
missions for some hundreds of dissatisfied men believed to be in 
that vicinity.* From this it would seem probable that the Detroit 
expedition was not abandoned at that time. 

Virginia, in accordance with the recommendation of Congress 
1781.] already noticed, upon the 2d of January of this year, agreed 
to yield her western lands to the United States, upon certain condi- 
tions ; among which were these : 1st. ~No person holding ground 
under a purchase from the natives to him or his grantors, individu- 
ally, and no one claiming under a grant or charter from the British 
crown, inconsistent with the charter or customs of Virginia, was 
to be regarded as having a valid title ; and 2d. The United States 
were to guarantee to Virginia all the territory south-east of the 
Ohio to the Atlantic, as far as the bounds of Carolina. These 
conditions Congress would not accede to, and the Act of Cession 
on the part of the Old Dominion failed, nor was anything further 
done until 1783. 

Early in the same month in which Virginia made her first Act 
of Cession, a Spanish captain, with sixty-five men, left St. Louis 
for the purpose of attacking some one of the British posts of the 
north-west. Whether this attempt originated in a desire to revenge 
the English and Indian siege of St. Louis, in the previous year, or 
whether it was a mere pretense to cover the claims about that time 
set up by Spain to the western country, in opposition to the colo- 
nies, which she claimed to be aiding, it is perhaps impossible to 
say. But these facts — that the point aimed at, St. Joseph's, was 
far in the interior, and that this crusade was afterward looked to 
by the court of Spain as giving a ground of territorial right — make 



* Sparks' Washington, vi. 433 ; vii. 270, 343. 

f Sparks' Washington, viii. 25.— This letter is not in the Index to Mr. Sparks' works. 

22 



330 EXTENSIVE INDIAN DEPKEDATIONS. 1781. 

it probable that the enterprise was rather a legal one against the 
Americans, than a military one against the English ; and this con- 
clusion is made stronger by the fact, that the Spaniards, having 
taken the utterly unimportant post of St. Joseph's, and having 
claimed the country as belonging to the King of Spain, by right of 
conquest, turned back to the west bank of the Mississippi again, 
and left the Long Knives to prosecute the capture of Detroit, as 
they best could. 

That, the State of Virginia was preparing to do. Orders were 
given to the militia of Frederick, Berkely, Harrison, and the other 
western counties, to hold themselves in readiness to join General 
Clark in an expedition against Detroit, which he was preparing for 
the summer of that year. 

During the year 1781, a series of predatory incursions was made 
over the Ohio, along the whole line of stations from Laurel Hill to 
Green river, marked by no decisive result, but characterized by the 
murderous spirit that belongs to all Indian wars. One of these 
scouting parties appeared in the neighborhood of the station at 
Shelbyviile. The inhabitants, unable to defend it, attempted to 
remove to Beargrass, but were attacked by the Indians near 
Floyd's fork, and defeated. Colonel Floyd immediately started 
with a company to their relief, but on his arrival near the spot, fell 
into an ambuscade and was defeated with considerable loss. 
Floyd himself would have been taken but for the magnanimity of 
Captain Wells. Wells had been on unfriendly terms with Floyd, 
but finding him on foot and nearly exhausted in the flight, dis- 
mounted, gave him his horse, and ran beside him until they were 
out of danger.* 

To guard against these incursions, and to avenge the cruelties of 
the savages, Colonel Brodhead arranged an expedition against 
the Indian towns on the Muskingum. It consisted of about iive 
hundred men, among whom were the most experienced borderers 
of the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The place of ren- 
dezvous was Wheeling; from thence they crossed the river and 
marched rapidly towards the Indian towns with a view of surpri- 
sing them. When they arrived at the river below Saiem, Brodhead 
sent a message to Heckewelder, then a missionary at that place, 
asking provisions for his men, and a visit to his camp. His 



* Batlcr's Kentucky, p. 119. 



1781. COLONEL BRODHEAD'S MUSKINGUM EXPEDITION. 331 

request was complied with, and Heckewelder repaired to Brod- 
head's quarters. Brodhead informed him that he was on an 
expedition against the Indian towns; and desired to know whether 
any of the Moravian Indians were absent in that direction. He was 
answered in the negative, and then declared that nothing would 
give him greater pain than to hear that any of them were molested 
by his troops, since these Indians had conducted themselves during 
the war in a way that did them honor. During the conference, 
however, Brodhead was notified that a portion of the army was 
preparing to destroy the Moravian towns. Brodhead immediately 
took measures to prevent their design. 

The army proceeded to within a few miles of Coshocton, where 
they took an Indian prisoner, and wounded two others, who escaped 
and alarmed the villages. A forced march was made, and one of 
the villages on the east side of the river was surprised, and its in- 
habitants, some ten or twelve, were taken. Meanwhile, the river 
rose so much as to be impassable ; and thus the villages across the 
river escaped destruction. Disappointed in their purpose, the bor- 
derers then bound sixteen of their prisoners to stakes, dispatched 
them with tomahawks, and scalped them. The next morning an 
Indian appeared on the opposite side of the river, and asked for 
the Big Captain. Brodhead presented himself, and asked what he 
wanted. " I want peace," said he. " Send over some of your 
chiefs," said Brodhead. "Maybe you kill?" asked the Indian. 
He was answered, " They shall not be killed." One of the chiefs 
then ventured over, and presented himself to Brodhead ; when a 
borderer, named Wetzel, came up behind him, with his tomahawk 
concealed, and struck him a fatal blow on the back of his head. 
The army then began its retreat. The prisoners were given in 
charge of the militia, who murdered and scalped all of them, 
except a few women and children, who were taken to Fort Pitt, 
where they were afterward exchanged for an equal number of 
white prisoners.* 

It is not certain that Brodhead was responsible for the cruelty 
and treachery practiced upon the Indians during this campaign. 
It is said, indeed, that he disapproved of and regretted them, and 
if so, can only be blamed for not enforcing a stricter discipline in 
his army. But the border wars of that period were prosecuted on 
both sides as wars of extermination, and the cruelties of Indian 



* Doddridge's Notes, p. 291. 



332 lochry's expedition. 1781. 

warfare that had been suffered by the white settlers had aroused 
so malignant a spirit of revenge that they soon became as remorse- 
less, and often more brutal, than their savage enemies. Their ex- 
peditions against the Indians were mere marauding parties, held 
together only by the common thirst for revenge; and it is probable 
that any discipline calculated to restrain that feeling could not have 
been enforced. It is unfortunate for the reputation of Brodhead ? 
that his name is associated with the massacre of prisoners, and the 
murder of ambassadors, but it is probable that he could not pre- 
vent, and therefore did not share, the guilt of those excesses. 
, Early in the summer of 1781, Gren. Geo. Rogers Clark wrote to 
Col. Archibald Lochry, the county lieutenant of Westmoreland 
county, Pennsylvania, desiring him to raise one hundred or more 
volunteers, and one company of cavalry, to join his expedition. 

Colonel Lochry consulted Captain Orr upon the propriety of 
such an enterprise, and the possibility of compliance with his re- 
quest. " I believed," said he, " it was possible for such a force to 
be raised, and immediately volunteered to be one of the party." 
Holding a captain's commission of militia, Orr had no power to 
order them from home, but by his own exertions, and mostly at his 
own expense, raised a company of volunteer riflemen. Captains 
Stokely and Shannon commanded each a company of rangers, and 
Captain Campbell a company of horse. The party amounted to 
about one hundred and twenty or twenty-five men. Col. Lochry 
was the only field officer in command. 

The force was rendezvoused at Carnahan's block house, eleven 
miles west of Hannastown, on the 24th of July, and on the next 
day set out for Fort Henry, (Wheeling,) by way of Pittsburgh, 
where it was arranged that they should join the army under Clark. 
Arriving there, Clark had gone twelve miles down the river, leav- 
ing for them some provisions and a traveling boat, with directions 
to follow him thither. After preparing some temporary boats for 
the transportation of the men and horses, which occupied ten days, 
they proceeded to join Clark. Arriving, they found he had gone 
down the river the day before, leaving a Major Cray croft, with a 
few men and a boat for the transportation of the horses, but with- 
out either provisions or ammunition, of which they had an inade- 
quate supply. Clark had, however, promised to await their arrival 
at the mouth of the Kanawha, but on their reaching that point 
they found that he had been obliged, in order to prevent desertion 
among his men, to proceed down the river, leaving only a letter 
affixed to a pole, directing them to follow. Their provisions and 



1781. lochky's expedition. 333 

forage were nearly exhausted ; there was no source of supply but 
the stores conveyed by Clark; the river was low, they were unac- 
quainted with the channel, and could not therefore hope to over- 
take him. Under these embarrassing circumstances, Col. Lochry 
dispatched Captain Shannon with four men, in a small boat, with 
the hope of overtaking the main army, and of securing supplies, 
leaving his company under the command of Lieut. Isaac Ander- 
son ; but before they had proceeded far they were taken prisoners 
by the Indians, and with them was taken a letter to Clark, detail- 
ing the situation of Lochry's party. About the same time Lochry 
arrested a party of nineteen deserters from Clark's army, whom he 
afterward released, and they immediately joined the Indians. 

The savages had been indeed apprised of the expedition, but 
had previously supposed that Clark and Lochry were proceeding 
together, and through fear of the cannon which Clark carried, re- 
fused to make an attack. Apprised now by the capture of Shan- 
non and his men, and by the reports of the deserters, of the weak- 
ness of Lochry's party, they collected in force below the mouth of 
the Great Miami, with the determination to destroy them. 

They placed their prisoners in a conspicuous position on the 
north shore of the river, near, it is said, the head of Lochry's island, 
and promised to spare their lives on condition they would hail 
their companions as they passed, and induce them to surrender. 

They, however, wearied with their slow progress, and in despair 
of reaching Clark's army, landed on the 25th of August, about 
ten o'clock, at a very attractive spot on the same shore, at an inlet 
which has since borne the name of Lochry's creek,* a short dis- 
tance above the point where the Indians were waiting them. Here 
they removed their horses ashore, and turned them loose, to enable 
them to feed sufficiently to keep them alive until they could be 
taken to the falls, some one hundred and twenty miles distant. 
One of the party had previously killed a buffalo, and all, except a 
few set to guard the horses, were engaged around the fires which 
they had kindled, in preparing a meal from it. Suddenly they 
were assailed by a volley of rifle balls from an overhanging bluff, 
covered with large trees, on which the Indians immediately ap- 
peared in great force. The men thus surprised seized their arms, 
and defended themselves as long as their ammunition lasted, and 



* Lochry's ereek empties into tlie Ohio between nine and ten miles below the mouth 
of the Miami, and Lochry's island, near the head of which the prisoners were confined to 
decoy their friends, is three miles below the creek. 



334 CAPTURE AND MASSACRE OF LOCHRY'S PARTY. 1781, 

then attempted to escape by means of their boats. But they were 
unwieldy, the water was low, and the force too much weakened 
to make them available, and the whole party, unable to escape or 
defend themselves, were compelled to surrender. 

Immediately the Indians fell upon and massacred Col. Lochry 
and several other prisoners, but were restrained by the arrival of 
the chief who commanded them, the celebrated Brant,* who after- 
ward apologized for the massacre. He did not approve, he de- 
clared, of such conduct, but it was impossible entirely to control 
his Indians ; that the murder of Lochry and his men was perpetra- 
ted in revenge for the massacre of the Indian prisoners taken by 
Brodhead's army on the Muskingum, a few months before. At 
the time of their surrender, Lochry's party consisted of only one 
hundred and six men. Of these, forty-two were killed, and sixty- 
four were taken prisoners. The Indians engaged numbered three 
hundred or more, and consisted of various tribes. Among these 
the prisoners and plunder were divided, in proportion to the num- 
ber of warriors of each engaged. 

The next day they set out on their return to the Delaware towns. 
There they were met by a party of British and Indians, com- 
manded by Col. Caldwell, and accompanied by the two Girtys and 
M'Kee, who professed to be on their way to the falls to attack Gen. 
Clarke. They remained there two days. Brant, with the greater 
part of the Indians who had captured them, returned with Cald- 
well toward the Ohio. A few only remained to take charge of 
the prisoners and spoils. These they separated, and took to the 
towns to which they had been assigned. There they remained in 
captivity until the next year, which brought the revolutionary 
struggle to a close. After the preliminary articles were signed, on 
the 30th of November, 1782, they were ransomed by the British 
officers in command of the northern posts, to be exchanged for 
British prisoners, and sent to the St. Lawrence. A few of them 
had previously escaped, a few deserted from Montreal, and the re- 
mainder, in the spring of 1783, sailed from Quebec to New York, 
and returned thence home by way of Philadelphia, having been 
absent twenty-two months. More than one-half of the number 
who left Pennsylvania under Col. Lochry never returned.f 



* It may be uncertain whether Brant was the leader of the Indians at this place. 
There is no other eyidence that he was in the west at that time. 

f This statement is derived from a MS. of Gen. Orr, of Kittanning, written from the 
recollection of his father, Captain Orr, who was in the party, and is corroborated by a 



1781. CHARACTER OF WESTERN PIONEERS. 335 

Kentucky was, previous to 1781, organized as a county of Vir- 
ginia. In that year it was divided into three counties— Jefferson, 
Lincoln and Fayette. Courts were organized under the laws of 
Virginia, and a corps of civil and military officers elected. Sur- 
veyors for each of the new counties were appointed, whose duty it 
was to superintend the entry and location of land under the pro- 
visions of the law. One only of these was opened, and the incon- 
venience and delay thus occasioned to the emigrants, who were 
already settling the new lands, to which they were attracted by their 
fertility and cheapness, produced discontent. For already, in spite 
of the difficulties of the "West, and the hostility of the Indians, 
population was beginning to pour into the region south of the Ohio. 
Particularly it is noticed, that there was in that year a large emigra- 
tion of young unmarried women into that country, and the conse- 
quent establishment of many new families, and the growth of a 
better and more settled population. The pioneers of the West 
who then, and earlier, established themselves in all the region west 
of the mountains, were obliged to undergo many hardships, and ta 
encounter much danger, and to endure much suffering. 

For all that region was settled with tears and blood. The meas- 
ures the colonial governments adopted for defense of the settlers 
were so ill-concerted, that they were nearly all that period exposed to 
the incursions of the savages ; nor was their condition improved by 
the Declaration of Independence, for the continental authorities were 
so fully occupied with the war that they could afford them no 
relief. As a consequence, they grew up a brave, hardy race, with 
all the vices and virtues of a border life, and with habits, manners 
and customs necessary to their peculiar situation, and suited to 
their peculiar taste. Rev. Joseph Doddridge, D. D., whose early 
life was spent amidst the scenes and habits of the West, has well 
described the manners and customs of its early inhabitants. He 
says: 

"A correct and detailed view of the origin of societies, and their 
progress from one condition or point of wealth, science and civili 
zation to another is interesting, even when received through the 



MS. of Ensign Hunter, who was also a sharer in it. Captain Orr was wounded, by hav- 
ing his arm broken in the engagement ; was carried off prisoner to Sandusky, where he 
remained for several months. At length, finding they could not cure his wound, the 
Indians took him to the hospital at Detroit, whence he was transferred to Montreal, in 
the winter, and exchanged with other prisoners at the end of the war. Afterward, in 
1805, he was appointed a judge of Armstrong county, Pa., which station he held till his 
death, in 1833, in his 89th year. 



336 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

dusky medium of history, oftentimes "but poorly and partially writ- 
ten. But when this retrospect of things past and gone is drawn 
from the recollections of experience, the impression it makes upon 
the heart must be of the most vivid and lasting kind, 

" The following history of the state of society, manners and cus- 
toms of our forefathers has been drawn from the latter source, and 
is given to the world with the knowledge that many of my contem- 
poraries are still living, who, as well as myself, have witnessed all 
the scenes and events herein described, and whose memories will 
speedily detect and expose any errors it may contain. 

" The municipal as well as ecclesiastical institutions of society, 
whether good or bad, in consequence of their continued use, give a 
corresponding cast to the public character of the society whose con- 
duct they direct, the more so, because in the lapse of time the 
observance of them becomes a matter of conscience. 

" This observation applies with full force to that influence of our 
early land laws which allowed four hundred acres, and no more, 
to a settlement right. Many of our first settlers seemed to regard 
this amount of the surface of the earth as the allotment of Divine 
Providence for one family, and believed that any attempt to get 
more, would be sinful. Most of them, therefore, contented them- 
selves with that amount, although they might have which allowed 
but one settlement right to any one individual, by taking out the 
title papers in the names of others, to be afterward transferred to 
them as if by purchase. Some few, indeed, pursued this practice, 
but it was held in detestation. 

"Owing to the equal distribution of real property directed by 
our land laws, and the sterling integrity of our forefathers in their 
observance of them, we have no districts of "sold land," as it is 
called; that is, large tracts of lands in the hands of individuals or 
companies who neither sell nor improve them, as is the case in 
Lower Canada and the north-western part of Pennsylvania. These 
unsettled tracts make huge blanks in the population of the country 
where they exist. 

" The division lines between those whose lands adjoined were 
generally made in an amicable manner, before any survey of 
them was made by the parties concerned. In doing this, they were 
guided mainly by the tops of ridges and water-courses, but particu- 
larly the former. Hence, the greater number of farms in south- 
western Pennsylvania and Virginia, bear a striking resemblance to 
an amphitheater. The buildings occupy a low situation, and the 
tops of the surrounding hills are the boundaries of the tract to 
which the family mansion belongs. 



1781. HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 337 

" Our forefathers were fond of farms of this description, because 
as they said, they are attended with this convenience, 'that every- 
thing comes to the house down hill.' In the hilly parts of the 
State of Ohio, the land having been laid off in an arbitrary manner 
by straight parallel lines, without regard to hill or dale, the farms 
present a different appearance from those on the south side of the 
river. There the buildings as frequently occupy the tops of the hills 
as any other situation. 

" Our people had become so accustomed to the mode of ' getting 
land for taking it up,' that for a long time it was generally believed 
that the land on the west side of the Ohio would ultimately be dis- 
posed of in the same way. Hence, almost the whole tract of 
country between the Ohio and the Muskingum was parceled out 
in tomahawk improvements, but these were not satisfied with a 
single four hundred acre tract. Many of them owned a great num- 
ber of tracts of the best lands, and thus, in imagination, were as 
* wealthy as a South Sea dream.' Some of these land jobbers did 
not content themselves with marking trees at the usual height with 
the initials of their names, but climbed up the large beech trees and 
cut the letters in their bark, from twenty to forty feet from the 
ground. To enable them to identify those trees at a future period, 
they made marks on other trees around as references. 

" The settlement of a new country in the immediate neighbor- 
hood of an old one, is not attended with much difficulty, because 
supplies can readily be obtained from the latter; but the settlement 
of a country very remote from any cultivated region, is quite a 
different thing; because at the out-set, food, raiment, and the 
implements of husbandry are only obtained in small supplies and 
with great difficulty. The task of making new establishments in 
a remote wilderness in a time of profound peace, is sufficiently 
difficult ; but when in addition to all the unavoidable hardships 
attendant on their business, those resulting from an extensive and 
furious warfare with savages, are superadded ; toil, privations, and 
sufferings, are then carried to the full extent of the capacity of men 
to endure them. 

" Such was the wretched condition of our forefathers in making 
their settlements here. To all their difficulties and privations the 
Indian war was a weighty addition. This destructive warfare they 
were compelled to sustain almost single handed, because the Revo- 
lutionary contest gave full employment for the military strength 
and resources on the east side of the mountain. 



338 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

"The history of the manners and customs of our forefathers will 
appear like a collection of Hales of olden times.' It is a homely 
narrative, yet valuable on account of its being real history. 

"Then, the women did the offices of the household; milked the 
cows, cooked the mess, prepared the flax, spun, wove, and made 
the garments of linen or linsey; the men hunted, and brought in 
the meat; they planted, ploughed, and gathered in the corn; 
grinding it into meal at the hand-mill, or pounding it into hominy in 
the mortar, was occasionally the work of either, or the joint labor 
of both. 

" The -men exposed themselves alone to danger ; they fought the 
Indians, they cleared the land, they reared the hut, or built the 
fort, in which the women were placed for safety. Much use was 
made of the skins of deer for dress ; while the buffalo and bear 
skins were consigned to the floor, for beds and covering. There 
might incidentally, be a few articles brought to the country for 
sale, in a private way; but there was no store for supply. Wooden 
vessels, either turned or coopered, were in common use as table 
furniture. 

"A tin cup was an article of delicate luxury, almost as rare as an 
iron fork. Every hunter carried his knife; it was no less the 
implement of a warrior; not unfrequently the rest of the family 
was left with but one or two for the use of all. A like workman- 
ship composed the table and the stool; a slab, hewed with the axe, 
and sticks of a similar manufacture, set in for legs, supported both. 
When the bed was, by chance or refinement, elevated above the 
floor, and given a fixed place, it was often laid on slabs placed 
across poles, supported on forks, set in the earthen floor; or where 
the floor was puncheons, the bedstead was hewed pieces, pinned 
on upright posts, or let into them by anger holes. Other utensils 
and furniture, were of a corresponding description, applicable to 
the time. 

"The food was of the most wholesome and nutritive kind. The 
richest milk, the finest butter, and best meat, that ever delighted 
man's palate, were here eaten with a relish which health and labor 
only know. Those were shared by friend and stranger in every 
cabin with profuse hospitality. 

"Hats were made of the native far; and the buffalo wool 
employed in the composition of cloth, as was also the bark of the 
wild nettle. 

" There was some paper money in the country, which had not 



1781. HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 339 

depreciated one half nor even a fourth as much as it had at the seat 
of government. If there was any gold or silver, its circulation was 
suppressed. The price of a beaver hat, was five hundred dollars.* 

" The hunting shirt was universally worn. This was a kind of 
loose frock, reaching half way down the thighs, with large sleeves, 
open before, and so wide as to lap over a foot or more when belted. 
The cape was large, and sometimes handsomely fringed with a 
raveled piece of cloth of a different color from that of the hunting 
shirt itself. The bosom of his dress served as a wallet to hold a 
chunk of bread, cakes, jerk, tow for wiping the barrel of the rifle, 
or any other necessary for the hunter or warrior. The belt which 
was always tied behind answered several purposes, besides that of 
holding the dress together. In cold weather the mittens, and 
sometimes the bullet-bag, occupied the front part of it. To the 
right side was suspended the tomahawk, and to the left the scalping 
knife in its leathern sheath. 

" The hunting shirt was generally made of linsey, sometimes of 
coarse linen, and a few of dressed deer skins. These last were 
very cold and uncomfortable in wet weather. The shirt and jacket 
were of the common fashion. A pair of drawers or breeches and 
leggins, were the dress of the thighs and legs ; a pair of moccasins 
answered for the feet much better than shoes. These were made 
of dressed deer skin. They were mostly made of a single piece, 
with a gathering seam along the top of the foot, and another from 
the bottom of the heel, without gathers, as high as the ankle joint 
or a little higher. Flaps were left on each side to reach some 
distance up the legs. These were nicely adapted to the ankles and 
lower part of the leg by thongs of deer skin, so that no dust, 
gravel, or snow, could get within the moccasin. 

"The moccasins in ordinary use cost but a few hours labor to 
make them. This was done by an instrument denominated a 
moccasin awl, which was made of the back spring of an old clasp 
knife. This awl, with its buck-horn handle, was an appendage of 
every shot pouch strap, together with a roll of buckskin for 
mending the moccasins. This was the labor of almost every 
evening. They were sewed together and patched with deer skin 
thongs, or whangs as they were commonly called. 

"In cold weather the moccasins were well stuffed with deers' 
hair, or dry leaves, so as to keep the feet comfortably warm ; but 



*See Marshall's History of Kentucky, i., p. 123. 



340 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

in wet weather it was usually said that wearing them was ' a decent 
way of going barefooted;' and such was the fact, owing to the 
spongy texture of the leather of which they were made. 

" Owing to this defective covering of the feet, more than to any 
other circumstance, the greater number of our hunters and war- 
riors were afflicted with the rheumatism in their limbs. Of this 
disease they were all apprehensive in cold or wet weather, and 
therefore always slept with their feet to the fire, to prevent or cure 
it as well as the} r could. This practice unquestionably had a very- 
salutary effect, and prevented many of them from becoming con- 
firmed cripples in early life. 

" The fort consisted of cabins, block houses and stockades. A 
range of cabins commonly formed one side at least of the fort. 
Divisions, or partitions of logs, separated the cabins from each 
other. The walls on the outside were ten or twelve feet high, the 
slope of the roof being turned wholly inward. A very few of these 
cabins had puncheon floors, the greater part were earthen. 

" The block houses were built at the angles of the fort. They 
projected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the cabins and 
stockades. Their upper stories were about eighteen inches every 
way larger in dimension than the under one, leaving an opening at 
the commencement of the second story, to prevent the enemy from 
making a lodgment under their walls. In some forts, instead of 
block houses, the angles of the fort were furnished with bastions. 
A large folding gate, made of thick slabs, nearest the spring, closed 
the fort. The stockades, bastions, cabins, and block house walls, 
were furnished with port-holes at proper heights and distances. 
The whole of the outside was made completely bullet proof. 

" It may be truly said that necessity is the mother of invention ; 
for the whole of this work was made without the aid of a single 
nail or spike of iron, and for this reason, such things were not to 
be had. 

" In some places, less exposed, a single block house, with a cabin 
or two, constituted the whole fort. 

" For a long time after the first settlement of this country, the 
inhabitants in general married young. There was no distinction 
of rank, and very little of fortune. On these accounts the first 
impression of love resulted in marriage ; and a family establishment 
cost but a little labor, and nothing else. 

" In the first years of the settlement of this country, a wedding 
engaged the attention of a whole neighborhood, and the frolic was 
anticipated by old and young with eager expectation. This is not 



1781. HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 341 

to be wondered at, when it is told that a wedding was almost the 
only gathering which was not accompanied with the labor of reap- 
ing, log rolling, building a cabin, or planning some scout or cam- 
paign. 

" In the morning of the wedding-day, the groom and his attend- 
ants assembled at the house of his father, for the purpose of reach- 
ing the mansion of his bride by noon, which was the usual time 
for celebrating the nuptials ; which for certain must take place be- 
fore dinner. 

" Let the reader imagine an assemblage of people, without a 
store, tailor, or mantuamaker within a hundred miles; and an 
assemblage of horses, without a blacksmith or saddler within an 
equal distance. The gentlemen dressed in shoepacks, moccasins, 
leather breeches, leggings, linsey hunting-shirts, and all home- 
made. 

" The ladies dressed in linsey petticoats and linsey or linen bed- 
gowns, coarse shoes, stockings, handkerchiefs and buckskin gloves, 
if any. If there were any buckles, rings, buttons, or ruffles, they 
were the relics of old times, family pieces from parents or grand- 
parents. 

" The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, old bridles, or 
halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket thrown over 
them : a rope or string as often constituted the girth as a piece of 
leather. 

" The march, in double file, was often interrupted by the narrow- 
ness and obstructions of our horse-paths, as they were called, for 
we had no roads : and these difficulties were often increased, some- 
times by the good, and sometimes by the ill will of neighbors, by 
falling trees and tying grape vines across the way. Sometimes an 
ambuscade was formed by the way-side, and an unexpected dis- 
charge of several guns took place, so as to cover the wedding com- 
pany with smoke. 

" Let the reader imagine the scene which followed this discharge : 
the sudden spring of the horses, the shrieks of the girls, and the 
chivalric bustle of their partners to save them from falling. Some- 
times, in spite of all that could be done to prevent it, some were 
thrown to the ground. If a wrist, elbow, or ankle happened to be 
sprained, it was tied with a handkerchief, and little more was 
thought or said about it. 

"Another ceremony commonly took place before the party 
reached the house of the bride, after the practice of making whisky 
began, which was at an early period ; when the party were about a 



342 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

mile from the place of their destination, two young men wonld 
single ont to run for the bottle ; the worse the path, the more logs, 
brush, and deep hollows, the better, as these obstacles afforded an 
opportunity for the greater display of intrepidity and horse- 
manship. 

" The English fox chase, in point of danger to the riders and 
their horses, is nothing to this race for the bottle. The start was 
announced by an Indian yell; logs, brush, muddy hollows, hill 
and glen, were speedily passed by the rival ponies. The bottle was 
always filled for the occasion, so that there was no use forjudges; 
for the first who reached the door was presented with the prize, 
with which he returned in triumph to the company. 

" On approaching them he announced his victory over his rival 
by a shrill whoop. At the head of the troop, he gave the bottle 
first to the groom and his attendants, and then to each pair in 
succession to the rear of the line, giving each a dram; and then 
putting the bottle in the bosom of his hunting-shirt, took his sta- 
tion in the company. 

" The ceremony of the marriage preceded the dinner, which was 
a substantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, and sometimes 
venison and bear meat, roasted and boiled, with plenty of potatoes, 
cabbage, and other vegetables. During the dinner, the greatest 
hilarity always prevailed ; although the table might be a large slab 
of timber, hewed out with abroadaxe, supported by four sticks set in 
auger holes, and the furniture some old pewter dishes and plates, the 
rest wooden bowls and trenchers ; a few pewter spoons, much bat- 
tered about the edges, were to be seen at some tables. The rest 
were made of horns. If knives were scarce, the deficiency was 
made up by the scalping knives which were carried in sheaths sus- 
pended to the belt of the hunting shirt. 

"After dinner the dancing commenced, and generally lasted till 
the next morning. The figures of the dances were three and four 
handed reels, or square sets, and jigs. The commencement was 
always a square four, which was followed by what is called jigging 
it off; that is, two of the four would single out for a jig, and were 
followed by the remaining couple. The jigs were often accompa- 
nied with what was called cutting out; that is, when either of the 
parties became tired of the dance, on intimation, the place was sup- 
plied by some one of the company, without any interruption of the 
dance. 

"In this way a dance was often continued till the musician was 
heartily tired of his situation. Toward the latter part of the night, 



1781. HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 343 

if any of the company, through weariness, attempted to conceal 
themselves, for the purpose of sleeping, they were hunted up, pa- 
raded on the floor, and the fiddler ordered to play, ' Hang on till 
to-morrow morning.' 

"About nine or ten o'clock, a deputation of the young ladies 
stole off the bride, and put her to bed. In doing this, it frequently 
happened that they had to ascend a ladder instead of a pair of 
stairs, leading from the dining and ball room to the loft, the floor 
of which was made of clapboards, lying loose and without nails. 
This ascent, one might think, would put the bride and her attend- 
ants to the blush, but as the foot of the ladder was commonly be- 
hind the door, which was purposely opened for the occasion, and 
its rounds at the inner ends were well hung with hunting shirts, 
petticoats, and other articles of clothing, the candles being on the 
opposite side of the house, the exit of the bride was noticed but by 
few. 

"This done, a deputation of young men in like manner stole off 
the groom, and placed him snugly by the side of his bride. The 
dance still continued ; and if seats happened to be scarce, which 
was often the case, every young man, when not engaged in the 
dance, was obliged to offer his lap as a seat for one of the girls ; 
and the offer was sure to be accepted. 

" In the midst of this hilarity the bride and groom were not for- 
gotten. Pretty late in the night, some one would remind the com- 
pany that the new couple must stand in need of some refreshment: 
black Betty, which was the name of the bottle, was called for, and 
sent up the ladder, but sometimes black Betty did not go alone. I 
have many times seen as much bread, beef, pork, and cabbage sent 
along with her, as would afford a good meal for half a dozen hun- 
gry men. The young couple were compelled to eat and drink, 
more or less, of whatever was offered them. 

"It often happened that some neighbors or relations, not being 
asked to the wedding, took offense ; and the mode of revenge 
adopted by them on such occasions, was that of cutting off the 
manes, foretOps, and tails of the horses of the wedding company. 

"I will proceed to state the usual manner of settling a young 
couple in the world. 

" A spot was selected on a piece of land of one of the parents, 
for their habitation. A day was appointed, shortly after their mar- 
riage, for commencing the work of building their cabin. The 
fatigue party consisted of choppers, whose business it was to fell 
the trees, and cut them off at proper lengths ; a man with a team 



344 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

for hauling them to the place, and arranging them, properly as- 
sorted, at the sides and ends of the building ; a carpenter, if such 
he might be called, whose business it was to search the woods for 
a proper tree for making clapboards for the roof. The tree for 
this purpose must be straight grained, and from three to four feet 
in diameter. The boards were split four feet long, with a large 
frow, and as wide as the timber will allow. They were used with- 
out planing or shaving. Another division were employed in getting 
puncheons for the floor of the cabin ; this was done by splitting 
trees, about eighteen inches in diameter, and hewing the faces of 
them with a broadaxe. They were half the length of the floor 
they were intended to make. 

"The materials for the cabin were mostly prepared on the first 
day, and sometimes the foundation laid in the evening. The sec- 
ond day was allotted for the raising. 

" In the morning of the next day the neighbors collected for the 
raising. The first thing to be done was the election of four corner 
men, whose business it was to notch and place the logs. The rest 
of the company furnished them with the timbers. In the mean- 
time the boards and puncheons were collecting for the floor and 
roof, so that by the time the cabin was a few rounds high, the sleep- 
ers and floor began to be laid. The door was made by sawing or 
cutting the logs in one side, so as to make an opening about three 
feet wide. This opening was secured by upright pieces of timber, 
about three inches thick, through which holes were bored into the 
ends of the logs, for the purpose of pinning them fast. A similar 
opening, but wider, was made at the end for the chimney. This 
was built of logs, and made large to admit of a back and jambs of 
stone. At the square, two end logs projected a foot or eighteen 
inches beyond the wall, to receive the bunting poles, as they were 
called, against which the ends of the first row of clapboads was 
supported. The roof was formed by making the end logs shorter 
until a single log formed the comb of the roof; on these logs the 
clapboards were placed, the ranges of them lapping some distance 
over those next below them, and kept in their places by logs, placed 
at proper distances upon them. 

"The roof, and sometimes the floor, were finished on the same 
day of the raising. A third day was commonly spent by a few 
carpenters in leveling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a 
table. This last was made of a split slab, and supported by four 
round logs set in auger holes. Some three legged stools were made 
in the same manner. Some pins stuck in the logs at the back of 



1781. HABITS OE LIFE IN THE WEST. 345 

the house supported some clapboards which served for shelves for 
the table furniture. 

" A single fork, placed with its lower end in a hole in the floor, 
and the upper end fastened to a joist, served for a bedstead, by 
placing a pole in the fork with one end through a crack between 
the logs of the wall. This front pole was crossed by a shorter one 
within the fork, with its outer end through another crack. From 
the front pole, through a crack between the logs of the end of the 
house, the boards were put on which formed the bottom of the 
bed. Sometimes other poles were pinned to the fork a little 
distance above these, for the purpose of supporting the front and 
foot of the bed, while the walls were the supports of its back and 
head. A few pegs around the w^alls for a display of the coats 
of the women, and hunting shirts of the men, and two small 
forks or bucks' horns to a joist for the rifle and shot pouch, 
completed the carpenter work. 

"In the meantime masons were at work. With the heart 
pieces of the timber of which the clapboards were made, they 
made billets for chunking up the cracks between the logs of the 
cabin and chimney — a large bed of mortar was made for daubing 
up those cracks; a few stones formed the back and jambs of the 
chimney. 

"The cabin being finished, the ceremony of house-warming took 
place, before the young people were permitted to move into it. 

" The house-warming was a dance of a whole night's continu- 
ance, made up of the relations of the bride and groom, and their 
neighbors. On the day following the young couple took possession 
of their new mansion. 

"At house raisings, log rollings, and harvest parties, every one 
was expected to do his duty faithfully. A person who did not 
perform his share of labor on these occasions, w T as designated by 
the epithet of "Lawrence," or some other title still more opprobri- 
ous; and when it came to his turn to require the like aid from his 
neighbors, the idler soon felt his punishment, in their refusal to 
attend to his calls. 

"Although there was no legal compulsion to the performance of 
military duty, yet every man of full age and size was expected to 
do his full share of public service. If he did not do so he was 
'Hated out as a coward.' Even the want of any article of war 
equipments, such as ammunition, a sharp flint, a priming wire, a 
scalping knife or tomahawk, was thought highly disgraceful. A 
man who without a reasonable cause failed to go on a scout or 
23 



346 HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 1781. 

campaign when it came to his turn, met with an expression of 
indignation in the countenances of all his neighbors, and epithets of 
dishonor were fastened upon him without mercy. 

"Debts, which make such an uproar in civilized life, were but 
little known among our forefathers at the early settlement of this 
country. After the depreciation of the continental paper they had 
no money of any kind; every thing purchased was paid for in 
produce or labor. A good cow and calf was often the price of a 
bushel of alum salt. If the contract was not punctually fulfilled, 
the credit of the delinquent was at an end. 

"Any petty theft was punished with all the infamy that could 
be heaped on the offender. A man on a campaign stole from his 
comrade a cake out of the ashes, in which it was baking: he was 
immediately named < The bread rounds.' This epithet of reproach 
was bandied about in this way : when he came in sight of a group 
of men, one of them would call ' "Who comes there ?' Another 
would answer, ' The bread rounds.' If any one meant to be more 
serious about the matter, he would call out, 'Who stole a cake out 
of the ashes?' Another replied, by giving the name of the man 
in full; to this a third would give confirmation, by exclaiming, 
'That is true and no lie.' This kind of 'tongue-lashing' he was 
doomed to bear for the rest of the campaign, as well as for years 
after his return home. 

"If a theft was detected in any of the frontier settlements, a 
summary mode of punishment was always resorted to. The first 
settlers, as far as I knew of them, had a kind of innate or heredi- 
tary detestation of the crime of theft, in any shape or degree, and 
their maxim was, that 'a thief must be whipped.' If the theft 
was of something of some value, a kind of jury of the neighbor- 
hood, after hearing the testimony, would condemn the culprit to 
Moses' Law, that is to forty stripes, save one. If the theft was of 
some small article, the offender was doomed to carry on his back 
the flag of the United States, which then consisted of thirteen 
stripes. In either case, some able hands were selected to execute 
the sentence, so that the stripes were sure to be well laid on. 

"This punishment was followed by a sentence of exile. He 
then was informed that he must decamp in so many days, and be 
seen there no more on penalty of having the number of his stripes 
doubled. 

" If a woman was given to tattling and slandering her neighbors, 
she was furnished, by common consent, with a kind of patent right 
to say whatever she pleased, without being believed. Her tongue 
was then said to be harmless, or to be no scandal. 



1781. HABITS OF LIFE IN THE WEST. 347 

"With all their rudeness, these people were given to hospitality, 
and freely divided their rough fare with a neighbor or stranger, and 
would have been offended at the offer of pa}\ In their settlements 
°nd forts, they lived, they worked, they fought and feasted, or 
rffered together in cordial harmony. They were warm and con- 
ant in their friendships. On the other hand, they were revenge- 
ul in their resentments; and the point of honor sometimes led 
to personal combats. 

" If one man called another a liar, he was considered as having 
given a challenge which the person who received it must accept, 
or be deemed a coward, and the charge was generally answered on 
the spot with a blow. If the injured person was decidedly unable 
to fight the aggressor, he might get a friend to do it for him. The 
same thing took place on a charge of cowardice, or any other dis- 
honorable action, a battle must follow, and the person who made 
the charge must fight, either the person against whom he made the 
charge, or any champion who choose to espouse his cause. Thus 
circumstanced, our people in early times were much more cautious 
of speaking evil of their neighbors than they are at present. 

" Sometimes pitched battles occurred, in which time, place and 
seconds were appointed beforehand. I remember having seen one 
of those pitched battles in my father's fort, when a boy. One of 
the young men knew very well beforehand that he should get the 
worst of the battle, and no doubt repented the engagement to fight ; 
but there was no getting over it. The point of honor demanded 
the risk of battle. He got his whipping; they then shook hands 
and were good friends afterward. 

"The mode of single combats in those days was dangerous in the 
extreme ; although no weapons were used, fists, teeth and feet were 
employed at will ; but above all, the detestable practice of gouging, 
by which eyes were sometimes put out, rendered this mode of 
fighting frightful indeed; it was not, however, so destructive as 
the stiletto of an Italian, the knife of a Spaniard, the small 
sword of the Frenchman, or the pistol of the American or English 
duelist. 

" E The ministry of the gospel has contributed, no doubt, immensely 
to the happy change which has been effected in the state of our 
western society. At an early period of our settlements, three 
Presbyterian clergymen commenced their clerical labors in our 
infant settlements. They were pious, patient, laborious men, who 
collected their people into regular congregations, and did all for 
them that their circumstances would allow. It was no disparage- 



348 GOSPEL LABORS IN THE WEST. 1781. 

ment to them, that their first churches were the shady groves, and 
their first pulpits a kind of tent, constructed of a few rough slabs, 
and covered with clapboards. "lie who dwelleth not exclusively 
in temples made with hands," was propitious to their devotions. 
From the outset, they prudently resolved to create a ministry in 
the country, and accordingly established little grammar schools at 
their own houses, or in their immediate neighborhoods. The 
course of education which they gave their pupils was, indeed, not 
extensive ; but the piety of those who entered into the ministry, 
more than made up the deficiency. 

"At a later period, the Methodist Society began their labors in the 
western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania; their progress at first 
was slow, but their zeal and perseverance at length overcame every 
obstacle. The itinerant plan of their ministry is well calculated to 
convey the gospel throughout a thinly scattered population. 
Accordiugly, their ministry has kept pace with the extension of 
our settlements. The little cabin was scarcely built, and the little 
field fenced in, before these evangelical teachers made their appear- 
ance among them, collected them into societies, and taught them 
the worship of God. Had it not been for the labors of these inde- 
fatigable men, our country, as to a great extent of its settlements, 
would have been at this day, a semi-barbaric region. 

"With the Catholics, I have but little acquaintance, but have every 
reason to believe, that in proportion to the extent of their flocks, 
they have done well. Their clergy, with apostolic zeal, but in an 
unostentatious manner, have sought out and ministered to their 
scattered flocks throughout the country, and, as far as I know, with 
good success. The Society of Friends in the western country are 
numerous, and their establishments in good order. Their habits 
of industry and attention to useful arts and improvements, are 
highly honorable to themselves, and worthy of imitation. The 
Baptists in the State of Kentucky took the lead in the ministry, 
and with great success. The German, Lutheran and Eeformed 
Churches have done well. 

"The Episcopalian Church, which ought to have been foremost in 
gathering in their scattered flocks, have been the last, and done 
the least of any Christian community in the evangelical work. 
Taking the western country in its whole extent, at least one-half of 
its population, was originally of Episcopalian parentage ; but, for 
want of a ministry of their own, have associated with other commu- 
nities. They had no alternative but that of changing their pro- 
fession, or living and dying without the ordinances of religion. It 



1782. MORAVIAN MISSIONARY LABORS. 349 

can be no subject of regret, that those ordinances were placed 
within their reach by other hands, while they were withheld by 
those by whom, as a matter of right and duty, they ought to have 
been given. One single chorepiscopus, or suffragan bishop of a 
faithful spirit, who, twenty years ago, (1804) should have 'ordained 
them elders in every place ' where they were needed, would have 
been the instrument of forming Episcopal congregations over a 
great extent of country, and which, by this time, would have 
become large, numerous and respectable ; but the opportunity was 
neglected, and the consequent loss to this church is irreparable. 
So total a neglect of the spiritual interests of so many valuable 
people, for so great a length of time, by a ministry so near at hand, 
is a singular and unprecedented fact in ecclesiastical history, the 
like of which never occurred before. 

"I beg that it may be understood, that with the distinguishing 
tenets of our religious societies I have nothing to do, nor yet with 
the excellencies or defects of their ecclesiastical institutions. They 
are noticed on no other ground than that of their respective con- 
tributions to the science and civilization of the country. The last, 
but not the least of the means of our present civilization, are our 
excellent forms of government, and the administration of the laws." 

The year 1782 was stained by a great crime, the murder of the 
1782.] Moravian converts on the Muskingum.* The Moravians, 
or United Brethren, originated as a distinctive society, in a revival 
of religion in Fuinec, in Moravia, about 1720 ; and were collected 
into a community at Bethelsdorp, in Upper Lusatia, by Count 
Zinzendorf, in 1722. The visit of Zinzendorf to Copenhagen, at 
the coronation of Christian VI., in 1731, made him acquainted 
with the condition of the slaves of the "West Indies ; and on his 
return to Bethelsdorp, the congregation determined to send mis- 
sionaries to the Danish West Indies, to instruct the slaves. In 
1732, two missionaries went out to St. Thomas, and sold them- 
selves into slavery, to be able to reach the slaves. Such was the 
origin of the Moravian missions ; they were thus commenced by a 
community who had been driven from their homes by persecution, 
and wh6 then numbered only six hundred members. Nor did they 



* The principal authorities in relation to this subject, are Loskiel's History of the 
Moravian Missions in North America, and Hecke welder's Narrative of the Mission of the 
United Brethren to the Delaware and Mohican Indians. 



350 MORAVIAN MISSIONARY LABORS. 1742. 

stop with one effort to convert the heathen. In nine years after, 
they had missions established in Greenland, St. Thomas, St. Croix, 
Surinam, Rio de Berbice, Lapland, Tartary, Algiers, Guinea, Cey- 
lon, at the Cape of Good Hope, among the Indians of North 
America, and the negroes of South Carolina. 

Ten of the Brethren were brought into Georgia, in 1735, by 
Count Zinzendorf, to preach the gospel to the Creeks. Five years 
later, they were expelled from the colony for refusing, in accord- 
ance with their faith, to bear arms in the war then raging between 
the English and Spaniards, and retired to Pennsylvania. On their 
arrival, they were offered a tract of land — a beautiful site on the 
left bank of the Lehigh, at the mouth of Manockisy creek, a few 
miles above its junction with the Delaware — which they purchased 
and named Bethlehem. Three years later, "Whitfield offered to 
them a tract, ten miles north of Bethlehem, which he had pur- 
chased, and on which he had commenced to erect buildings for a 
school for colored children, and named ITazareth. This they ac- 
cepted, finished, and settled. 

In 1740, the first missionary, Christian Henry Raueh, was sent 
to the Indians of New York and Connecticut. His instructions 
were, the exemplification of the policy of the Brethren, and indi- 
cate clearly the spirit that influenced them. They were " not in 
any wise to interfere with the labors of other missionaries or minis- 
ters, or cause any disturbance among them, but silently to observe 
whether any of the heathen were, by the grace of God, prepared 
to receive and believe the word of life ; and that, if even only one 
was to be found desirous of hearing, to him should the gospel be 
preached, for God must give the heathen ears to hear the gospel, 
and hearts to receive it." 

The mission was established at Shekomeko, an Indian village 
on the borders of Connecticut, near the Stissik mountain. The 
Indians were barbarous, and debauched by spirituous liquors; the 
whites were hostile to the mission ; yet Rauch persevered, and, in 
two years, twenty-nine converts were added to the Christian 
church. Zinzendorf visited the mission in 1742, and supplied it 
with assistants ; and, in consequence, a new station was established 
at Scatticok, on Kent river, in Connecticut, where also 'converts 
were made, and a congregation was organized. 

In the midst of this success, persecution arose; the whites, who 
at first had ridiculed their attempt to convert barbarians, were 
alarmed at their success. They were interfering with the liquor 
traffic, they were traitors to the government, they were concealed 



1744. MORAVIAN MISSIONARIES PERSECUTED. 351 

papists, they were furnishing arms to the Indians to join the 
French. On these pretexts, they were arrested and examined by 
the governor of Connecticut, and, on proof of their innocence, 
discharged. Next, their meetings were forbidden, and they were 
brought to New York, for examination before the governor of that 
province. Again they were discharged, and allowed the privilege 
of living according to their religious tenets. 

Their persecution did not stop here ; they were, from motives of 
conscience, opposed to the taking of oaths, and on that account 
were accused of refusing to take, according to law, the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy. On these representations, they were 
required, by act of the Assembly of New York, to swear the pre- 
scribed oaths ; positively forbidden to instruct the Indians, and, in 
default of obedience, were banished from that province, and retired 
to the more tolerant province of Pennsylvania, in 1744. Four 
years later, the Indian converts at Shekomeko, in the fear of being 
murdered by the whites, were compelled to abandon their village, 
and follow their teachers to Pennsylvania, upon the invitation of 
the governor of that province. Arrived at Bethlehem, they were 
received with great cordiality by the Brethren, and settled them- 
selves at Friedenshutten, or " Tents of Peace," a small hamlet 
which they built for themselves, near Bethlehem. And, as emi- 
gration continued, they made another settlement at the mouth of 
the Mahoning, which they called Gnadenhutten, or " Tents of 
Grace." 

The labors of the Brethren, at Bethlehem and Nazareth, were 
principally devoted to the Delawares, and were rewarded with an 
encouraging degree of success. At Friedenshutten, Gnadenhutten, 
and other hamlets around them, grew up Christian villages of the 
converts of the Moravians, who had laid aside the ferocity of their 
native character, the vices of their savage life, and the warlike 
spirit of their race, and who had, instead, adopted the pure and 
peaceful virtues of the Christian character, and yielded obedience 
to the requirements of the Christian morality. And amid the long 
suffering they were called to endure from their savage neighbors, 
the heathen Indians, and their scarcely less malignant enemies 
among the whites, they gave full evidence that that great change 
effected among them, by the self-denying labors of the Moravian 
Brethren, was a change of heart; and that the profession of the 
Christian faith they made was intelligent and sincere. 

For a time, the Brethren were allowed peacably to pursue their 
labor of love, and their converts were permitted in peace to gather 



352 MORAVIAN MISSIONARIES THREATENED. 1754. 

around them, and receive their teachings; and so successful were 
they, that, in 1749, the congregation at Gnadenhutten alone num- 
bered five hundred native members. But they were not allowed 
long to enjoy their quiet. When the war of 1754 broke out, the 
Brethren and their converts were placed in a very embarrassing 
situation. The Indians could form no clear idea of neutral Indian 
villages, in a war with the whites, and had no conception of any 
motive they might have for a neutrality, but a secret sympathy 
with the English ; and, if they would not take up the hatchet with 
them, they were, on the border, in the way of their incursions. In 
the first instance, they sought to remove them to the wilderness, 
away from their teachers, and failing to do that, or to understand 
their true position, they became hostile. Nor were the whites bet- 
ter disposed. The old suspicions that destroyed the missions in 
New York were revived. They were concealed papists, in secret 
sympathy with the French, and furnished intelligence to them, and 
arms to the Indians. 

Accordingly, the borderers determined on their destruction, and 
a mob, raised to burn their villages and massacre them, assembled 
at Bethlehem. But the treatment they received, and the spectacle 
of Christian resignation they beheld, disarmed them; and they 
abandoned their purpose, and returned to their homes. The wilder 
spirits of the border were not satisfied with less than the entire 
destruction of the Indian towns, and were preparing another more 
determined attack, when their eyes were opened by a horrible 
massacre perpetrated by the Indians. There was a hamlet of 
Christian Indians on the Lehigh, opposite Gnadenhutten. On the 
24th of November, 1775, it was suddenly attacked, by night, by 
the Indians. The houses and other buildings were fired, the unre- 
sisting people were burned in them, or tomahawked and scalped,, 
as they fled from them. Eleven perished, four only escaped. All 
hostile designs against them were now laid aside by the English 
colonists, they were gathered in from their settlements, and troops 
were stationed to protect them and their property ; and, through 
the whole progress of the war, the Brethren and their people 
enjoyed the confidence of the whites, and the security of their 
protection. 

The agency of Christian Frederic Post in conciliating the Indi- 
ans to the English interest, has been noticed. Post emigrated from 
Germany with some Moravian Brethren, in 1742, and in the next 
year was appointed to join the mission at Shekomeko, where he 



1762. MORAVIAN MISSIONARY LABORS. 353 

married a baptized Indian woman. The mission was broken up in 
the next year, but Post remained and preached the gospel to the 
Indians in Connecticut until 1749. During this period he sup- 
ported himself by his labor as a joiner, enduring much persecution 
and abuse from the colonists. In that year he re-visited Germany, 
but soon returned to America, and labored as a missionary among 
the Indians at Wyoming, until the breaking out of the war of 1754, 
when he returned to Bethlehem. 

While there he was appointed, on account of his courage and 
spirit, and especially his acquaintance with the Indian character, as 
an ambassador to the Delawares, Shawanese, and Mingoes, who 
were in alliance with the French. He set out on the 15th of July, 
1758, in company with two Delaware Indians, and after encounter- 
ing many difficulties and much danger, succeeded in detaching 
those Indians from the French interest. On the 25th of October, 
of the same year, he was commissioned to bear another message 
from the governor of Pennsylvania to the Indians on the Ohio, in 
advance of the march of the army of Forbes to the forks of Ohio ; 
and succeeded, by his address, and the confidence he inspired, in 
preventing, at that critical time, a union of the Indians and French, 
and thus of compelling the abandonment of Fort Du Quesne. In 
1761, he crossed the mountains again, visited the Indians further 
westward, on the Muskingum, to preach the gospel to them ; ob- 
tained from them the privilege to establish a mission, and having 
built a house — the first, except the stations of the traders within the 
state of Ohio — on a spot designated by the Indians, he returned 
to seek an associate. The historian, Heckewelder, then a youth of 
nineteen, was chosen by the brethren to join the mission, and early 
in March, 1762, Post and Heckewelder set out for their station on 
the Tuscarawas, or upper Muskingum. 

There they immediately commenced to clear a field, in order to 
cultivate food for their subsistence. The Indians became alarmed, 
a council was called, and Post summoned before them. " Brother," 
said they, "it appears to us that you must since have changed your 
mind, for instead of instructing us or our children, you are cutting 
down trees on our land ; you have marked out a large spot of ground 
for a plantation, as the white people do everywhere ; and by and 
by another and another may come, and do the same, and the next 
thing will be, that a fort will be built for the protection of these 
intruders; and thus our country will be claimed by the white peo- 
ple, and we driven further back, as has been the case ever since the 
white people came into this country. Say, do we not speak the 



354 MORAVIAN MISSIONARY LABORS. 1763. 

truth ? " Post replied that he came indeed to teach them, but a 
teacher must live. He did not wish them to be burdened with his 
support, and therefore he designed to raise his own food. But he 
did not want a foot of their land, and his cultivating their land 
would give him no claim upon it. 

The council, after consultation, replied, "You say you are come, 
at the instigation of the Great Spirit, to teach and to preach to us. 
So also say the priests at Detroit, whom our father, the king of the 
French, has sent among his Indian children. Well, this being the 
case, you as a preacher want no more land than one of those do, 
who are content with a garden lot to plant vegetables and pretty 
flowers in, such as the French priests also have, and of which the 
white people are all fond. As you are in the same employment 
with them, and as we never saw them cut down trees and cultivate 
the ground to get a living, we think that, since they look well, 
they look to another source than labor for their living. And we 
think that if, as you say, the Great Spirit wants you to preach to 
the Indians, he will cause the same to be done to you as he causes 
to be done for those priests we have seen at Detroit. "We are 
agreed to give you a garden spot, even a larger spot of ground than 
they have at Detroit. It shall measure fifty steps each way, and if 
it suits, you are at liberty to plant in it what you please." 

To this Post agreed, and, with Heckewelder, cleared and planted 
the little spot assigned him ; and in the meanwhile, they subsisted 
on the game they could take, and the vegetables they could gather. 
During the summer, a conference was to be held with the Dela- 
wares, at Lancaster, and Post had been deputed by the governor of 
Pennsylvania, to accompany the chiefs thither. It had been the 
direction of the Brethren, that Heckewelder should return with 
him ; but, to avoid the appearance of abandoning the post, he re- 
mained for a time. The series of encroachments and outrages 
that led to the war of 1763, had already stirred the resentment of 
the savages ; and during the summer, they became so suspicious 
and unfriendly, that, at the advice of a trader, Heckewelder aban- 
doned the station, and returned to Fort Pitt. On his way, he met 
Post returning to the Muskingum. The position of affairs in the 
Indian country was threatening ; Post was especially suspected as 
an emissary of the whites, and, on consultation, the mission was 
finally abandoned. Heckewelder returned to Bethlehem ; Post, in 
despair of success among the Indians of the north, retired to the 
Bay of Honduras, and established a mission among the Musquito 
Indians. 



1764. MORAVIAN CONVERTS PROTECTED AT PHILADELPHIA. 355 

The Moravians and their converts enjoyed a little respite, only to 
be again exposed to greater persecutions. The war of 1763 was 
waged along the frontier with unexampled ferocity ; and the bor- 
der of Pennsylvania was occupied by a class of men, to whom an 
indiscriminate hatred of Indians was a ruling passion, 'and whom 
the many border wars had made almost as cruel as the Indians 
themselves. A band of peaceful Indians were settled at Cones- 
toga. It was suspected that they were connected, in some way, 
with the hostile Indians, and the borderers assembled and massacred 
all they could find of them. The survivors were collected, and 
placed in the jail of Lancaster for protection. There they were 
massacred by the exasperated mob. 

The popular rage next turned upon the Moravian converts. 
Several of them were murdered by a party of drunken rangers. 
They in turn were surprised and killed. In the excitement of the 
hour, the Moravian converts were suspected of the act ; and a mob 
approached Wequetank, with the design of exterminating them. 
A storm defeated their plan of attack, and the converts, now sensible 
of their danger, immediately removed to Nazareth. To protect 
them and to allay the resentment of the borderers, they with their 
teachers were removed, by order of the Assembly, to Philadelphia, 
and confined on Province Island. The borderers, fired with impla- 
cable resentment, followed, an attack on the city was threatened, 
and the Moravians were sent to New York. The governor of that 
province refused to receive them within its borders, and they were 
taken back to Philadelphia and imprisoned for a year in the 
barracks. On the conclusion of the war, they were released, 
returned to the Susquehanna, and rebuilt their deserted and ruined 
villages. 

The missionary spirit of the Moravians was not checked by these 
difficulties, and no sooner had they established themselves again, 
than they sent out their missionaries to teach the heathen Indians 
on the north and west. In the fall of 1767, the Rev. David 
Zeisberger, learning that some Indians on the Allegheny were 
desirous of having the gospel preached to them, went thither, in 
company with the assistant, Anthony, and a convert named Papun- 
hank. He was at first regarded as a spy, but his demeanor disarmed 
suspicion, and he was received with especial kindness by a Seneca 
chief. Groschgosking, "the place of hogs," a Delaware town of 
three villages, situated on the Allegheny, some twenty-five or thirty 
miles above the mouth of French creek, was the place Zeisberger 
had chosen as the station he designed to occupy. The chief advi- 



356 MORAVIANS ON ALLEGHENY RIVER. 1768. 

eed liim not to settle there on account of the great wickedness of 
the people. That, to Zeisberger, was however an additional motive. 
He accordingly proceeded thither, was well received, and allowed 
to preach. The great depravity of the place was not however 
over stated by the Seneca chief. The missionary was shocked at 
the wickedness of the people ; an Indian orator resisted the new 
doctrines of the white man, and it was with difficulty he received 
an invitation to come and settle among them. 

In the spring of 1768, Zeisberger, with the assistant, Senseman, 
and three families from Friedenshutten, removed to Goschgosking. 
There they located themselves, built a chapel, planted corn, and 
commenced immediately the work of evangelization. In that, 
they were, as usual, successful. A great number of Indians 
resorted to their hamlet, and "the Brethren ceased not by day and 
by night to teach and preach Jesus." The old chief, Allemewi, 
believed their teachings, was baptized, and joined himself to them. 
Others followed his example, and soon a little village of believing 
Indians grew up around them. As usual, their success excited 
enmity. It was affirmed, if the missionaries were allowed to 
remain, the whites would come, build a fort, and take possession 
of the country; and messages were sent from the Six Nations to 
the Delawares, that they must, in order to be safe, either kill the 
missionaries, or drive them out of the country. The old women 
went about complaining that the corn was devoured by worms , 
that the game had began to nee the country, that neither chestnuts 
nor bilberries ripened any more ; all which they ascribed to the 
fact that the Indians were changing their old way of living on 
account of what these white men had told them. The power of 
superstition was invoked. An Indian prophet, Wangomen, de- 
claimed against the missionaries. He had been, he pretended, 
favored with a vision of the spirit land. The Indians there, were 
in the enjoyment of plenty and happiness, the whites were in want 
and misery. The Indians, in their natural state, were the most 
acceptable to the Great Spirit. The Great Spirit was displeased 
with the presence of these w T hite teachers, and it was necessary to 
offer sacrifices to him to appease his wrath. 

The missionaries felt that their lives were in danger, and accord- 
ingly they removed with their converts, in the spring of 1769, to 
Lawunakhannak, "the middle stream," fifteen miles distant from 
Goschgosking. 

Here they built huts for their residence and a chapel for their 
worship. Allemewi and other converts settled around their dwel- 



1770. MORAVIANS REMOVE TO BEAVER. 357 

lings, more converts were added, and an abundant success seemed 
about to reward their labors. Among the many visitors to Lawun- 
akhannak, was a distinguished Indian orator from the Delaware 
village of Kushkushkee, on the Big Beaver, named Glikkikan. 
The Indians there had heard of the new doctrines the white 
teachers were disseminating among the Indians on the Allegheny; 
and he was deputed by the chief, Pakanke, to go and refute them. 
When he arrived, he resolved first to hear the missionary, and 
then reply to his teachings. Zeisberger preached, and he listened 
with great attention. Anthony, the assistant, invited him and his 
company to dine with him, and explained to him, in simple but 
expressive language, the religion taught by the Moravians. Glik- 
kikan was convinced, and in the presence of his friends, and of the 
chiefs of Goschgosking, declared his belief of the truth of the new 
religion. On his return to Kushkushkee, he honestly related the 
result of his mission, and bore an honorable testimony to the char- 
acter of the missionaries, and to the truth of their doctrine. The 
influence of the example of Glikkikan produced an effect even 
on the Allegheny. Many of the people followed from Goschgos- 
king and joined the congregation, more came to hear, and a new 
chapel was built for their accommodation. In the midst of this 
success, a difficulty arose between the Six Nations and the Chero- 
kees. The Six Nations had broken the treaty with the Cherokees, 
and murdered several of them. In revenge the Cherokees took 
two prisoners, cut off their fingers, and sent them back with an 
insulting message. A war between the two nations ensued ; the 
Christian Indians were located immediately between them, and 
the thoroughfare exposed to the hostility of both. Under these 
circumstances, they determined to accept the repeated invitations 
of Pakanke and Glikkikan, to settle on the Beaver, and made 
preparations to remove thither. 

Accordingly, on the 17th of April, 1770, the congregation at 
Lawunakhannak broke up, and set out in sixteen canoes, passing 
down the Allegheny and Ohio to the mouth of the Beaver, which 
they entered and proceeded up to the falls. There they were 
compelled to unload their cargoes and transport their canoes by 
land. In this they were aided by Glikkikan, who had come from 
Kushkushkee, with horses for their use. On the 3d of May, they 
reached their destination, informed Pakanke of their arrival, and 
were welcomed to their new homes, according to the Indian 
ceremony, by the chiefs. On the site designated for them, the 



358 MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 1770. 

Christian Indians immediately set to work, erected cabins, and 
opened farms. In a short time a settlement was formed r to which 
they gave the name of Languntoutenuenk, or Friedenstadt, "the 
town of peace." 

Dr. I Pollock, of Newcastle, Pa., says in a letter to the publisher : 
"The sites of the principal establishments of the Moravians, on 
Beaver river, were at the Kushkushkee and Moravian towns, 
(Friedenstadt). These villages were both situated in what is now 
Lawrence county, Pennsylvania; the sites of them were well chosen 
in regard both to their comfort and health, being on the west side 
of the principal streams, and connected with alluvial bottom lands 
of surpassing fertility. Kushkushkee occupied an elevated pla- 
teau of rich bottom land on the south-west side of the Mahoning 
river, four miles above its junction, with the Shenango, where they 
constitute the Big Beaver river. It was four miles east of the Ohio 
State line, four miles west of 'New Castle, the seat of justice for 
Lawrence county, Pennsylvania, and six miles north-west from its 
sister establishment at the Moravian town. Several war paths 
converged here at the War Post, on the west side of the village, 
and 'the Kushkushkee trace,' long known and traveled by the 
early white settlers, passing by the 'Scalp Spring,' near the 'Forks 
of the Beaver,' and through the Moravian town, connected it with 
the Ohio river at the mouth of Beaver, and up along the Ohio to 
Logstown, and what is now Pittsburgh. The 'Moravian Town' 
was situated on a bluff on the west side of Beaver river, two miles 
below its 'forks,' and twenty miles up from its mouth. 

" The societies formed at these two Indian towns by these pious 
and philanthropic missionaries, soon abandoned their savage habits 
and superstitious worship ; and under the direction of these devoted 
men, cleared and cultivated several hundred acres of their rich 
bottom lands, the products of which, added to the abundant supply 
of fish afforded by their rivers, and of game from the chase, placed 
them above the fear of want, and gave them leisure for intellectual 
and moral culture. They had schools in which their children were 
assiduously taught ; churches where they often convened for reli- 
gious worship, and workshops in which the most necessary of the 
mechanical arts were taught and practiced. Among the first 
lessons taught them by their Christian teachers, was one that came 
directly in conflict with the fixed habits and immemorial usages of 
savage life. They must no longer learn and practice the 'Art of 
War.' They must be men of peace, no longer shed the blood of 
their brother man. They must no longer resent or retaliate 



1771. MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 359 

wrongs ; all retribution must be left to the 'Great Spirit,' the com- 
mon Father of all. These principles and practices, so uncongenial 
to immemorial modes of thinking and acting, were nevertheless 
embraced and adhered to. Their schools flourished ; the teeming 
earth yielded to moderate cultivation an abundant supply of the 
necessaries of life, while their workshops furnished their common 
clothing, and the tools and utensils necessary for a peaceful life. 
Here was a young paradise blooming and fructifying in the 
wilderness. 

" But mutation and instability are written on the face of all things 
earthly. This state of prosperity and felicity was destined to be of 
short duration. We have said that these associations of non- 
resistant Indians were parts of the Delaware tribe, who were fre- 
quently at war with the whites, and sometimes with the neighboring 
tribes; and failing to enlist these bands to assist in their wars, and 
not understanding or appreciating their motives, naturally enter- 
tained jealousies and unfriendly feelings toward them. Residing 
as they did, on the great war path, along which these tribes and 
other northern nations marched to attack the frontier settlements 
of the whites, or the tribes of the south ; and near their grand 
rendezvous at the Scalp Spring and War Post, they were often 
pressed to join the hostile bands, and even threatened on their 
refusal. Finding themselves thus environed with difficulties and 
dangers, and that, located as they were, between their enemies, 
they could not maintain their neutrality but at the risk of exter- 
mination, they abandoned all their improvements and betook 
themselves to the wilderness, locating and renewing their improve- 
ments, and re-organizing their community on the waters of the 
Muskingum." 

The history of the mission on the Beaver, is thus given by 
Loskiel : 

"April 17th, 1770, the congregation of Lawunakhannak broke up, 
and set out in sixteen canoes, passing down the river Ohio by Pitts- 
burgh, to the mouth of the Beaver creek ; which they entered, and 
proceeded up to the falls, where they had to unload and transport 
their goods and canoes by land. One of these carrying places de- 
tained them two days. The frequent repetition of this troublesome 
work caused them to be very thankful when they met GTlikkikan, 
with some horses from Kaskaskunk (Kushkushkee) for their use. 

"Thus after a tedious journey, during which they had, however, 
held their daily meetings as often as their situation would permit, 



360 MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 1771. 

refreshing their souls by the comfortable word of God, they at 
length arrived, on the 3d of May, in the country where they in- 
tended to build their new settlement. The spot appointed for 
them could not have been better chosen, and there was good 
land sufficient to supply an hundred families. They now in- 
formed Pakanke, the head chief in Kaskaskunk, and his coun- 
cil, of their arrival. During the formalities usual on such occasions 
both Brother Zeisberger, and the Indian deputies, delivered 
several copious speeches, to give the inhabitants of Kaskaskunk, 
from the very beginning, a just idea of their new neighbors, 
and Pakanke bid them welcome in the same number of speeches. 
Captain Glikkikan could now no longer bear to live at Kaskaskunk, 
but desired leave to dwell with the Brethren. The latter exhorted 
him well to consider, that in so doing he would exchange an hon- 
orable office, power, and friends, for reproach, contempt, and per- 
secution. But his declarations were so firm and sincere, that it 
was impossible for them to refuse his request. 

" The Indians were now diligently at work in their plantations, 
and dwelt in the meantime in bark huts. They also built a large 
hut for the meetings of the congregation, which were numerously 
attended by the people from Kaskaskunk. The settlement made 
by the Brethren here was called Languntoutenuenk, or Friedenstadt, 
4 the town of peace.' 

" June 12th, the first baptism was administered in this place, to 
the wife of the blind Chief Solomon, who had formerly opposed 
her husband with great violence, but afterward became thought- 
ful, and anxious to obtain salvation. Glikkikan and others, who 
had never seen this transaction, were struck with wonder and 
amazement, and the whole assembly was so powerfully pervaded 
by the sensation of the presence of God, that the Brethren Zeisber- 
ger and Senseman were overcome with joy, and filled with renewed 
courage, boldly to maintain their post, even under the most grievous 
oppressions, and gladly to venture their lives in endeavoring to lead 
souls to Christ. 

The Indians in the neighboring country were astonished, or ra- 
ther alarmed, to see a people settle among them so much differ- 
ing in manners and customs from the heathen, and to hear a 
doctrine preached, of which they never before had any idea. In 
some, this astonishment was soon changed into displeasure and 
animosity. Glikkikan's retiring from Kaskaskunk to Friedenstadt 
occasioned universal dissatisfaction. His friends spared no pains 
to prevent it by kind persuasions ; but finding them useless, they 



1770. MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 361 

railed most bitterly against him, calling him a sorcerer, by which 
they even endangered his life. The old chief, Pakanke, who had 
always employed him as his speaker, and looked upon him as his 
right hand, altered his friendly behavior toward the Brethren, and 
denied his having invited them into the country, charging Glikki- 
kan with it. He even attacked him publicly, and in great wrath 
said, ' And even you have gone over from this council to them. I 
suppose you intend to get a white skin ? But I tell you, not even 
one of your feet will turn white, much less your body. Was you 
not a brave and honored man, sitting next to me in council, when 
we spread the blanket, and considered the belts of wampum lying 
before us ? Now you pretend to despise all this, and think to have 
found something better. Some time or other you will find your- 
self deceived.' Glikkikan replied briefly thus: ' It is very true I 
have gone over to them, and with them I will live and die.' Though 
Colonel Croghan, an English officer, exhorted Pakanke not to op- 
pose the brethren, but to sufler all those Indians who wished to 
hear the Gospel to go to them, adding, that they aimed at nothing 
but the real welfare and interest of the Indians ; and though Pa- 
kanke promised fair, yet he remained an enemy, and many were 
deterred from coming to Friedenstadt. 

"About this time a very bad epidemical disease prevailed among 
the Delawares, which took off great numbers, and was ascribed by 
the heathen to the power of magic. Many of the chiefs and coun- 
selors at Gekelemukpechuenk and other places, conceived a notion 
that they could not remedy this evil in any other way, than by 
unanimously resolving to receive and believe the word of God. As 
it was soon known that Pakanke was averse to the cause, the chief 
and council of Gekelemukpechuenk sent him a black belt of wam- 
pum of a fathom in length, with the following message : ' There is 
a contagion among us: many Indians die, and this evil has lasted 
some years: we shall all soon be destroyed, unless some help be 
procured. Convene a council upon this belt. "Whoever does not 
receive this belt, shall be considered as an enemy and murderer of his 
people, and we shall know how to treat him according to his de- 
serts.' This message being of mysterious import, Pakanke*was left 
to guess its meaning. But he pretended not to understand that it 
implied that they should receive the Gospel as the only remedy. 

"The Brethren found, meanwhile, that it would be highly neces- 
sary for the cause of the Gospel, to remove a misunderstanding 
which prevailed among the heathen to the prejudice of the Chris- 
tian Indians. They asserted, that as soon as the latter changed 
24 



862 MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 1770, 

their mode of living, and refused to join in their vices, they like- 
wise withdrew their contributions toward the support of the affairs 
of the nation, and would no more assist in furnishing the usual 
quantity of wampum, allowed for the use of the chiefs. The mis- 
sionaries therefore took the necessary steps to procure a formal 
declaration from the believing Indians, in all places, to this effect : 
4 That though they never intended to interfere, either with the 
affairs of state, or with the wars of the savages, yet they were 
always willing to bear their share of the public burden, in times of 
peace, and to contribute toward the expenses attending all mea- 
sures adopted for the welfare of the nation, which were not meant 
to molest either the white people or the Indian nations ; but upon 
this positive condition, that the chiefs, counselors, and captains of 
all the different tribes, should never claim the least authority over 
the missionaries, but leave them at full liberty to go where they 
please, and in case of their return to Bethlehem, to send other 
Brethren in their room.' This declaration gave universal satisfac- 
tion, was answered by all the chiefs in very civil terms, and by 
some by formal embassies, and prevented much enmity, to which 
the believing Indians and their teachers might have otherwise been 
exposed. 

"At Groschgoschuenk, Wangomen was appointed deputy, and 
sent by the council with a full and concise answer, couched in the 
most courteous terms, to Friedenstadt, and thence to Pakanke at 
Kaskaskunk, to inform him and his council of the adoption of the 
Brethren into the Monsy tribe, desiring him to send the message 
forward to the rest of the Delaware tribes, and with their consent 
to the Iroquois, Delamattenoos, and Shawanese, and to appoint and 
acknowledge the above-mentioned umpire, appointed to watch 
over the due observance of the covenant thus made between the 
Brethren and the Indian nations. Wangomen executed all these 
commissions with much punctuality, and appeared to have laid all 
enmity against the Brethren aside ; he was even commissioned by 
old Pakanke, w T ho also pretended to be reconciled to them, to go 
in person to Friedenshuetten, and invite the believing Indians to 
come to the neighborhood of Kaskaskunk and build a town for 
themselves, upon any spot of ground they might choose. 

" In the meantime our Indians began, on the 23d of July, to 
build a regular settlement on the west side of the Beaver creek, 
erecting block houses, and working with such perseverance and 
diligence, that before winter they and their teachers were safely 
and conveniently housed. Then the statutes of the congregation 



1770. MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 363 

were made known to the inhabitants, and every thing regulated as 
in Fried enshuetten. 

" October 28th, the missionary, John George Jungman, and his 
wife, arrived from Bethlehem, to have the care of this congrega- 
tion, and brought a string of wampum from Colonel Croghan in 
Pittsburgh, to Pakanke, desiring him to receive the missionary and 
his wife with kindness, as they came merely from benevolent 
motives, to promote the welfare and prosperity of the Indians. 
This unsolicited kind interference of the colonel gave much plea- 
sure to our Indians and their teachers, and made a good impression 
upon Pakanke. Brother Senseman returned to Bethlehem, in 
November, having been a faithful and useful assistant to brother 
Zeisberger, with whom he willingly shared distress and danger. 

"Both missionaries rejoiced greatly at the gracious visitation of 
this country by the Lord. The power of the Holy Ghost was 
remarkably evident during the preaching of the precious Gospel of 
Christ Jesus, and the heart of one poor sinner after the other was 
opened, and led to accept of the gracious invitation which he gives 
to all that labor and are heavy laden. Glikkikan was so much 
moved by a discourse delivered in the daily meeting, that he after- 
ward wept aloud on his way home. The heathen were astonished, 
that such a noted and valiant captain should weep in the presence 
of his former acquaintance; but the Brethren praised God for such 
visible proofs, that the word of the cross of Jesus can even break 
and melt the most stubborn and proud heart of a wild Indian. One 
of Pakanke's sons, having listened with attention to a sermon, said, 
' 1 have understood all I have now heard, and your words have 
penetrated into my heart: now I believe that they are true.' An 
unbaptized Indian said to a visitor : ' Whoever will consider but 
for a moment, must plainly see that the doctrine of the Brethren 
is true; and even though our senses cannot rightly comprehend its 
meaning, yet our hearts feel something of its power, as often as we 
hear it.' 

" Many people from distant places, especially from Shenenge, 
came to hear the comfortable gospel, which encourages sinners, 
with all their misery, to turn to their Redeemer. 

"As to Friedenstadt itself, the peace of God, brotherly love, and 
a desire to cleave to and love God our Saviour, prevailed most 
powerfully in the congregation. The baptized improved daily in 
a Christian walk and conversation, and greatly valued their high 
and heavenly calling. One of them said to a strange Indian : * I 
cannot indeed speak much to you at present, but I will give you an 



364 MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 1771. 

opportunity to hear the precious words of our Saviour, with which 
the most delicious food in the world is not to be compared for 
sweetness;' and then brought him to the chapel. A noted sorcerer, 
who came to see Friedenstadt, stood listening to an Indian sister, 
who was boldly declaring the gospel to some female visitors ; and 
afterward said that he had a great inclination to try his legerdemain 
tricks upon her, and to do her an injury. "When she heard this, 
she said : ' I do not fear his threats ; for if any one could even take 
away my life by such practices, I should then go home to my 
Saviour, where I should enjoy much greater happiness than in this 
life.' 

" The labor of the Spirit of God was likewise so evident in the 
children, and the Lord perfected praise even out of the mouths of 
babes in such a manner, that the missionaries were filled with 
astonishment. Among the unbaptized and catechumens, the 
awakening was solid and general, and their longing after grace and 
the remission of sins in the blood of Jesus appeared on all occa- 
sions. The missionaries were more particularly rejoiced to see 
that the above-mentioned Captain Glikkikan, and a chief called 
Genaskund, who retired with them from Goschgoschuenk, were 
the most humble and contrite among all the unbaptized, con- 
fessing with great openness their sinful and abominable manner of 
living among the heathen, praying God for mercy and forgiveness 
as the most undeserving prodigals, and earnestly requesting to be 
baptized. They both received this favor on the 24th of December, 
and remained living and distinguished examples of that divine 
truth, that no sinner is so proud and depraved but he may be 
thoroughly humbled, changed, and converted to God by the power 
of the blood of Jesus. 

" In the spring of 1771, Wangomen came to Friedenshuetten, to 
deliver the above-mentioned message from the principal chiefs of 
the Delaware nations to the Indian congregation, and also to invite 
them and the congregation in Tschechschequannink to the Alle- 
gheny, that is, to the country on the Ohio. The chiefs declared 
that they would receive the believing Indians into their arms as 
friends, and permit them to choose a tract of land, where they 
might live together, as Christians, in peace and safety ; and that 
they should bring their white teachers with them, who should be 
considered as being of the same color with the Indians. 

" At the particular request of the chiefs, Brother Zeisberger gave 
a letter of recommendation to the deputies, assuring the Indian 
congregation, that this invitation concealed no bad design, but 



1771. MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 365 

rather that the chiefs, being now truly desirous that they and their 
young people might hear the gospel, wished on that account alone 
that Brethren might reside among them; our Indians, however, 
mistrusted the contents of this message, and therefore gave the 
following short answer to Wangomen and the other delegates : 
' We rejoice that Pakanke and the other chiefs have thought on us 
with so much kindness. But we are as yet too heavy to rise, and 
when we have lightened ourselves, we will send word to the chiefs.' 
Some time after, Chief Netawatwees, in Gekelemukpechuenk, 
repeated this invitation in a pressing manner, which occasioned 
our Indians to consider more particularly about it, especially as the 
Wyandots had likewise invited them to remove to their land on 
the Ohio, assuring them that they would not sell the ground under 
their feet, as the Iroquois had done. 

"However, no resolution was taken till the month of May, when 
Friedenshuetten was visited by the Brethren Christian Gregor and 
John Loretz, who some time ago arrived from Europe, to hold a 
visitation in all the Brethren's settlements in North America. 
Bishop Nathaniel Seidel accompanied them from Bethlehem, a man 
known and highly respected by many of our Indians, who expressed 
extraordinary joy at their visit. The joy of the two European 
Brethren was great indeed. They saw here for the first time, a 
flock of Christian Indians, and could not sufficiently praise and 
thank God our Saviour, for the gracious work begun among these 
nations, supported amidst so many and heavy trials, and miracu- 
lously preserved, although exposed to so many threatening and 
imminent dangers. 

"They devoted their whole time and labor to the service of the 
two congregations in Friedenshuetten and Tschechschequannink, 
conversed with every individual, and delivered several powerful 
discourses, especially during the Whitsuntide holidays, the inter- 
preters translating their words with great exactness. They bap- 
tized several Indians, visited every family, and both their conver- 
sation with individuals, their public ministry and their benevolent 
behavior, tended to the edification and blessings of all the inhabi- 
tants. They likewise examined into every particular relating to 
the inward and outward state of the mission, and in this view held 
several conferences with the missionaries and the Indian assistants. 
The above mentioned invitation given to our people by the Dela- 
wares was also maturely considered, and the conference, with the 
concurrence of the Indian congregation, came to a resolution, that 
next autumn some families should remove from hence to Frieden- 



366 MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 177L 

stadt, that some regard might be shown to the message ; but as to the 
emigration of the whole congregation, that should be considered and 
finally decided in Bethlehem. On the return of these visitors and 
their company to Bethlehem, the Indians took leave of them with 
the most cordial expression of love and gratitude, recommending 
themselves to the prayers and remembrance of all their brethren in 
Europe. 

"David Zeisberger was soon after called from Friedenstadt to 
Bethlehem, to attend a conference, in which the whole situation of 
the mission among the Indians was maturely weighed and consid- 
ered. The Brethren were convinced that the Indian cougregations 
at Friedenshuetten and Tscheehschequannink would not be able to 
maintain themselves long in these places, partly because the Iro- 
quois had sold the land, and various troublesome demands upon 
them were continually renewed, partly on account of a contest 
between the ISTew Englanders- and the Indians of Wajomick, by 
which Friedensheutten was much disturbed by occasion of its 
vicinity. Besides this, the Sennekas, by their bad behavior, gave 
our Indians much trouble, the white people being too apt to sus- 
pect the latter as accomplices. One of the most powerful argu- 
ments in favor of their emigration was this, that the number of 
European settlers daily increased, both above and below Frieden- 
shuetten, and the rum trade tended to seduce the young people. 
A final resolution was therefore taken, to advise the Indian congre- 
gation to accept of the proposal repeatedly made to them, to 
remove to the Ohio, and to consider it as proceeding from a gracious 
direction of the providence of God. 

"Brother Zeisberger, upon his return, mentioned this advice to 
the Indians at Friedenshuetten and Tscheehschequannink, and 
both congregations resolved to remove in the following spring, and 
first to go to Friedenstadt. Some families went thither immedi- 
ately, in order to lay out plantations of Indian corn, both for them- 
selves and the congregations that were to accompany them. 

"In the meantime, many people followed the Brethren from 
Gosehgoschuenk, on the Ohio, to the Beaver creek, some of whom 
settled in Kaskaskunk ; others, who showed an earnest wish to be 
converted, and promised to live in conformity to the rules of the 
congregation, obtained leave to live at Friedenstadt. 

" The Brethren were at this time incessantly troubled by the 
most daring lies, propagated by the savages, who even counterfeited 
letters and messages from the chiefs to them. In the beginning of 
the year 1771, a very peremptory message of this kind was brought to 



177L MORAVIANS ON BEAVER RIVER. 367 

Friedenstadt, as coming from the chief and council at Gekelemuk- 
pechuenk ; demanding that an Indian woman, lately converted to 
the truth, and baptized by the Brethren, should be sent back imme- 
diately, or she should be taken away by force. This message 
appearing dangerous in its consequences, Brother Zeisberger him- 
self set out on the 5th of March, with three Indian brethren, for 
G-ekelemukpechuenk. 

"On the road they experienced great hardships, in wading 
through tracts of deep snow and much water, and did not arrive 
there until the 13th. They lodged in the house of the head chief, 
Netawatwees, where they met with a kind reception, and had soon 
an opportunity of preaching Jesus and him crucified to the inhabi- 
tants, who assembled in great numbers to hear the missionary. 
Brother Zeisberger then requested a meeting of the council, and 
read to them the above-mentioned letter. It was then discovered 
that neither the chief nor the council knew any thing of it, but 
that one of the counselors present had written it on his own author- 
ity, and signed it with two fictitious names. Being thus detected, 
he was publicly confounded ; the whole council expressed great 
indignation at the contents of the letter, and agreed perfectly with 
the declaration of the missionary and the Indian brethren, that as 
they could and would not detain any Indian in their settlement 
against his will, either by persuasion or force, so no Indian ought 
to be compelled to leave them, the Indians being altogether 
a free people, who in all things might act according to their own 
minds. 

"After this, Brother Zeisberger staid several days in Gekele- 
mukpechuenk, and found many attentive hearers, but likewise 
many avowed enemies, who, though they dared not publicly to 
contradict the missionary himself, raged with immoderate fury 
against his Indian assistants, and their testimony. One said 
to Isaac: 6 What do you come here for, spreading your new doc- 
trines among our people ? I have a good mind to kick you alto- 
gether out of doors. And even if all the Indians should embrace 
your doctrine, I certainly would not.' This opposition arose chiefly 
from the insinuations of the above-mentioned Indian preachers, 
who had so strenuously recommended emetics, as a sure mode of 
cleansing from sin, that in this town the practice was general. The 
missionary endeavored to convince the people, that though an 
emetic might benefit their stomachs, yet it could never cleanse 
their hearts, but that the blood of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, ap- 
plied in faith to our sin-sick souls, was alone able to cleanse and 



368 MISSIONARIES THREATENED BY INDIANS. 1771. 

change them. Having recommended these people in fervent 
prayer to the mercy of God our Saviour, he returned with his com- 
pany to Friedenstadt. 

"He had scarcely left Gekelemukpechuenk, when a renowned 
heathen preacher arrived, and spread great confusion among the 
people, by declaring that the missionary was even known among 
the whites as a noted seducer of the Indians, who, whenever he had 
drawn a large party aside, sent them over the great ocean, and sold 
them for slaves, where they were harnessed to the plough, and 
whipped on to their work. By these lying insinuations he gained 
such an ascendency over the timid minds of the Indians, that he 
soon became the leader of a large party, and the Brethren were 
soon convinced, that to plant the gospel in the country, to which 
the congregations at Friedenshuetten and Tschechschequannink 
were now invited, would be attended with great difficulties. Brother 
Ziesberger says in one of his letters: 'Here GTod must work a 
miracle, for Satan has many strongholds, which he has well 
fortified.' 

" In Kaskaskunk, the enmity against the Brethren became more 
general, especially as the lies spread in Gekelmukpechuenk soon 
found their way thither, and though it afterward happened, that 
their author, and Indian preacher, lost his senses, and ran about 
the woods raving mad, yet the enmity against the Brethren, and all 
who attended their meetings, did not subside in the least. 

" To this, we may add the dreadful rumors of war, heard about 
this time ; for which several murders, committed by the white peo- 
ple, seemed to hold out sufficient provocation. Many people were 
on these accounts led to forsake their dwellings, and to remove to 
Kaskaskunk and its neighborhood. Thus Friedenstadt was soon 
surrounded by troops of savages, from whom nothing but disturb- 
ance could be expected ; which, alas, they too soon experienced. 
Some, who staid only a few days at Friedenstadt, proved exceedingly 
troublesome, by their drunken and riotous behavior, and even 
threatened to murder all the inhabitants, and destroy the set- 
tlement. 

"Brother Zeisberger, who by this time was well known among 
various Indian tribes, was a marked object of their hatred and 
malice, and frequently in danger of being shot. Some malicious 
people came one evening very late to Friedenstadt, and would pos- 
itively compel the inhabitants to get drunk. When they found all 
their efforts vain, they threatened to murder, first the teachers, and 
then the whole congregation, and made such a hideous roar, that 



1772. MORAVIANS INVITED TO MUSKINGUM. 369 

the Indian sisters fled into the woods, and the Brethren were 
obliged to keep a strong and strict watch around the dwelling of 
the missionaries. 

" Notwithstanding all these troubles, the work of God prevailed 
and increased in Fried enstadt, and the congregation grew in grace 
and number. May the 27th, 1771, the foundation-stone of the 
chapel was laid, and on the 20th of June, the building was dedica- 
ted unto the Lord, with praise, thanksgiving, and prayer, as a place 
where the Gospel should be preached to the poor. The number of 
constant hearers daily increased; among these, there was one who 
had lost his scalp in the war, and one of the same party which de- 
stroyed the Brethren's house on the Mahony, in the year 1755. 
This man was often so moved in hearing the Gospel, that he shed 
floods of tears. Another visitor expressed a great desire to know 
which was the true way to happiness. He said: 'The Quakers 
maintain that their doctrine is true, the English church asserts the 
same of theirs, and the Brethren say that the word they preach is 
the word of God.' The Indian assistants told him, that if he was 
truly desirous to be informed, he should come to Jesus, who, 
through God blessed forever, became a man, and had been wounded 
for our transgressions. He would then soon learn to know him, 
and receive a certainty in his heart, concerning the way to salva- 
tion : but that afterward it was required to be obedient to his com- 
mandments. 

"After much opposition and hesitation, Chief Pakanke, hitherto 
an enemy of the Gospel, resolved at last to go to Friendenstadt. 
He staid there several days, heard the Gospel with great attention, 
changed his sentiments, and even exhorted his children to go to 
the Brethren, hearken to their words, and believe on Jesus. 

" October 21st, Brother John Heckewelder, who was appointed 
assistant missionary, and November 27th, the four families expected 
from Friedenshuetten, arrived safe at Friedenstadt. All rejoiced 
at the resolution of the two congregations to follow them hither, 
and willingly offered their assistance in making plantations, and 
planting Indian corn for them. 

"As the enmity of the greater part of the inhabitants of Kas- 
kaskunkand other savage neighbors rather increased, and the latter 
encroached more and more upon the borders of Friedenstadt, the 
believing Indians petitioned the chief and council at Kaskaskunk 
for protection, but were told that their request could not be 
granted. This was in the beginning of the year 1772. At the 
same time the Brethren received a kind message from the chief 



370 ZEISBERGER VISITS MUSKINGUM. 1772. 

and council at Gekelemukpechuenk, inviting them and the two 
congregations at Friedenslmetten and Tschechschequannink to 
come and settle in their country, near the river Muskingum, upon 
whatever tracts of land they might choose. Upon mature consid- 
eration, it was found most expedient that Brother Zeisberger should 
first take a journey to view the country on the Muskingum, and 
there fi.x upon a spot suitable for a settlement, that he should then 
consult and settle every thing relating to this affair with the chiefs 
at Gekelemukpechuenk, and soon after remove to the new place 
with a few families fromFriedenstadt, and establish a regular mission 
there; but that the congregations at Friedenshutten and Tschech- 
schequannink should first go and dwell in or near Friedenstadt, 
until it should be proper for them to move to the Muskingum. 

" Brother Zeisberger set out on this expedition on the 11th of 
March, 1772, with a few Indian brethren, and on the 16th discov- 
ered a large tract of land situated not far from the banks of the 
Muskingum, about thirty miles from Gekelemukpechuenk, with a 
good spring, a small lake, good planting grounds, much game, and 
every other convenience for the support of an Indian colony. 
This place was about seventy miles from Lake Erie, and seventy- 
five miles west of Friedenstadt. It appeared, that formerly a large 
fortified Indian town stood on this spot, some ramparts and the 
ruins of three Indian forts being still visible. After this discovery he 
went to Gekelemukpechuenk, and informed the council that the 
converted Indians had thankfully accepted of their invitation, 
desiring that the tract of land he had just now discovered might be 
given to them. In answer to this request he heard with great 
pleasure, that this was the very spot of ground destined by the 
chiefs and council for them. They also determined, in a solemn 
manner, that all the lands, from the entrance of the Gekelemuk- 
pechuenk creek into the river Muskingum to Tuscarawi should 
belong to the converted Indians, and that no other Indians should 
be permitted to settle upon them : further, that ail Indians dwel- 
ling on the borders of this country should be directed to behave 
peaceably toward them and their teachers, and neither disturb 
their worship, nor prevent people from going to them to hear the 
word of God. 

" Zeisberger praised the Lord for his gracious help in the execu- 
tion of this important commission, and having again visited the 
above-mentioned country, took possession of it in the name of the 
Christian Indians, who were uncommonly rejoiced by the account 
of his success, given on his return to Friedenstadt. 



1772. MISSIONARY FAMILIES REMOVE TO MUSKINGUM. 371 

"Five families, consisting in all of twenty-eight persons, were 
now appointed to begin the new settlement, and were willing to 
undertake it. Brother Zeisberger set out with them on the 14th 
of April, 1772, and after a safe but tedious journey, arrived May 
3d at the new land on the Muskingum. The day following they 
marked out their plantations, erected field-huts, and were all 
diligently employed in clearing land and planting." 

The place they chose for the new settlement on the Muskingum, 
was about seventy miles south-west from Friedenstadt, and about 
an equal distance from Lake Erie. It appeared that formerly a 
large Indian town stood on the spot, some ramparts and ruins of 
three Indian forts being still visible. The mission of the Moravians 
to the Indians in North America had existed for thirty years, and 
during that period there had been baptized seven hundred and 
twenty Indians. The first settlement they made on the Mus- 
kingum was called Schonbrun, "a beautiful clear spring," and was 
located about three miles south of New Philadelphia, in Tus- 
carawas county, Ohio. Shortly afterward they settled also at 
Gnadenhutten, seven miles south of Schonbrun, and Salem, a few 
miles below Gnadenhutten. In 1776, a new settlement named 
Lichtenau was made, thirty miles from Schonbrun; and around 
these grew up other villages and hamlets of Christian Indians, who 
had adopted the civilization and the faith of the Moravians. The 
chiefs of the tribe were favorably disposed, the people manifes- 
ted a great interest, the Moravian church steadily increased, 
and the knowledge of the Moravian teachings spread among the 
children of the wilderness. 

For a while too, they were beyond the border and away from 
the influence and hostility of the white men, and away from the 
embarrassment of the border wars. 

The war of 1774 in no way affected them, other than it excited 
the fear that the war might extend to their country, and both the 
missionaries and their people were prepared to escape to the 
Cuyahoga river, if the whites had been beaten at the battle of 
Point Pleasant. During the years that followed, the Brethren were 
allowed peaceably to pursue their labor, in the confidence of the 
people and under the protection of the council of the Delaware 
tribe. 

But their peace was soon broken. They were between two parties 
in the war of Independence. Detroit was the head-quarters of the 
British, and Fort Pitt of the Americans. The Wyandots and part 



372 MISSIONARIES AND CONVERTS SETTLED AT MUSKINGUM. 1773. 

of the Delawares were the partisans of the British ; the Christian 
villagers were neutral, in accordance with their principles. While 
they declined the alliance of either party, they felt obliged by 
their religion to extend the duties of hospitality to both. It thus 
became exceedingly difficult to preserve any neutrality between 
the contending parties. It was necessary, in order to avoid their 
hostility, to furnish provisions to the Indian war parties on their 
way to attack the whites; it was an act of Christian benevolence to 
extend sympathy to their prisoners, and, in that way, they were 
suspected of partiality to the British interest. It was contrary to 
their religion to take up the hatchet so persistently offered them by 
the warlike Indians, and their motives for refusing could only be in- 
terpreted by the warriors as a sympathy with the Americans. On the 
one hand, therefore, a party of Americans crossed the Ohio in the fall 
of 1777, with the design of destroying the Moravian towns, but 
were met and defeated by a party of Wyandots. On the other 
hand, the commandant at Detroit sent them a message in 1778, 
declaring that he would compel all the Indians, Christian or not, to 
fight the Americans, and if they did not obey his orders, all 
missions among them should be at an end. 

They were fully warned of the dangerous position they occupied, 
but failed to realize the extent of their danger. A chief of the 
Wyandots visited them' in the spring of 1781, to advise them of 
their peril, and to persuade them to seek a place of greater safety. 

"My cousins," said he, "you Christian Indians in Gnadenhutten, 
Schbnbrun and Salem, I am concerned on your account, as I see 
you live in a dangerous situation. Two mighty and angry gods 
stand opposite to each other with their mouths open, and you stand 
between them and are in danger of being crushed by the one or 
the other or both of them, and crumbled with their teeth." 

"Uncle," replied they, "and you Shawanese, our nephews, we 
have not hitherto seen our situation so dangerous as not to stay 
here. We live in peace with all mankind and have nothing to do 
with the war. We desire and request no more than that we may 
be permitted to live in peace and quiet. We will preserve your 
words and consider them, and send you, uncle, an answer." 

McKee, Girty and Elliot were especially hostile to the mission- 
aries, and were continually seeking to excite the heathen Indians 
to murder Zeisberger, and destroy the mission. Girty, indeed, led 
a party at one time from Sandusky, to capture and murder the 
venerable missionary, and had even taken him prisoner, but he was 
rescued by a band of friendly Delawares, and saved. Girty and 



1781. BIRTH OF MARY HECKEWELDER. 373 

his associates, however, continued to excite the Indians to rid them- 
selves of the missionaries. Under their influence, the Six Nations 
sent a message to the Chippewas and Ottawas, asking them to 
murder the Christian Indians. They declined, and the same mes- 
sage was sent to the Wyandots. They too were unwilling to bear 
the odium of the act; but a party of them, after great persuasion, 
was induced by Elliot to accompany him to the Christian settle- 
ment. Arrived there, Elliot professed great friendship to the 
missionaries, to conceal his purpose. His design was to murder 
the Christians; but his Indians could not be trusted to perform the 
work. He therefore contented himself with taking the mission- 
aries prisoners to Sandusky, and with compelling the Christian 
Indians to abandon their improvements and remove thither. 
Accordingly they abandoned their villages, and the corn in their 
fields, taking with them only their cattle and some provisions, and 
on the 11th of September set out, in obedience to the orders of the 
Indians, to proceed to Sandusky. Mary Heckewelder, the daughter 
of the missionary, who was born on the 16th of April, 1781, and is 
supposed to be the first white child born north of the Ohio, says : 

"Soon after my birth, times becoming very troublesome, the 
settlements were often in danger from war parties ; and finally, in 
the beginning of September, of the same year, we were all made 
prisoners. First, four of the missionaries were seized by a party of 
Huron w T arriors, and declared prisoners of war ; they were then led 
into the camp of the Delawares, where the death-song was sung 
over them. Soon after they had secured them, a number of war- 
riors marched off" for Salem and Schonbrun. 

" About thirty savages arrived at the former place in the dusk of 
the evening, and broke open the mission house. Here they took 
my mother anil myself prisoners, and having led her into the street, 
and placed guards over her, they plundered the house of everything 
they could take with them and destroyed what was left. Then, 
going to take my mother along with them, the savages were pre- 
vailed upon, through the intercession of the Indian females, to let 
her remain at Salem till the next morning — the night being dark 
and rainy and almost impossible for her to travel so far — they, at 
last, consented on condition that she should be brought into the 
camp the next morning, which was accordingly done, and she was 
safely conducted by our Indians to Gnadenhutten. 

" After experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for some 
time, they w r ere set at liberty again, but were obliged to leave their 
flourishing settlements, and forced to march through a dreary 



374 MORAVIANS FORCED FROM MUSKINGUM TO SANDUSKY. 1781. 

wilderness to Upper Sandusky. "We went by land through 
Goseachguenk to the Walhonding, and then partly by water and 
partly along the banks of the river, to Sandusky creek. 

" All the way I was carried by an Indian woman, carefully wrapt 
in a blanket, on her back. Our journey was exceedingly tedious 
and dangerous; some of the canoes sunk, and those that were in 
them lost all their provisions and everything they had saved. 
Those that went by land drove the cattle, a pretty large herd. The 
savages now drove us along, the missionaries with their families 
usually in their midst, surrounded by their Indian converts. The 
roads were exceedingly bad, leading through a continuation of 
swamps. 

" Having arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts of 
logs and bark to screen them from the cold, having neither beds 
nor blankets, and being reduced to the greatest poverty and want; 
for the savages had by degrees stolen almost every thing, both from 
the missionaries and Indians, on the journey. We lived here 
extremely poor, often-times very little or nothing to satisfy the 
cravings of hunger; and the poorest of the Indians were obliged to 
live upon their dead cattle, which died for want of pasture." 

The missionaries were carried prisoners to Detroit, and examined 
before the commandant. Nothing appeared to implicate them in 
the revolutionary interest, except the fact of translating letters to 
the Indians from the officers at Fort Pitt, and after strict inquiry, 
they were set at liberty, treated with kindness, and permitted to 
return to their flock at Sandusky. No sooner had they arrived 
thither, than Grirty again began to plot their destruction. To further 
his purpose, he forged a letter in the name of the half-king, to the 
commandant at Detroit, charging the missionaries with being in 
correspondence with the Americans at Pittsburgh, an.d demanding 
their removal again to Detroit. On this pretext, an order was sent 
to Girty to bring them back. They were immediately sent off 
under the charge of Lavallie, a Frenchman, who treated them on 
the way with especial kindness. At Lower Sandusky, they were 
transferred to the custody of Grirty, and on their way from there to 
Detroit, suffered all the indignity and abuse his savage nature was 
capable of inflicting. 

The British commandant received them kindly, assured them 
that he was convinced of their innocence, and that he had sent for 
them only to protect them. They remained there under his pro- 
tection for a time; and, convinced that they could not safely re- 
occupy the settlement on the Muskingum, they chose a location 



1782. INDIAN CONVERTS RETURN TO GATHER CORN. 375 

fpr a new settlement on the west side of the Huron river, about 
thirty miles above Detroit. Thither they removed, gathered their 
Indian converts around them, and built a village, to which they 
gave the name of E"ew Gnadenhutten. 

Meanwhile, the Christian Indians, who had been carried in the 
fall to Sandusky, were exposed to great suffering, for want of suffi- 
cient food and of protection from the inclemency of the winter. 
In order to relieve the distress of the congregation, about one 
hundred and fifty of them,, including men, women, and children, 
returned, in February, 1782, to the Muskingum, to gather the corn 
that had been left in the fields, and carry it to Sandusky for their 
support. Intelligence of their return soon reached the white set- 
tlements; and a party of eighty or ninety men rendezvoused on 
the Mingo bottom, under the command of Col. David Williamson, 
and marched immediately to the Muskingum, for the purpose of 
destroying the settlements, and of massacring the Christian 
Indians. 

As soon as Colonel Gibson heard of their design, he dispatched 
messengers to the Indians, to warn them of their danger, but they 
arrived too late. They were, however, advised by a white man, 
who had escaped from the savages, to save themselves by an imme- 
diate flight. But the warning was disregarded, and they deter- 
mined to trust to what they supposed was the friendly feeling of 
the Americans. 

The historian Loskiel details at length the story of their mas- 
sacre, the most infamous act in the border war of that period, and 
the most disgraceful event in the history of the country : 

" Meanwhile the murderers marched first to Gnadenhutten ; 
where they arrived on the 6th of March. About a mile from the 
settlement, they met young Shebosch, the son of Brother Shebosch, 
in the woods, fired at him, and wounded him so much that he 
could not escape. He then, according to the account of the mur- 
derers themselves, begged for his life ; representing that he was 
Shebosch, the son of a white Christian man. But they paid no 
attention to his entreaties, and cut him to pieces with their hatch- 
ets. They then approached the Indians, most of whom were in 
their plantations, and surrounded them almost imperceptibly ; but 
feigning a friendly behavior, told them to go home, promising to 
do them no injury. They even pretended to pity them on account 
of the mischief done to them by the English and the savages ; 
assuring them of the protection and friendship of the Americans. 



376 INDIAN CONVERTS MURDERED. 1782. 

The poor, believing Indians, knowing nothing of the death of 
young Shebosch, believed every word they said, went home with 
them, and treated them in the most hospitable manner. They 
likewise spoke freely concerning their sentiments, as Christian 
Indians who had never taken the least share in the war. They 
were now informed that they should not return to Sandusky, but 
go to Pittsburgh; where they would be out of the way of any 
assault made by the English or the savages. This they heard with 
resignation ; concluding that God would perhaps choose this 
method to put an end to their present sufferings. Prepossessed 
with this idea, they cheerfully delivered their guns, hatchets, and 
other weapons, to the murderers; who promised to take care of 
them, and in Pittsburgh to return every article to its rightful 
owner. Our Indians even showed them all those things which 
they had secreted in the woods, assisted in packing them up, and 
emptied all their beehives for these pretended friends. 

" In the meantime the assistant, John Martin, went to Salem, 
and brought the news of the arrival of the white people to the 
believing Indians; assuring them that they need not be afraid to 
go with them, for they were come to carry them to a place of safety, 
and to afford them protection and support. The Salem Indians did 
not hesitate to accept of this proposal ; believing that God had sent 
the Americans to release them from their disagreeable situation at 
Sandusky, and imagining that, when they had arrived at Pitts- 
burgh, they might soon find a safe place to build a settlement, and 
easily procure advice and assistance from Bethlehem. Thus John 
Martin, with two Salem Brethren, returned to Gnadenhutten, to 
acquaint both their Indian brethren and the white people with 
their resolution. The latter expressed a desire to see Salem, and 
a party of them was conducted thither, and received with much 
friendship. Here they pretended the same good will and affection 
toward the Indians as at Gnadenhutten ; and easily persuaded them 
to return with them. By the way they entered into much spiritual 
conversation with our Indians ; some of whom spoke English well, 
giving these people, who feigned great piety, proper and spiritual 
answers to many questions concerning religious subjects. The 
assistants, Isaac Glickhican, a converted Indian chief, and Israel, 
were no less sincere and unreserved in their answers to some politi- 
cal questions started by the white people*; and thus the murderers 
obtained a full and satisfactory account of the present situation and 
sentiments of the Indian congregation. 

"In the meantime, the defenseless Indians at Gnadenhutten 



1782. INDIAN CONVERTS MURDERED. 377 

were suddenly attacked and driven together by the white people ; 
and without resistance seized and bound. The Salem Indians now 
met the same fate. Before they entered Gnadenhutten, they were 
at once surprised by their conductors, robbed of their guns, and 
even of their pocket knives, and brought bound into the settle- 
ment. Soon after this, the murderers held a council, and resolved 
by a majority of votes, to murder them all the very next day. 
Those who were of a different opinion wrung their hands, calling 
God to witness that they were innocent of the blood of these harm- 
less Christian Indians. But the majority remained unmoved, and 
only differed concerning the mode of execution. Some were for 
burning them alive, others for taking their scalps ; and the latter 
was at last agreed upon ; upon which one of the murderers was 
sent to the prisoners, to tell them that, as they were Christian 
Indians, they might prepare themselves in a Christian manner, for 
they must all die to-morrow. 

" It may easily be conceived how great their terror was, at hear- 
ing a sentence so unexpected. However, they soon recollected 
themselves; and patiently suffered the murderers to lead them into 
two houses, in one of which the Brethren, and in the other the 
Sisters and children, were confined like sheep ready for slaughter. 
They declared to the murderers, that though they could call God 
to witness that they were perfectly innocent, yet they were pre- 
pared and willing to suffer death. But as they had, at their con- 
version and baptism, made a solemn promise to the Lord Jesus 
Christ, that they would live unto him, and endeavor to please him 
alone in this world, they knew that they had been deficient in 
many respects, and therefore wished to have some time granted, to 
pour out their hearts before him in prayer, and to crave his mercy 
and pardon. This request being complied with, they spent their 
last night here below in prayer, and in exhorting each other to 
remain faithful unto the end. 

" One brother, named Abraham, who, for some time past, had 
been in a lukewarm state of heart, seeing his end approaching, 
made the following public confession before his brethren : ' Dear 
Brethren! It seems as if we should all soon depart unto our 
Saviour, for our sentence is fixed. You know that I have been an 
untoward child ; and have grieved the Lord and my brethren by 
my disobedience, not walking as I ought to have done. But still, 
I will now cleave to my Saviour with my last breath, and hold him 
fast, though I am so great a sinner. I know assuredly, that he will 
forgive me all my sins, and not cast me out.' The Brethren assured 
25 



378 INDIAN CONVERTS MURDERED. 1782. 

him of their love and forgiveness ; and both they and the Sisters 
spent the latter part of the night in singing praises to God their 
Saviour, in the joyful hope that they would soon he able to praise 
him without sin. 

" When the day of their execution arrived, namely, the 8th of 
March, two houses were fixed upon, one for the Brethren, and 
another for the Sisters and children; to which the wanton mur- 
derers gave the name of slaughter-houses. Some of them went to 
the Indian Brethren, and showed great impatience that the execu- 
tion had not yet begun; to which the Brethren replied that they 
were all ready to die, having commended their immortal souls to 
God ; who had given them that divine assurance in their hearts, 
that they should come to him and be with him forever. 

" Immediately after this declaration, the carnage commenced. 
The poor innocent people, men, women, and children, were led, 
bound two and two together with ropes, into the above-mentioned 
slaughter-houses, and there scalped and murdered. 

" According to the testimony of the murderers themselves, they 
behaved with uncommon patience, and went to meet their death 
with cheerful resignation. The above-mentioned Abraham was 
the first victim." " One of the party took up a cooper's mallet, 
which lay in the house, saying, * how exactly this will answer for 
the business !' He then began with Abraham, and continued 
knocking down one after the other until he had counted fourteen 
whom he had killed with his own hands. He now handed the 
instrument to one of bis fellow-murderers, saying, ' my arm fails 
me; go on in the same way ; I think I have done pretty well.' ' 

" A Sister, called Christina, who had formerly lived with the 
Sisters at Bethlehem, and spoke English and German well, fell on 
her knees before the captain of the gang, and begged for her life ; 
but was told that he could not help her. 

" Thus ninety-six persons magnified the name of the Lord, by 
patiently meeting a cruel death. Sixty- two were grown persons, 
among whom were five of the most valuable assistants; and thirty- 
four were children. 

" Only two youths, each between fifteen and sixteen years old, 
escaped almost miraculously from the hands of the murderers. One 
of them, seeing that they were in earnest, was so fortunate as to 
disengage himself from his bonds; then slipping unobserved from 
thfe crowd, he crept through a narrow window into the cellar of 
that house in which the Sisters were executed. Their blood soon 
penetrated through the flooring; and, according to his account, ran 



1782. SCHONBRUN CONVERTS ESCAPE. 379 

in streams into the cellar, by which it appears probable that most, 
if not all of them, were not merely scalped, but killed with hatch- 
ets or swords. The lad remained concealed till night; and provi- 
dentially no one came down to search the cellar. He tben, with 
much difficulty, climbed up the wall to the window, crept through, 
and escaped into a neighboring thicket. 

" The other youth's name was Thomas. The murderers struck 
him only one blow on the head, took his scalp and left him. But 
after some time he recovered his senses, and saw himself sur- 
rounded by bleeding corpses. Among these he observed one Bro- 
ther, named Abel, moving and endeavoring to raise himself up. 
But he remained lying still, as though he were dead, and this cau- 
tion proved the means of deliverance ; for soon after, one of the 
murderers coming in and observing Abel's motions, killed him 
with two or three blows. Thomas lay quite still till dark ; though 
suffering the most exquisite torment. He then ventured to creep 
toward the door; and observing nobody in the neighborhood, got 
out and escaped into the woods, in which he concealed himself 
daring the night. These two youths afterward met in the woods, 
and God preserved them from harm on their journey to Sandusky ; 
though they purposely took a long circuit, and suffered great hard- 
ships and danger. Before they left the neighborhood of Gnaden- 
hutten, they observed the murderers, from behind the thicket, 
making merry after their successful enterprise ; and at last setting 
fire to the two slaughter-houses filled with corpses. 

" The remainder of the Indian congregation, who were at Schon- 
brun, escaped from the bloody hands of the white murderers. 
Messengers going to Grnadenhutten found young Shebosch lying 
dead and scalped by the way-side ; and looking forward, saw many 
white people in and about Grnadenhutten. The congregation at 
Schonbrun immediately took to flight, and ran into the woods. 
They now hesitated a long while, not knowing whither to turn, or 
how to proceed. Thus, when the murderers arrived at Schon- 
brun, the Indians were still near, observing every thing that hap- 
pened there, and might easily have been discovered. But here the 
murderers seemed, as it were, struck with blindness. Finding 
nobody at home, they examined the woods about the town, but 
without success. They then destroyed and set fire to the settle- 
ment ; and, having done the same at Grnadenhutten and Salem, 
they set off with the scalps of their victims, about fifty horses, a 
number of blankets, and other articles, and marched back to 
Pittsburgh. 



380 BORDERERS MAKE ANOTHER EXPEDITION. 1782. 

" To describe the grief and terror of the Indian congregation, 
on hearing that so large a number of its members were so cruelly 
massacred, is impossible. Parents wept and mourned for the loss 
of their children, husbands for their wives, wives for their hus- 
bands, children for their parents, brothers for their sisters, and sis- 
ters for their brothers. And having now also lost their teachers, 
who used to sympathize with and participate in all their sorrows, 
and to strengthen their reliance upon the faithfulness of God, their 
grief was almost insupportable. But they murmured not, nor did 
they call for vengeance upon the murderers, but prayed for them ; 
and their greatest consolation was a full assurance, that all their 
beloved relations were now at home, in the presence of the Lord, 
and in full possession of everlasting happiness." 

The success of the expedition of Williamson, excited the bor- 
derers to prepare another invasion of the Indian country, to finish 
the destruction of the Christian Indians by the massacre of the 
fugitives at Sandusky. It was set on foot immediately after the 
return of Williamson's party from the Muskingum. The number 
of men who volunteered for the campaign was four hundred and 
eighty, composed of the greater number of Williamson's men, of 
the Virginia borderers on the Ohio, and of one company from 
Washington county, Pennsylvania. They rendezvoused at the 
Mingo bottoms, on the 25th of May. Here an election for comman- 
der was held; Colonels Williamson and Crawford were the candi- 
dates. Crawford was elected, and accepted the office, it is said, 
with reluctance. 

The army marched along Williamson's trail, and arrived at the 
ruins of the Moravian towns on the fourth day of their march. 
There some Indians were discovered, but they escaped. They had 
been observing the motions of the troops ever since they had 
crossed the river; they had learned the objects of the expedition, 
and even the threat that "no quarter should be given to any Indian, 
whether man, woman or child," had been copied, carried to San- 
dusky, and read to them. 

On the 4th of June, they arrived at the Moravian village on the 
Sandusky river, but it was abandoned. Here many of the men 
were anxious to abandon the enterprise and return home ; but a 
council of the officers was held, and it was determined to advance 
for another day in the direction of Sandusky, then forty miles dis- 
tant. They had not proceeded far when the advance was suddenly 
attacked by a large force of Indians, concealed in the grass. The 



1782. BORDERERS OVERPOWERED AT SANDUSKY. 381 

battle lasted without cessation till dark, and the army rested in 
position during the night, and the next day a council of the officers 
was held. The Indians were apparently increasing every hour, and 
it was resolved to retreat during the next night. After dark 
the army was disposed in order for retreat, when several shots 
were fired by the Indians, and many of the men thinking that 
the movement of the army was discovered, left the main body 
in disorder and attempted to escape in the darkness. The Indians 
followed the main army but a short distance and turned to pursue 
the stragglers. More than a hundred of these were killed or 
taken. 

Crawford would probably have made good his retreat, but that 
he lingered behind in anxiety for his son, whom he supposed was 
yet in the rear. After wandering two days in the woods 
with Dr. Knight, both were taken by a party of Delawares, and 
conducted to the Old Wyandot town. Here Captain Pipe, with 
his own hands, painted the prisoners black, a certain premonition 
of the doom that awaited them. From thence they were taken to 
the J^"ew Wyandot town, passing on the way the mangled remains of 
a number of their fellow captives. At the new town, the place 
appointed for the execution of Crawford, they found the noted 
Simon G-irty. It had been decided that Crawford should die by 
the most aggravated torture, to atone in some degree for the mur- 
ders by Williamson and his men at Gnadenhutten. After he was 
bound to the fatal post, the surviving Christian Indians were called 
upon to come forth and take vengeance on the prisoner; but they 
had withdrawn, and their savage relations stepped forward in their 
stead. Before the work of torture was commenced, Captain Pipe 
addressed the Indians at some length, and in the most earnest man- 
ner, at the close of which they all joined in a hideous yell, and 
prepared for the w T ork in hand. The fire was kindled, when it 
occurred to poor Crawford, that among the sachems he had a par- 
ticular friend, named Wingemund. " Where is my friend Winge- 
mund ? " he asked, "I wish to see him." It is true that this chief 
had been the warm friend of Colonel Crawford, by whom he had 
been entertained at his own house. Under these circumstances, 
Crawford indulged a faint degree of hope, that if he could see the 
chief, his life might yet be saved. Wingemund was not far dis- 
tant, having, in fact, retired from the place of execution, that he 
might not behold what he could not prevent. He was sent for, 
however, and an interesting and even affecting conversation en- 
sued between himself and the prisoner. This conversation was 



382 COLONEL CRAWFORD TORTURED. 1782. 

commenced by Crawford, who asked the chief if he knew him. He 
replied that he believed he did, and asked — " Are you not Colonel 
Crawford?" " I am," replied the Colonel, and the conversation 
was thus continued — the chief discovering much agitation and em- 
barrassment, and ejaculating — " So ! — Yes ! — Indeed ! " 

" Colonel Craivford. Do you not recollect the friendship that 
always existed between us, and that we were always glad to see 
each other ? 

" Sachem. Yes, I remember all this ; and that we have often 
drunk together, and that you have been kind to me. 

" Col. C. Then I hope the same friendship still continues. 

" Sachem. It would, of course, were you where you ought to be, 
and not here. 

" Col. C. And why not here ? I hope you would not desert a 
friend in time of need; now is the time for you to exert yourself in 
my behalf, as I should do for you were you in my place. 

" Sachem. Col. Crawford, you have placed yourself in a situa- 
tion which puts it out of my power, and that of others of your 
friends, to do any thing for you. 

" Col. C. How so, Captain Wingemund ? 

" Sachem. By joining yourself to that execrable man, William- 
son and his party. The man who, but the other day, murdered 
such a number of the Moravian Indians, knowing them to be 
friends; knowing that he ran no risk in murdering a people who 
would not fight, and whose only business was praying. 

" Col. C. But, I assure you, Wingemund, that had I been with 
him at the time, this would not have happened. N"ot I alone, but 
all your friends, and all good men, reprobate acts of this kind. 

" Sachem. That may be, yet these friends, these good men, did 
not prevent him from going out again to kill the remainder of those 
inoffensive, yet foolish Moravian Indians. I say foolish, because 
they believed the whites in preference to us. We had often 
told them they would one day be so treated, by those people who 
called themselves their friends. We told them there was no faith 
to be placed in what the white men said; that their fair promises 
were only intended to allure, that they might the more easily 
kill us, as they have done many Indians before they killed those 
Moravians. 

" Col. C. I am sorry to hear you speak thus. As to William- 
son's going out again, when it was known that he was deter- 
mined on it, I went out with him to prevent him from committing 
fresh murders. 



1782. COLONEL CRAWFORD TORTURED. 383 

" Sachem. This the Indians would not believe, were I to tell 
them so. 

" Col. C. And why would they not believe it? 

" Sachem. Because it would have been out of your power to 
prevent his doing what he pleased. 

" Col. C. Out of my power ? Have any Moravian Indians been 
killed or hurt since we came out ? 

" Sachem. None. But you first went to their town, and finding 
it empty and deserted, you turned on the path toward us. If you 
had been in search of warriors only, you would not have gone 
thither. Our spies watched jou closely. They saw you while you 
were embodying yourselves on the other side of the Ohio. They 
saw you cross that river; they saw where you encamped at night ; 
they saw you turn off from the path to the deserted Moravian town ; 
they knew you were going out of your way ; your steps were con- 
stantly watched ; and you were suffered quietly to proceed until you 
reached the spot where you were attacked. 

" Col. C. (With emotion.) What do they intend to do with me? 

" Sachem. I tell you with grief. As Williamson, with his whole 
cowardly host, ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors' 
balls, being satisfied that now he had no Moravians to deal with, 
but men who could fight, and with such he did not wish to have 
any thing to do ; I say, as he has escaped, and they have taken you, 
they will take revenge on you in his stead. 

" Col. C. And is there no possibility of preventing this ? Can 
you devise no way to get me off? You shall, my friend, be well 
rewarded, if you are instrumental in saving my life. 

" Sachem. Had Williamson been taken with you, I and some 
friends, by making use of what you have told me, might, perhaps, 
have succeeded in saving you ; but as the matter now stands, no 
man would dare to interfere in your behalf. The king of England 
himself, were he to come to this spot with all his wealth and 
treasure, could not effect this purpose. The blood of the innocent 
Moravians, more than half of them women and children, cruelly 
and wantonly murdered, calls aloud for revenge. The relatives of the 
slain, who are among us, cry out and stand ready for revenge. The 
Shawanese, our grand-children, have asked for your fellow-prisoner; 
on him they will take revenge. All the nations connected with us 
cry out, revenge ! revenge ! The Moravians, whom you went to de- 
stroy, having fled instead of avenging their Brethren, the offense 
has become national, and the nation itself is bound to take revenge. 



384 COLONEL CRAWFORD TORTURED, 1782, 

" Col. C. My fate is then fixed, and I must prepare to meet 
death in its worst form. 

" Sachem. Yes ? Colonel. I am sorry for it, but I cannot do any 
thing for you. Had you attended to the Indian principle, that 
good and evil cannot dwell together in the same heart, so a good 
man ought not to go into evil company, you would not have been 
in this lamentable situation. You see now, when it is too late, 
after Williamson has deserted you, what a bad man he must be. 
JSTothing now remains for you but to meet your fate like a brave 
man. Farewell, Colonel Crawford! They are coming. I will 
retire to a solitary spot."* 

On turning away from his friend, whom it was not in his power 
to assist, it is said the old Sachem was affected to tears, and could 
never afterward speak of the incident without deep emotion. The 
moment the chief had left the colonel, a number of the execution- 
ers rushed upon him, and commenced the work of torture, which 
was in progress three hours before the victim fell upon his face, and 
expired with a groan. During the proceedings against him, he 
was continually and bitterly upbraided for the conduct of the white 
men at Gnadenhutten. If not himself a participator in that atro- 
cious affair, they reproached him for having now come against 
them with the worst kind of murderers — such as even the Indians 
had not among them. 

" Indians," said they, "kill their enemies, but not their friends. 
When once they have stretched forth their hand, and given that 
endearing name, they do not kill. But how was it with the be- 
lieving Indians on the Muskingum ? You professed friendship for 
them. You hailed and welcomed them as such. You protested 
they should receive no harm from you. And what did you after- 
ward to them ? They neither ran from you, nor fired a single shot 
on your approach. And yet you called them warriors, knowing 
they were not such. Did you ever hear warriors pray to God, and 
sing praises to him, as they did ? Could not the shrieks and cries of 
the innocent little children excite you to pity, and to save their lives ? 
No ! you did not ! You would have the Indians believe you are 
Christians, because you have the Great Book among you, and yet 
you are murderers in your hearts ! Never would the unbelieving 
Indians have done what you did, although the Great Spirit has not 
put his Book into their hands as into yours. The Great Spirit 

* Heckewelder's Indian Nations* 



1782. dr. knight's narrative. 385 

taught you to read all that he wanted you to do, and what he for- 
bade that you should do. These Indians believed all that they 
were told was in that Book, and believing, strove to act aecord- 
iagly. "We knew you better than they did. We often warned 
them to beware of you, and your pretended friendship; but they 
would not believe us. They believed nothing but good of you, and 
for this they paid with their lives."* 

The son of Crawford and Dr. Knight were both present at the 
scene. Young Crawford was immediately afterward tortured. 
Knight was taken to be burned at a Shawanese town, about forty 
miles distant, but escaped on the way, and returned to the settle- 
ments. He thus describes the death of the unfortunate Crawford : 

"Monday morning, the 10th of June, we were paraded to march 
to Sandusky, about thirty-three miles distant ; they had eleven 
prisoners of us, and four scalps, the Indians being seventeen in 
number. 

" Colonel Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon 
Girty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account permit- 
ted to go to town the same night, with two warriors to guard him, 
having orders at the same time to pass by the place where the 
Colonel had turned out his horse, that they might, if posssible, 
find him. The rest of us were taken as far as the old town, which 
was within eight miles of the new. 

"Tuesday morning, the 11th, Colonel Crawford was brought 
out to us on purpose to be marched in with the other prisoners. 
I asked the Colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty ? He told me he had, 
and that Girty had promised to do every thing in his power for 
him, but, that the Indians were very much enraged against the 
prisoners ; particularly Captain Pipe, one of the chiefs ; he like- 
wise told me that Girty had informed him that his son-in-law, 
Colonel Harrison, and his nephew, "William Crawford, were made 
prisoners by the Shawanese, but had been pardoned. This Captain 



* Hecke welder's Narrative of the Moravian Missions. " There was further a circum- 
stance much against this unfortunate man, which enraged the Indians to a high degree. 
It was reported that the Indian spies sent to watch their movements, on examining a 
camp which Crawford and Williamson had left, west of the Ohio, had found on trees 
peeled for the purpose, the words, written with coal and other mineral substances — 'No 
quarters to be given to any Indian, whether man, woman, or child.'' When the Indians find 
inscriptions on trees or other substances, they are in the habit of making exact copies 
of them, which they preserve until they find some one to read or interpret them. 
Such was the fact in the present case, and the inscription was sufficient to enrage 
them." — Idem, 



£86 dr. knight's narrative. 1782. 

Pipe had come from the town about an hour before Colonel Craw- 
ford, and had painted all the prisoners' faces black. As he was 
painting me he told me that I should go to the Shawanese towns 
and see my friends. "When the Colonel arrived, he painted him 
black also, told him he was glad to see him, and that he would 
have him shaved when he came to see his friends at the Wyandot 
town. When we marched, the Colonel and I were kept back 
between Pipe and Wyngenim, the two Delaware chiefs ; the other 
nine prisoners were sent forward with another party of Indians. 
As we went along we saw four of the prisoners lying by the path, 
tomahawked and scalped; some of them were at the distance of 
half-a-mile from each other. When we arrived within half-a-mile 
of the place where the Colonel was executed, we overtook the five 
prisoners that remained alive ; the Indians had caused them to sit 
down on the ground, as they did also the Colonel and me, at some 
distance from them. I was there given in charge to an Indian 
fellow to be taken to the Shawanese towns. 

"In the place where we were now made to sit down, there was 
a number of squaws and boys, who fell on the five prisoners and 
tomahawked them. There was a certain John McKinly amongst 
the prisoners, formerly an officer in the 13th Virginia regiment, 
whose head an old squaw cut off, and the Indians kicked it about 
upon the ground. The young Indian fellows came often where 
the Colonel and I were, and dashed the scalps in our faces. W.e 
were then conducted along toward the place where the Colonel 
was afterward executed ; when we came within about half-a-mile 
of i% Simon Girty met us, with several Indians on horseback; he 
spoke to the Colonel, but as I was about one hundred and fifty- 
yards behind, could not hear what passed between them. 

" Almost every Indian we met, struck us either with sticks or 
their fists. Girty waited till I was brought up, and asked, was that 
the Doctor ? I told him yes, and went toward him, reaching out 
my hand, but he bid me begone, and called me a damned rascal, 
upon which the fellows who had me in charge pulled me along, 
Girty rode up after me and told me I was to go to the Shawanese 
towns. 

" When we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked, 
ordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him with sticks 
and their fists. Presently after I was treated in the same manner. 
They then tied a rope to the foot of a post about fifteen feet high, 
bound the Colonel's hands behind his back and fastened the rope 
to the ligature between his wrists. The rope was long enough for 



1782. dr. knight's narrative. 387 

him to sit down or walk round the post once or twice, and return 
the same way. The Colonel then called to Girty, and asked if 
they intended to burn him ? Girty answered, yes. The Colonel 
said he would take it all patiently. Upon this, Captain Pipe, a 
Delaware chief, made a speech to the Indians, viz : about thirty or 
forty men, sixty or seventy squaws and boys. 

" When the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and 
hearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men then took 
up their guns, and shot powder into the Colonel's body, from his 
feet as far up as his neck. I think that not less than seventy loads, 
were discharged upon his naked body. They then crowded about 
him, and to the best of my observation, cut off his ears ; when the 
throng had dispersed a little, I saw the blood running from both 
sides of his head in consequence thereof. 

" The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which 
the Colonel was tied ; it was made of small hickory poles, burnt 
quite through in the middle, each end of the poles remaining about 
six feet in length. Three or four Indians by turns would take up, 
individually, one of these burning pieces of wood and apply it to 
his naked body, already burnt black with the powder. These tor- 
mentors presented themselves on every side of him with the burn- 
ing faggots and poles. Some of the squaw s took broad boards 
upon which they would carry a quantity of burning coals and hot 
embers and throw on him, so that in a short time he had nothing 
but coals of fire and hot ashes to walk upon. 

"In the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to Simon 
Girty and begged of him to shoot him ; but Girty making no 
answer, he called to him again. Girty, then, by way of derision, 
told the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time turning about to 
an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily, and by all his 
gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene. 

" Girty then came up to me and bade me prepare for death. 
He said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be burnt at 
the Shawanese towns. He swore by G — d I need not expect to 
escape death, but should suffer it in all its enormities. 

" He then observed that some prisoners had given him to under- 
stand, that, if our people had him they would not hurt him ; for 
his part, he said, he did not believe it, but desired to know my 
opinion of the matter, but, being at the time in great anguish and 
distress for the torments the Colonel w T as suffering before my eyes, 
as well as the expectation of undergoing the same fate in two days, 
I made little or no answer. He expressed a great deal of ill-will 



888 dr. knight's narrative. 1782. 

for Colonel Gibson, and said he was one of his greatest enemies, 
and more to the same purpose, to all which I paid very little 
attention. 

" Colonel Crawford, at this period of his suffering, besought the 
Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore his 
torments with the most manly fortitude. He continued in all the 
extremities of pain for an hour and three-quarters or two hours 
longer, as near as I can judge, when at last, being almost exhausted, 
he lay down on his belly ; they then scalped him, and repeatedly 
threw the scalp in my face, telling me, " that was my great cap- 
tain." An old squaw, (whose appearance every way answered the 
ideas people entertain of the Devil,) got a board, took a parcel of 
coals and ashes and laid them on his back and head, after he had 
been scalped ; he then raised himself upon his feet and began to 
walk round the post; they next put a burning stick to him as usual, 
but he seemed more insensible of pain than before. 

" The Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me away 
to Captain Pipe's house, about three-quarters of a mile from the 
place of the Colonel's execution. I was bound all night, and thus 
prevented from seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. Next 
morning, being June 12th, the Indian untied me, painted me black, 
and we set off for the Shawanese towns, which he told me was some- 
what less than forty miles distant from that place. We soon came 
to the place where the Colonel had been burnt, as it was partly in 
our way ; I saw his bones lying amongst the remains of the lire, 
almost burnt to ashes ; I suppose after he was dead they laid his 
body on the fire. The Indian told me that was my big Captain, 
and gave the scalp halloo." 

During the year 1782, the war was waged on both sides with 
the greatest animosity and the most relentless severity. In May, 
a party of twenty-five Indians appeared before Estill's station, on 
Kentucky river, killed one man, wounded another, and destroyed 
all the cattle in the neighborhood. On their retreat, Captain Estill 
pursued them with a company of twenty-five men, and overtook 
them on Hinkston's fork of Licking, about two miles below the 
Little Mountain. The Indians were on one side of the stream, the 
whites on the other, both sheltered by trees; the numbers, position 
and bravery of both parties were equal. It was impossible for either 
to retreat or advance without equal danger. The equal contest 
lasted for an hour, and one-fourth of each party were killed and 
several wounded, without giving any advantage to either. Estill 



1782. DEFEAT OF KENTUCKIANS AT ESTILL'S STATION. 389 

saw that it was impossible to dislodge the Indians by an attack in 
front, and equally impossible to maintain bis position or to retreat; 
and accordingly be ordered Lieutenant Miller, with six men, to 
cross tbe creek above, and attack the Indians in flank. Tbe cbief 
detected at once the maneuver, and immediately with his men 
crossed the creek, and fell upon the whites, weakened by this 
division, with the tomahawk; killed Estill, and eight of his men, 
and drove back the remainder. Miller never executed his order, 
but with his men fled precipitately, and left the survivors to escape 
as they best could from the savages. 

The defeat and death of Estill, produced a profound impression 
upon the settlers of Kentucky. His popularity and his bravery 
had endeared him to them, and his loss under the circumstances, 
perhaps more than any other single event, aroused the Kentuckians 
to deeper hostility against the savages. 

E"or did the red men, on their part, show any signs of losing 
their animosity. Elliot, McKee and Girty urged them on, with a 
fury that is not easy to account for. Again the woods teemed 
with savages, and no one was safe from attack beyond the walls of 
a station. The influence of the British, and the constant pressure 
of the Long Knives upon the red men, had produced a union of 
the various tribes of the north-west, who seemed to be gathering 
again to strike a fatal blow at the frontier settlements, and had 
they been led by a Philip, a Pontiac, or a Tecumthe, it is impossi- 
ble to estimate the injury they might have inflicted. 

August was half gone, before the anticipated storm burst upon 
the pioneers in its full force, when, upon the night of the 14th of 
that month, the main body of the Indians, five or six hundred in 
number, gathered silently around Bryant's station, a post on the bank 
of theElkhorn, about five miles from Lexington. The garrison of this 
post had heard, on the evening of the 14th, of the defeat of a party 
of whites not far distant, and during that night were busy in 
preparations to march, with day-break, to the assistance of their 
neighbors. All night long their preparations continued, and what 
little sound the savages made as they approached, was unheard 
amid the comparative tumult within. 

In the morning the woodsmen rose from their brief slumbers, 
took their arms, and were on the point of opening their gates to 
march, when the crack of rifles, mingled with yells and howls, told 
them, in an instant, how narrowly they had escaped captivity or 
death. Rushing to the loop-holes and crannies, they saw about a 



890 ATTACK ON BRYANT'S STATION. 1782 

hundred red men, tiring and gesticulating in full view of the fort. 
The young men, full of rage at Estill's defeat, wished instantly to 
rush forth upon the attackers, but there was something in the 
manner of the Indians so peculiar, that the older heads at once 
suspected a trick, and looked anxiously to the opposite side of the 
fort, where they judged the main body of the enemy were proba- 
bly concealed. Nor were they deceived. The savages were led 
by Simon Girty. This white savage had proposed, by an attack 
upon one side of the station with a small part of his force, to draw 
out the garrison, and then intended, with the main body, to fall 
upon the other side, and secure the fort; but his plan was defeated 
by the over-acting of his red allies, and the sagacity of his oppo- 
nents. The garrison, however, had still a great difficulty to 
encounter; the fort was not supplied with water, and the spring 
was at some distance, and in the immediate vicinity of the thicket 
in which it was supposed the main force of the Indians lay con- 
cealed. The danger of going or sending for water was plain, the 
absolute necessity of having it was equally so ; and how it could 
be procured, was a difficult question. 

At length a plan, equally sagacious and bold, was hit upon, and 
carried into execution by as great an exertion of womanly presence 
of mind, as can, perhaps, be found on record. If the savages were, 
as was supposed, concealed near the spring, it was believed they 
would not show themselves until they had reason to believe their 
trick had succeeded, and the garrison had left the fort on the other 
side. It was, therefore, proposed to all the females to go with 
their buckets to the spring, fill them, and return to the fort, before 
any sally was made against the attacking party. 

The danger to which they must be exposed was not to be con- 
cealed, but it was urged upon them that this must be done, or all 
perish; and that if they were steady, the Indians would not molest 
them; and to the honor of their sex be it said, they went forth in 
a body, and directly under five hundred rifles, filled their buckets, 
and returned in such a manner as not to suggest to the quick- 
sighted savages that their presence in the thicket was suspected. 

This done, a small number of the garrison were sent forth against 
the attackers, with orders to multiply their numbers to the ear by 
constant firing, while the main body of the whites took their 
places to repel the anticipated rush of those in concealment. The 
plan succeeded perfectly. The whole body of Indians rushed from 
their ambuscade as they heard the firing upon the opposite side of 
the fort, and were received by a fair, well-directed discharge of all 



1782. ATTACK ON BRYANT'S STATION. 391 

the rifles left within the station. Astonished and horror-stricken, 
the assailants turned to the forest again as quickly as they had left 
it, having lost many of their number. 

In the morning, as soon as the presence of the Indians was 
ascertained, and before their numbers were suspected, two messen- 
gers had broken through their line, bearing to Lexington tidings of 
the seige of Bryant's station, and asking succors. These succors came 
about two in the afternoon; sixteen men being mounted, and thirty 
or more on foot. The savages expected their arrival, and prepared 
to destroy them, but the horsemen, by rapid riding, and enveloped 
in dust, reached the fort unharmed, and of the footmen, after an 
hour's hard fighting, only two were killed and four wounded. The 
Indian's courage rarely supports him through long-continued exeF- 
tion; and Girty found his men so far disheartened by their 
failures — that of the morning in the attempt to take the fort, and 
that in the afternoon to destroy the troops from Lexington — that 
before night they talked of abandoning the seige. 

This their leader was very unwilling to do; and thinking he 
might frighten the garrison into surrender, he managed to get 
within speaking distance, and there, from behind a large stump, 
commenced a parley. He told the white men who he was, assured 
them of his great desire that they should not suffer, and informing 
them that he looked hourly for reinforcements with cannon, against 
which they could not hope to hold out, begged them to surrender 
at once ; if they did so, no one should be hurt, but if they waited 
till the cannon came up, he feared they would all fall victims. The 
garrison looked at one another with uncertainty and fear ; against 
cannon they could do nothing, and cannon had been used in 1780. 
Seeing the effect of Girty's speech, and disbelieving every word of 
it, a young man named Reynolds, took it upon himself to answer 
the renegade. 

" You need not be so particular," he cried, " to tell us your name ; 
we know your name and you too. I've had a villainous, untrust- 
worthy cur-dog, this long while, named Simon Girty, in compli- 
ment to you; he's so like you — -just as ugly and just as wicked. 
As to the cannon, let them come on ; the country's roused, and 
the scalps of your red cut-throats, and your own too, will be drying 
on our cabins in twenty-four hours. And if by any chance, you or 
your allies do get into the fort, we've a big store of rods laid in on 
purpose to scourge you out again." 

The method taken by Reynolds was much more effectual than 
any argument with his comrades would have been, and Girty had 



392 BRITISH AND INDIANS RETIRE TO BLUE LICKS. 1782. 

to return to the Indian council-fire unsuccessful. But lie and the 
chiefs well knew that though their reinforcements and cannon 
were all imaginary, the expected aid of the whites was not. Boone, 
Todd and Logan would soon be upon them; the ablest and boldest 
of the pioneers would cut them off from a retreat to the Ohio, and 
their destruction would be insured. On the other hand, if they 
now began to retire, and were pursued, as they surely would be, 
they could choose their own ground, and always fight with their 
way home clear behind them. All night they lay still, their fires 
burning, but when day broke, the whole body of savages was 
gone. 

By noon of the 18th of August, about one hundred and eighty 
men had gathered at Bryant's station, among them were Boone 
and his son. After counting the fires, and noticing other signs, 
they determined on immediate pursuit, without waiting for the 
arrival of Colonel Logan and his party ; accordingly, on the 18th, 
the whole body set forward under the command of Colonel John 
Todd. The trail of the savages was as plain as could be wished; 
indeed, to Boone and the more reflecting, it was clear that the 
retiring army had taken pains to make it so, and the sagacious 
woodsmen at once concluded that a surprise at some point was 
intended, and that point Boone was confident was the Lower Blue 
Licks, where the nature of the ground eminently favored such a 
plan. With great caution the little army proceeded until, upon 
the following day, they reached the Licking river, at the point 
designated by Boone as the one where an attack might be expected; 
and as they came in sight of the opposite bank, they discovered 
upon its bare ridge a few Indians, who gazed at them a moment 
and then passed into the ravine beyond. 

The hills about the Blue Licks are even now almost wholly with- 
out wood, and the scattered cedars which at present lend them 
some green, did not exist in 1782. Ascending the ridge of the 
hill above the spring, a point is reached where two ravines, thickly 
wooded, run down from the bare ground to the right and left, 
affording a place of concealment for a very large body of men, who 
could thence attack on front and flank and rear, any who were 
pursuing the main trace along the higher ground ; in these ravines 
Boone, who was looked to by the commanders for counsel, said 
that the Indians were probably hidden. He proposed, therefore, 
that they should send a part of their men to cross the Licking fur- 
ther up, and fall upon the Indians in the rear, while the remaining 
troops attacked them in front. 



1782. KENTUCKIANS PURSUE THEM. 393 

While Boone's plan was under discussion by the officers of the 
pursuing party, "Major Hugh McGary," according to the common 
account, "broke from the council, and called upon the troops who 
were not cowards to follow him, and thus collecting a band, went 
without order, and against his orders, into the action, and in con- 
sequence of this act a general pursuit of officers and men took place, 
more to save the desperate men that followed McG-ary, and from the 
dread of being called cowards, than from a hope of a successful 
fight with the Indians." 

Col. Boone, in a letter to the Governor of Virginia, dated August 
30th, 1782, makes the following statement in regard to the action. 
"We formed our columns in one single line, and marched up in 
their front within about forty yards before there was gun fired. 
Colonel Trigg commanded on the right, myself on the left, Major 
McGary in the centre, and Major Harlan the advance party in the 
front. From the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot 
to bring on the attack. This was done with a very heavy fire on 
both sides, and extended back of the line to Col. Trigg, where the 
enemy was so strong that they rushed up and broke the right wing at 
the first fire. Thus the enemy got in our rear, and we were com- 
pelled to retreat, with the loss of seventy-seven of our men and 
twelve wounded." 

Elsewhere he says: "The savages observing us, gave way, and 
we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When the 
enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in 
situation, they formed the line of battle, from one bend of Licking 
to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. An exceedingly 
fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when 
we, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with 
the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners." 

Governor Morehead, however, has derived from the accounts of 
eye-witnesses, some particulars, which, if correct, will reconcile the 
common story with Boone's statement. He says : 

"Scarcely had Boone submitted his opinions, when Major 
McGary ' raised the war-whoop,' and spurring his horse into the 
river, called vehemently upon all who were not cowards to follow 
him, and he would show them the enemy. Presently the army was 
in motion. The greater part suffered themselves to be led by 
McGary — the remainder, perhaps a third of the whole number, 
lingered a while with Todd and Boone in council. All at length 
passed over, and at Boone's suggestion, the commanding officer 
ordered another halt. 
26 



394 KENTUCKIANS ENTIRELY DEFEATED. 1782. 

"The pioneer then proposed a second time that the army should 
remain where it was, until an opportunity was afforded to recon- 
noiter the suspected region. So reasonable a proposal was acceded 
to, and two bold and experienced men were selected to proceed 
from the Lick along the Buffalo, to a point half a mile beyond the 
ravines, where the road branched off in different directions. They 
were instructed to examine the country with the utmost care on 
each side of the road, especially the spot where it passed between 
the ravines, and upon the first appearance of the enemy to repair 
in haste to the army. The spies discharged the dangerous and 
and responsible task. They crossed over the ridge — proceeded to 
the place designated beyond it, and returned in safety, without 
having made any discovery. ISTo trace of the enemy was to be seen. 
The little army of one hundred and eighty-two men now marched 
forward — Colonel Trigg was in command of the right wing, Boone 
of the left, McGary in the centre, and Major Harlan with the party 
in front."* 

After this disastrous defeat, the sorest calamity that ever befell 
Kentucky, those who escaped, on foot, plunged into the thickets, 
and made their way to Bryant's station, thirty-six miles distant^ 
and the nearest place of shelter. 

Colonel Logan, and his party, were met by the fugitives, within 
six miles of the station, to which he returned until the most of them 
had arrived. Of the one hundred and eighty-two persons who went 
out to the battle, about one-third were killed, twelve wounded, and 
seven carried off prisoners, who were put to the torture when they 
reached the Indian towns. 

In this short, but severe action, Todd, Trigg, Harlan, and Boone's 
son, all fell. It was a sad day for Kentucky. The feelings and 
fears of the Fayette county settlers may be inferred from the 
following extract from Boone's letter to Virginia: when he felt 
anxiety, what must they have suffered ! 

"By the signs, we thought the Indians had exceeded four 
hundred ; while the whole of the militia of this county does not 
amount to more than one hundred and thirty. From these facts, 
your Excellency may form an idea of our situation. I know that 
your own circumstances are critical, but are we to be wholly 
forgotten ? I hope not. I trust about five hundred men may be 
sent to our assistance immediately. If these shall be stationed as 



* Morehead's Address. 



1782. VERSION OF THE BATTLE BY A CANADIAN. 395 

our county lieutenants shall deem necessary, it may be the means 
of saving our part of the country; but if they are placed under the 
direction of General Clark, they will be of little or no service to 
our settlement. The Falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and 
the Indians north-east; while our men are frequently called to 
protect them. I have encouraged the people in this country all 
that I could, but I can no longer justify them or myself to risk our 
lives here under such extraordinary hazards. The inhabitants of 
this county are very much alarmed at the thoughts of the Indians 
bringing another campaign into our country this fall. If this 
should be the case, it will break up these settlements." 

In regard to this expedition, the following statement is made by 
an individual who was in the party of the enemy, and who after- 
ward emigrated from Canada, and settled in the Miami valley: 

"In the summer of 1782, the British commandant at Detroit 
ordered Major Caldwell to take Simon Girty, a few traders, a 
company of provincial militia, together with whatever Indians 
could be collected at Detroit, and by the way and with these forces, 
to attack and destroy the settlements the rebels were making south 
of the Ohio. Caldwell collected his men, was joined by a party 
of Indians at Detroit, and by other parties on the Maumee, on the 
Great Miami, and from other points along the line of march. 
When he reached the Ohio, his forces, thus increased, amounted 
to about four hundred men. It was Caldwell's intention to attack 
the station at Beargrass (Louisville,) first; but receiving information 
that Clark was there, and that the place was supplied with cannon, 
he changed his plan, and led his forces up the Kentucky river, and 
thence to Bryant's station. Before they arrived there they were 
discovered, and the inhabitants were so well fortified, that a siege 
of two days and a half made no impression upon them, and gave 
no hope that they could be compelled to surrender. 

" Under these circumstances, Caldwell withdrew his forces from 
the station, and fell back as far as the Blue Licks, where game was 
supposed to be sufficiently abundant to support them, until he 
could find some other and weaker point of attack. At first the 
Indians were unwilling to alarm the buffaloes, by encamping too 
near the Licks; but Caldwell, a vigilant and efficient commander, 
suspecting the Kentuckians were in pursuit, over-ruled their 
objection, and selected a position near the Licks most favorable 
for defense. They had not been twenty-four hours in their new 
location, before the Long Knives came. They were supposed to 
number about two hundred men, many of whom fought on horse- 



896 anecdote of m'gary. 1782. 

back, and appeared to have several commanders. All of them, 
who were fairly brought into action, fought desperately; but it 
seemed that they were more blind than brave. For, in a battle of 
one hour only, their loss was sixty-five killed, and many wounded. 
Of these several were carried off by their companions, and the 
remainder were massacred by the Indians. Many more of the 
Kentuckians must have fallen, had the Indians continued to fight, 
instead of scrambling after spoils, and even fighting among them- 
selves for choice rifles, which were found near the dead, and, in 
some instances, wounded men. Immediately after the battle, as 
provisions were very scarce, and the savages unwilling to remain 
embodied, and even hard to control under any circumstances, 
Major Caldwell retired with his troops to Canada, and the Indians, 
after crossing the Ohio, separated, and returned to their homes." 

" Several years after the battle of the Blue Licks, a gentleman of 
Kentucky fell in company with M'Gary, at one of the circuit 
courts. M'Gary acknowledged that he was the immediate cause 
of that defeat, and assigned his reasons with great heat for urging 
on the battle. He said, that in the hurried council that was held 
at Bryant's, on the 18th of the month, he had strenuously urged 
Todd and Trigg to halt for twenty-four hours, assuring them that, 
with the aid of Logan, they would be able to follow the Indians even 
to Chillicothe, if necessary ; and that their numbers then were too 
weak to encounter them alone. He offered to pledge his head that the 
Indians would not return with such precipitation as was supposed, 
but would afford ample time to collect more force, and give them 
battle with a prospect of success. He added that Col. Todd scouted 
his arguments, and declared that if a single day was lost, the In- 
dians would never be overtaken, but would cross the Ohio and 
disperse ; that now was the time to strike them while they were in 
a body; that to talk of their numbers was nonsense — the more the 
merrier; that for his part he was determined to pursue without a 
moment's delay, and did not doubt that there were brave men 
enough on the ground to enable him to attack them with effect. 

" M'Gary declared he felt somewhat nettled at the manner in 
which his advice had been received ; that he thought Todd and 
Trigg jealous of Logan, who, as senior colonel, would be entitled 
to the command on his arrival; and that they, in their eagerness to 
have the honor of the victory to themselves, were rashly throwing 
themselves into a condition which would endanger the safety of 
the country. ' However, sir,' said he, 'when I saw the gentlemen 
so keen for a fight, I gave way and joined in the pursuit as wil- 



1782. clark's second expedition to miami. 397 

lingly as any, but when we came in sight of the enemy, and the 
gentlemen began to talk of ' numbers,' 'position,' 'Logan,' and 
* waiting,' I burst into a passion, cursed them for a set of cowards, 
who would not be wise till they were scared into it, and swore that 
since they had come so far for a fight, they should fight, or I would 
disgrace them forever. That when I spoke of waiting for Logan 
on the day before, they had scouted the idea, and hinted some- 
thing about 'courage,' that now it would be shown who had cour- 
age or who were cowards, that" could talk big when the enemy were 
at a distance, but turned pale when the danger was near. I then 
dashed into the river, and called upon all who were not cowards to 
follow."* 

The battle of the Blue Licks aroused the people of Kentucky to 
the determination of inflicting a signal vengeance on the Indians ; 
and, at the request of the people, General Clark, who possessed 
their entire confidence, took command of a mounted expedition 
against the hostile towns on the Miami river. The brigade con- 
sisted of two divisions, one under Col. Logan, to rendezvous at 
Bryant's station ; the other under Col. Floyd, to rendezvous at the 
falls. They were united at the Licking, and from thence Clark, 
with a force of one thousand and fifty men, marched rapidly up 
the Miami one hundred and thirty miles, before the Indians discov- 
ered their approach. 

"We surprised," says Clarke, "the principal Shawanese town on 
the evening of the 10th of November, f Immediately detaching 
strong parties to different quarters, in a few hours two-thirds of the 
town was laid in ashes, and every thing they were possessed of de- 
stroyed, except such articles as might be useful to the troops. The 
enemy had no time to secrete any part of their property which was 
in the town. The British trading post J at the head of the Miami, 
and carrying place to the waters of the lake, shared the same fate, 
at the hands of a party of one hundred and fifty horse, commanded 
by Col. Benjamin Logan. The property destroyed was of great 
amount, and the quantity of provisions burned surpassed all idea 
we had of the Indian stores. The loss of the enemy was ten scalps, 



* Life of Boone. 

f There is some uncertainty in the date of this expedition. Other authorities usually 
represent it as having taken place in September. 

J Supposed to have been the trading post known as Loramie's store, on Loramie's creek 
Shelby couuty, Ohio. 



398 FRONTIERS OF PENNSYLVANIA HARASSED BY INDIANS. 1782. 

seven prisoners, and two whites retaken ; ours was one killed and 
one wounded. After lying part of four days at their towns, and 
finding all attempts to bring the enemy to a general engagement 
fruitless, we retired, as the season was advancing, and the weather 
threatening. We might probably have got many more scalps and 
prisoners, could we have known in time whether we were discov- 
ered or not. We took for granted that we were not, until getting 
within three miles, some circumstances happened which caused 
me to think otherwise. Col. John Floyd was then ordered to ad- 
vanee^with three hundred men, to bring on an action or attack the 
town, while Major Wells, with a party of horse, had previously 
been detached by a different route, as a party of observation. Al- 
though Col. Floyd's motions were so quick as to get to the town 
but a few minutes later than those who discovered his approach, 
the inhabitants had sufficient notice to effect their escape to the 
woods, by the alarm cry which was given on the first discovery. 
This was heard at a great distance, and repeated by all that heard 
it, consequently our parties only fell in with the rear of the enemy/' 
This expedition, though attended with little loss, practically 
closed the Indian wars in the West. The principal resources of the 
savages were cut off. Their towns were destroyed, and they were 
convinced that the white settlements could not be broken up. "Ho 
formidable invasion of Kentucky was afterward attempted. The 
incursions of scalping parties ceased to harass the country, and the 
people began to feel some security in their homes. 

The frontiers of Pennsylvania suffered greatly during the same 
year, from the hostility of the Indians. In the summer, an expe- 
dition of three hundred British soldiers, and five hundred Indians, 
was sent from Canada to attack Fort Pitt. The detachment pro- 
ceeded to Lake Chatauque, and had actually embarked in canoes 
to descend the Allegheny, when information of the strength and 
repairs of that post was received, through their spies ; and, in con- 
sequence, the enterprise was abandoned, and the British returned 
to Canada. Detached parties of the Indians were sent out, how- 
ever, to harass the settlements on the borders of Pennsylvania. 
One of these, under the command of the famous Seneca chief, 
Guyasutha, attacked and burned Hannastown, the seat of justice 
for Westmoreland county. A detailed account of that inroad is 
furnished in the Greensburg Argus, of 1836 : 

" About three miles from Greensburg, on the old road to "New 
Alexandria, there stand two modern-built log tenements, to one of 



1782. FRONTIERS OF PENNSYLVANIA HARASSED BY INDIANS. 399 

which a sign-post and a sign is appended, giving due notice that 
at the Seven Yellow Stars, the wayfarer may partake of the good 
things of this world. Between the tavern and the Indian gallows- 
hill on the west, once stood Hannastown, the first place west of the 
Allegheny mountains where justice was dispensed, according to 
the legal forms, by the white man. The county of Westmoreland 
was established by the provincial legislature on the 26th of 
February, 17#3, and the courts directed to be held at Hannastown. 
It consisted of about thirty habitations, some of them cabins, but 
most of them aspiring to the name of houses, having two stories, 
of hewed logs. There was a wooden court-house, and a jail of the 
like construction. A fort, stockaded with logs, completed the civil 
and military arrangements of the town. The first prothonotary 
and clerk of the courts was Arthur St. Clair, Esq., afterward gene- 
ral in the revolutionary army. Robert Hanna, Esq., was the first 
presiding justice in the courts; and the first Court of Common 
Pleas was held in April, 1773. Thomas Smith, Esq., afterward 
one of the judges on the supreme bench, brought quarterly, from 
the east, the most abstruse learning of the profession, to puzzle the 
backwoods lawyers ; and it was here that Hugh Henry Brecken- 
riclge, afterward also a judge on the supreme bench, made his 
debut, in the profession which he afterward illustrated and adorned 
by his genius and learning. The road first opened to Fort Pitt, by 
General Forbes and his army, passed through the town. The 
periodical return of the court brought together a hardy, adven- 
turous, frank, and open-hearted set of men from the Redstone, the 
Georges creek, the Youghiogheny, the Monongahela, and the Cat- 
fish settlements, as well as from the region, still, in its cir- 
cumscribed limits, called ' Old Westmoreland.' It may well be 
supposed that on such occasions there was man} 7 an uproarious 
merry-making. Such men, when they occasionally met at courts, 
met joyously. But the plough has long since gone over the place 
of merry-making ; and no log or mound of earth remains to tell 
where justice had her scales. 

" On the 13th of July, 1782, a party of the townsfolk went to 
0' Conner's fields, about a mile and a half north of the village, to 
cut the harvest of Michael Huflhagle. The summer of 1782 was a 
sorrowful one to the frontier inhabitants. The blood of many a 
family had sprinkled their own fields. The frontier north-west of 
the town was almost deserted ; the inhabitants had fied for safety 
and repose toward the Sewickley settlement. At this very time 
there were a number of families at Miller's station, about two 



400 HANNASTOWN DESTROYED. 1782. 

miles south of the town. There was, therefore, little impediment 
to the Indians, either by way of resistance, or even of giving warn- 
ing of their approach. "When the reapers had cut down one field, 
one of the number who had crossed to the side next to the woods, 
returned in great alarm, and reported that he had seen a number 
of Indians approaching. The whole reaping party ran for the 
town, each one intent upon his own safety. The scene which then 
presented itself may more readily be conceived tfran described. 
Fathers seeking for their wives and children, and children calling 
upon their parents and friends, and all hurrying in a state of con- 
sternation to the fort. Some criminals were confined in jail, the 
doors of which were thrown open. After some time it was pro- 
posed that some person should reconnoiter, and relieve them from 
uncertainty. Four young men, David Shaw, James Brison, and 
two others, with their rifl.es, started on foot through the highlands, 
between that and Crabtree creek, pursuing a direct course toward 

O'Conner's fields; whilst Capt. J , who happened to be in the 

town, pursued a more circuitous route on horseback. 

"The captain was the first to arrive at the fields, and his eye 
was not long in doubt, for the whole force of the savages was there 
mustered. He turned his horse to fly, but was observed and 
pursued. "When he had proceeded a short distance, he met the 
four on foot — told them to fly for their lives — that the savages 
were coming in great force — that he would take a circuitous route 
and alarm the settlements. He went to Love's, where Frederick 
Beaver now lives, about a mile and a quarter east of the town, 
and assisted the family to fly, taking Mrs. Love on the horse 
behind him. The four made all speed for the town, but the fore- 
most Indians obtained sight of them, and gave them hot pursuit. 
By the time they had reached the Crabtree creek, they could hear 
the distinct footfalls of their pursuers, and see the sunbeams glis- 
tening through the foliage of the trees upon their naked skins. 
When, however, they got into the mouth of the ravine that led up 
from the creek to the town, they felt almost secure. The Indians, 
who knew nothing of the previous alarm given to the town, and 
supposed that they would take it by surprise, did not fire, lest that 
might give notice of their approach; this saved the lives of David 
Shaw and his companions. When they got to the top of the hill, 
the strong instinct of nature impelled Shaw to go first into the 
town, and see whether his kindred had gone into the fort, before 
he entered it himself. As he reached his father's threshold and 
saw all within desolate, he turned and saw the savages, with their 



1782. HANNASTOWN DESTROYED. 401 

tufts of hair flying in the wind, and their brandished tomahawks, 
for they had emerged into the open space around the town, and 
commenced the war-whoop. He resolved to make one of them 
give his death halloo, and raising his rifle to his eye, his bullet 
whizzed true, for the stout savage at whom he aimed bounded into 
the air and fell upon his face. Then, with the speed of an arrow, 
he fled to the fort, which he entered in safety. The Indians were 
exasperated when they found the town deserted, and after pillaging 
the houses, they set them on fire. Although a considerable part 
of the town was within rifle range of the fort, the whites did but 
little execution, being more intent on their own safety than solicit- 
ous about destroying the enemy. One savage, who had put on the 
military coat of one of the inhabitants, paraded himself so osten- 
tatiously that he was shot down. Except this one, and the one 
laid low by Shaw, there was no evidence of any other execution, 
but some human bones found among the ashes of one of the houses, 
where they, it was supposed, burnt those that were killed. There 
were not more than fourteen or fifteen rifles in the fort ; and a 
company having marched from the town some time before, in 
Lochry's ill-fated campaign, many of the most efficient men were 
absent; not more than twenty or twenty-five remained. A maiden, 
Jennet Shaw, was killed in the fort; a child having ran opposite 
the gate, in which there were some apertures through which a 
bullet from the Indians occasionally whistled, she followed it, and 
as she stooped to pick it up, a bullet entered her bosom — she thus 
fell a victim to her kindness of heart. The savages, with their 
wild yells and hideous gesticulations, exulted as the flames spread, 
and looked like demoniacs rejoicing over the lost hopes of mortals. 
"Soon after the arrival of the marauders, a large body of them 
was observed to break off, by what seemed concerted signals, and 
march toward Miller's station. At that place there had been a 
wedding the day before. Love is a delicate plant, but will take 
root in the midst of perils in gentle bosoms. A young couple, 
fugitives from the frontier, fell in love and were married. Among 

those who visited the bridal festivity, were Mrs. H , and her 

two beautiful daughters, from the town. John Brownlee, who 
then owned what is now the fine farm of Frederick J. Cope, and'his 
family, were also there. This individual was well known in fron- 
tier forage and scouting parties. His courage, activity, generosity, 
and manly form, won for him among his associates, as they win 
everywhere, confidence and attachment. Many of the Indians 
were acquainted with his character, some of them probably had 



402 HANNASTOWN DESTROYED. 1782, 

seen his person. There were in addition to the mansion, a number 
of cabins, rudely constructed, in which those families who had 
been driven from their homes resided. The station was generally 
called Miller's town. The bridal party were enjoying themselves 
in the principal mansion, without the least shadow of approaching 
danger. Some men were mowing in the meadow — people in the 
cabins were variously occupied — when suddenly the war-whoop, 
like a clap of thunder from a cloudless sky, broke upon their as- 
tonished ears. The people in the cabins and those in the meadow, 
mostly made their escape. One incident always excites emotions 
in my bosom when I have heard it related. Many who fled took 
an east course, over the long steep hills which ascend toward 
Peter George's farm. One man was carrying his child, and assist- 
ing his mother in the flight, and when they got toward the top of 
the hill, the mother exclaimed they would be murdered, that the 
savages were gaining space upon them. The son and father put 
down and abandoned his child that he might more effectually assist 
his mother. Let those disposed to condemn, keep silence until 
the same struggle of nature takes place in their own bosoms. 
Perhaps he thought the savages would be more apt to spare the 
innocence of infancy than the weakness of age. But most likely 
it was the instinct of feeling, and even a brave man had hardly 
time to think under such circumstances. At all events, Providence 
seemed to smile on the act, for at the dawn of the next morning, 
when the father returned to the cabin, he found his little innocent 
curled upon his bed, sound asleep, the only human thing left 
amidst the desolation. Let fathers appreciate his feelings : whether 
the Indians had found the child and took compassion on it, and 
carried it back, or whether the little creature had been unobserved, 
and when it became tired of its solitude, had wandered home 
through brush and over briers, will never be known. The latter 
supposition would seem most probable from being found in its own 
cabin and on its own bed. 

"At the principal mansion, the party were so agitated by the 
cries of women and children, mingling with the yell of the 
savage, that all were for a moment irresolute, and that moment 
sealed their fate. One young man of powerful frame grasped 
a child near him, which happened to be Brownlee's, and effec- 
ted his escape. He was pursued by three or four savages. But 
his strength enabled him to gain slightly upon his followers, 
when he came to a rye field, and taking advantage of a thick copse, 
which by a sudden turn intervened between him and them, he got 



1782. INHABITANTS MADE PRISONERS. 408 

on the fence and leaped far into the rye, where he lay down with 
the child. He heard the quick tread of the savages as they passed, 
and their slower steps as they returned, muttering their guttural 
disappointment. That man lived to an honored old age, but is 
now no more. Brownlee made his way to the door, having seized 
a rifle ; he saw, however, that it was a desperate game, but made a 
rush at some Indians who were entering the gate. The shrill clear 
voice of his wife, exclaiming, ' Jack, will you leave me?' instantly 
recalled him, and he sat down beside her at the door, yielding 
himself a willing victim. The party were made prisoners, inclu- 
ding the bridegroom and bride, and several of the family of Miller. 

At this point of time, Captain J , was seen coming up the 

lane in full gallop. The Indians were certain of their prey, and 
the prisoners were dismayed at his rashness. Fortunately he 
noticed the peril in which he was placed in time to save himself. 
Eagerly bent upon giving warning to the people, his mind was so 
engrossed with that idea, that he did not see the enemy until he 
was within full gun-shot. When he did see them, and turned to 
fly, several bullets whistled by him, one of which cut his bridle 
rein, bat he escaped. "When those of the marauders who had 
pursued the fugitives returned, and when they had safely secured 
their prisoners and loaded them with plunder, they commenced 
their retreat. 

" Heavy were the hearts of the women and maidens as they were 
led into captivity. Who can tell the bitterness of their sorrow ? 
They looked, as they thought, for the last time upon the dear 
fields of their country, and of civilized life. They thought of their 
fathers, their husbands, their brothers, and, as their eyes streamed 
with tears, the cruelty and uncertainty which hung over their fate 
as prisoners of savages overwhelmed them in despair. They had 
proceeded about half-a-mile, and four or five Indians near the 
group of prisoners in which was Brownlee, were observed to ex- 
change rapid sentences among each other and look earnestly at 
him. Some of the prisoners had named him ; and, whether it was 
from that circumstance or because some of the Indians had recog- 
nized his person, it was evident that he was a doomed man. He 
stooped slightly to adjust his child on his back, which he carried 
in addition to the luggage w T hich they had put on him ; and, as he 
did so, one of the Indians who had looked so earnestly at him 
stepped to him hastily and buried a tomahawk in his head. When 
he fell, the child was quickly dispatched by the same individual. 
One of the women captives screamed at this butchery, and the 



404 INHABITANTS MADE PRISONERS. 1782. 

same bloody instrument and ferocious hand immediately ended her 
agony of spirit. God tempers the wind to the shorn lamb, and He 
enabled Mrs. Brownlee to bear that scene in speechless agony of 
woe. Their bodies were found the next day by the settlers, and in- 
terred where they fell. The spot is marked to this day in Mech- 
ling's field. As the shades of evening began to fall, the marauders 
met again on the plains of Hannastown. They retired into the 
low grounds about the Crabtree creek, and there regaled themselves 
on what they had stolen. It was their intention to attack the fort 
the next morning before the dawn of day. 

" At nightfall thirty yeomen, good and true, had assembled at 
George's farm, not far from Miller's, determined to give, that night, 
what succor they could to the people in the fort. They set off for 
the town, each with his trusty rifle, some on horseback and some 
on foot. As soon as they came near the fort the greatest caution 
and circumspection was observed. Experienced woodsmen soon 
ascertained that the enemy was in the Crabtree bottom, and that 
they might enter the fort. Accordingly, they all marched to the 
gate, and were most joyfully welcomed by those within. After 
some consultation, it was the general opinion that the Indians 
intended to make an attack the next morning ; and, as there were 
but about forty-five rifles in the fort, and about fifty-five or sixty 
men, the contest was considered extremely doubtful, considering 
the great superiority of numbers on the part of the savages. It 
became, therefore, a matter of the first importance to impress the 
enemy with a belief that large reinforcements were arriving. For 
that purpose the horses were mounted by active men and brought 
full trot over the bridge of plank that was across the ditch which 
surrounded the stockading. This was frequently repeated. Two 
old drums were found in the fort, which were new braced, and 
music on the fife and drum was kept occasionally going during the 
night. While marching and counter-marching, the bridge was 
frequently crossed on foot by the whole garrison. These measures 
had the desired effect. The military music from the fort, the 
trampling of the horses, and the marching over the bridge, were 
borne on the silence of the night over the low lands of the Crabtree 
and the sounds carried terror into the bosoms of the cowardly sav- 
ages. They feared the retribution which they deserved, and fled 
shortly after midnight in their stealthy and wolf-like habits. Three 
hundred Indians, and about sixty white savages, in the shape of 
refugees, (as they were then called,) crossed the Crabtree that day, 
with the intention of destroying Hannastown and Miller's station. 



1782. SECOND SIEGE OF FORT HENRY. 405 

" The next day a number of the whites pursued the trail as far 
as the Kiskiminetas, without being able to overtake them. 

"The little community, which had now no homes but what the 
fort supplied, looked out on the ruins of the town with the deepest 
sorrow. It had been to them the scene of heartfelt joys — embra- 
cing the intensity and tenderness of all which renders the domestic 
hearth and family altar sacred. By degrees they all sought them- 
selves places where they might, like Noah's dove, find rest for the 
soles of their feet. The lots of the town, either by sale or aban- 
donment, became merged in the adjoining farm ; and the labors of 
the husbandman soon effaced what time might have spared. Many 
a tall harvest have I seen growing upon the ground ; but never 
did I look upon its waving luxuriance without thinking of the 
severe trials, the patient fortitude, the high courage which charac- 
terized the early settlers." 

The settlements in "Western Virginia also suffered from the 
inroads of the savages and their British allies. The expeditions of 
Williamson and Crawford aroused the fury of the Indians, and in 
retaliation, their war parties ravaged the whole border along the 
Ohio and Monongahela. Individuals and families, at exposed 
points, were frequently surprised and massacred, under circum- 
stances of most revolting barbarity ; scalping parties were con- 
stantly prowling around the block houses, and the settlements 
were kept in constant alarm. 

On the 11th of September, a force of three hundred British and 
Indians, under the command of George Girty, appeared before 
Fort Henry, then containing only twenty-seven men, of whom 
eighteen only, it is said, were fit for service. Girty demanded an 
immediate surrender of the fort, to which the inmates returned a 
contemptuous answer, and defied him to do his worst. Soon after 
dark the attack commenced, and the besiegers made a desperate 
attempt to storm the fort; but they were kept at bay by a small 
cannon, which had been taken out of the Monongahela after the 
destruction of Fort Du Quesne. The contest lasted during the 
whole night. Repeated efforts were made to fire the fort, but the 
hemp and wood that were piled against it were wet, and could not 
be made to burn. Once during the night a part of the decayed 
stockade gave way and fell ; but the incident was not noticed by 
the Indians, and it was immediately repaired. 

The attack was suspended at daybreak, and the British and 



406 rice's fort assailed. 1782* 

Indians retired beyond the reach of the guns of the fort.* On the 
next night it was renewed, and maintained without intermission 
during the whole night. About ten o'clock of the second day, the 
Indian spies discovered the approach of a reinforcement of seventy 
men, approaching for the relief of the garrison; and the whole 
force of British and Indians immediately crossed the river and 
disappeared. 

Immediately afterward, a party of Indians invaded the settle- 
ments on Buffalo creek, and appeared before Rice's fort, then 
containing only six men. The savages surrounded it, and 
demanded its surrender ; but they were answered with defiance. 
Soon after dark they commenced an attack, and set fire to some 
out-buildings within thirty yards of the pickets. But the course 
of the wind saved the fort, and the Indians finding they could 
make no impression on it, gave up the attempt and left the place. 

Eo other invasion of the Virginia and Pennsylvania settlements 
occurred; scalping parties, indeed, during the autumn, prowled 
around the block houses on the borders; the winter, as usual, was 
passed in quiet, and the peace of the next year abated the preda- 
tory war that had so long disturbed the frontier of those States. 



* It. was at this time that the ''gunpowder exploit" occurred, according to Mrs. 
Cruger's statement. See Be Hass' Western Virginia, p. 270. 



PERIOD IV. 

1788—1789. 

Provisional articles of peace between the United States of America 
1783.] and Great Britain were signed at Paris, on the 30th Novem- 
ber, 1782. This was followed by an armistice, negotiated at 
Versailles, on the 20th of January, 1783, declaring a cessation of 
hostilities; and finally a definitive treaty of peace was concluded at 
Paris, on the 3d of September, 1783, and ratified by Congress on 
the 14th of January, 1784. The war between the United States 
and Great Britain was virtually closed by the surrender of Lord 
Cornwallis, at Yorktown, in Virginia, on the 19th of October, 
1781. By the second article of the definitive treaty of 1783, the 
boundaries of the United States were defined and established as 
follows : 

"From the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, viz: that angle 
which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of St. 
Croix river to the Highlands; along the said Highlands which 
divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Law- 
rence from those which fall into the Atlantic o cean, to the north 
westernmost head of Connecticut river, thence down along the 
middle of that river to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude; 
from thence, by a line due west on said latitude, until it strikes the 
river Iroquois or Cataraguy ; thence along the middle of said river 
into Lake Ontario, through the middle of said lake until it strikes 
the communication by water between that lake and Lake Erie; 
thence along the middle of said communication into Lake Erie, 
through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the water com- 
munication between that lake and Lake Huron ; thence along the 
middle of said water communication into the Lake Huron ; thence 
through the middle of said lake to the water communication 
between that lake and Lake Superior; thence through Lake Supe- 
rior northward of the isles Royal and Philipeaux, to the Long 
Lake ; thence through the middle of the said Long Lake, and the 
water communication between it and the Lake of the Woods, to 
the said Lake of the Woods; thence through the said lake to the 
most north-western point thereof, and from thence on a due west 
course to the river Mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along 



408 WASHINGTON'S PLAN FOR SETTLEMENTS. 1783. 

the middle of the said river Mississippi until it shall intersect the 
northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude. 
South, by a line to be drawn due east from the determination of 
the line last mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north 
of the equator, to the middle of the river Appalachicola or Cata- 
houche; thence along the middle thereof to its junction with the 
Flint river; thence straight to the head of St. Mary's river, and 
thence down along the middle of St. Mary's river to the Atlantic 
ocean. East, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river 
St. Croix, from its mouth, in the Bay of Fundy, to its source ; and 
from its source, directly north, to the aforesaid Highlands, which 
divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic ocean from those which 
fall into the river St. Lawrence : comprehending all islands within 
twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and 
lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where 
the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and 
East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy 
and the Atlantic ocean ; excepting such islands as now are, or 
heretofore have been, within the limits of the said province of 
Nova Scotia." 

But the cessation of hostilities with England was not, necessarily, 
the cessation of warfare with the native tribes; and while all hoped 
that the horrors of the border contests in the West were at an end, 
none competent to judge, failed to see the probability of a continued 
and violent struggle. Virginia, at an early period, in October, 
1779, had, by law, discouraged all settlements on the part of her 
citizens, north-west of the Ohio; * but the spirit of land speculation 
was stronger than law, and the prospect of peace gave new energy 
to that spirit; and how to throw open the immense region beyond 
the mountains without driving the natives to desperation, was a 
problem which engaged the ablest minds. 

Washington, on the 7th of September, 1783, writing to James 
Duane, in Congress, enlarged upon the difficulties which lay before 
that body in relation to public lands. He pointed out the necessity 
which existed for making the settlements compact, and proposed 
that it should be made even felony to settle or survey lands west of 
a line to be designated by Congress, which line, he added, might 
extend from the mouth of the Great Miami to Mad river, thence to 



Revised Statutes of Virginia, ii, 378. 



1783. NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY CEDED TO UNITED STATES. 409 

Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence northward so as to include 
Detroit; or, perhaps, from the Fort down the river to Lake Erie. 
He noticed the propriety of excluding the Indian agents from all 
share in the trade with the red men, and showed the wisdom of 
forbidding all purchases of land from the Indians, except by the 
sovereign power — Congress or the State Legislature, as the case 
might be. Unless some such stringent measures were adopted, he 
prophesied renewed border wars, which would end only after great 
expenditure of money and of life.* 

But before the Continental Congress could take any efficient 
steps to secure the West, it was necessary that those measures of 
cession which commenced in 1780-81, should be completed. New 
York Lad, conditionally, given up her claims on the 1st of March, 
1781, f and Congress had accepted her deed, but Virginia had 
required from the United States, a guarantee of the territories 
retained by her, which they were not willing to give, and no 
acceptance of her provision to cede had taken place. Under these 
circumstances, Congress, on the 18th of April, again pressed the 
necessity of cessions, and, on the 13th of September, six days after 
Washington's letter above referred to, stated the terms upon which 
they would receive the proposals of the Ancient Dominion. J To 
these terms the Virginians acceded, and, on the 20th of December, 
authorized their delegates to make -a deed to the United States of 
all their right in the territory north-west of the river Ohio — 

"Upon condition, that the territory so ceded shall be laid out and 
formed into States, containing a suitable extent of territory, not 
less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred and fifty miles 
square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit; and that the 
States so formed shall be distinct republican States, and admitted 
members of the Federal Union, having the same rights of sover- 
eignty, freedom and independence as the other States. 

" That the reasonable and necessary expenses incurred by this 
State in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts, and 
garrisons within, and for the defense, or in acquiring any part of 
the territory so ceded or relinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by 
the United States, and that one Commissioner shall be appointed 
by Congress, one by this Commonwealth, and another by those two 
Commissioners, who, or a majority of them, shall be authorized and 
empowered to adjust and liquidate the account of the necessary and 



* Spark's Washington, viii. 477. f Land Laws, 95. J Old Journals, iv. 189-267. 

27 



410 VIRGINIA GIVES DEED OF CESSION. 1784. 

reasonable expenses incurred by this State, which they shall judge 
to be comprised within the intent and meaning of the act of Con- 
gress of the tenth of October, one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty, respecting such expenses. 

" That the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers 
of the Kaskaskies, St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages, who 
have professed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall have their 
possessions and titles confirmed to them, and be protected in the 
enjoyment of their rights and liberties. 

"That a quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand 
acres of land, promised by this State, shall be allowed and granted 
to the then Colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the 
officers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when 
the posts of Kaskaskies and St. Vincents were reduced, and to the 
officers and soldiers that have since been incorporated into the said 
regiment to be laid off in one tract, the length of which not to 
exceed double the breadth, in such place, on the north-west side of 
the Ohio, as a majority of the officers shall choose, and to be after- 
ward divided among the said officers and soldiers in due propor- 
tion, according to the laws of Virginia. 

"That in case the quantity of good land on the south-east side 
of the Ohio, upon the waters of the Cumberland river, and between 
the Green river and Tennessee river, which have been reserved by 
law for the Virginia troops upon continental establishment, should, 
from the North Carolina line, bearing in further upon the Cumber- 
land lands than was expected, prove insufficient for their legal 
bounties, the deficiency should be made up to the said troops in 
good lands, to be laid off between the rivers Scioto and Little 
Miami, on the north-west side of the river Ohio, in such propor- 
tions as have been engaged them by the laws of Virginia. 

"That all the lands within the territory so ceded to the United 
States, and not reserved for, or appropriated to, any of the before 
mentioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers and 
soldiers of the American army, shall be considered a common fund 
for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, 
or shall become members of the confederation or federal alliance 
of the said States, Virginia inclusive, according to their usual 
resp°ctive proportions in the general charge and expenditure, and 
shall be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose, and 
for no other use or purpose whatsoever." 

And, in agreement with these conditions, a deed was made March 
1, 1784. But it was not possible to wait the, final action of Virginia, 



1784. INSTRUCTIONS TO INDIAN COMMISSIONERS. 411 

before taking some steps to soothe the Indians, and extinguish their 
title. On the 22d of September, therefore, Congress forbade all 
purchases of, or settlements on Indian lands,* and on the 15th 
of October, the Commissioners to treat with the natives were 
instructed — 

To require the delivery of all prisoners : 

To inform the Indians of the boundaries between the British 
possessions and the United States : 

To dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been faithful to 
their agreements : 

To negotiate for all the land east of the line proposed by Wash- 
ington, namely, from the mouth of the Great Miami to Mad river, 
thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence down the Mau- 
mee to the Lake : 

To hold, if possible, one convention with all the tribes : 

To learn all they could respecting the French of Kaskaskia, &c. 

To confirm no grants by the natives to individuals ; and, 

To look after American stragglers beyond the Ohio, to signify 
the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the Indian lands, and 
the western boundary line being made to run due north from the 
lowest point of the Falls of the Ohio to the northern limits of the 
to prevent all further intrusions. 

Upon the 19th of the following March, these instructions were 
changed, at the suggestion of a committee headed by Mr. Jefferson ; 
United States, and the Commissioners being told to treat with the 
nations at various places and different times. 

Meanwhile, steps had been taken by the Americans to obtain 
possession of Detroit and the other western posts, but in vain. On 
the 12th of July, Washington sent Baron Steuben to Canada, for 
that purpose, with orders, if he found it advisable, to embody the 
French of Michigan into a militia, and place the fort at Detroit in 
their hands. But when the Baron presented himself near Quebec, 
General Haldimand, while he received him very politely, refused 
the necessary passports, saying that he had received no orders to 
deliver up the posts along the Lakes. This measure failing, 
Cassaty, a native of Detroit, was sent thither in August to learn the 
feelings of the people, and to do what he might to make the 
American side popular. 



* Old Journals^ iv. 275 



412 LAND GRANTED CLARK AND ASSOCIATES. 1783. 

About the same time, Virginia, having no longer any occasion 
for a western army, and being sadly pressed for money, withdrew 
her commission from George Rogers Clark, with thanks, however, 
"for his very great and singular services." 

His dismission was dated on the 2d of July, 1783, and Benjamin 
Harrison, the Governor of Virginia, wrote to General Clark a letter 
which contains the following extract : 

" The conclusion of the war, and the distressed situation of the 
State, with respect to its finances, call on us to adopt the most 
prudent economy. It is for this reason alone, I have come to a 
determination to give over all thoughts for the present of carrying 
on offensive war against the Indians, which you will easily perceive 
will render the services of a general officer in that quarter unneces- 
sary, and will, therefore, consider yourself out of command. 

"But, before I take leave of you, I feel myself called upon, in the 
most forcible manner, to return you my thanks, and those of my 
council, for the very great and singular services you have rendered 
your country, in wresting so great and valuable a territory out of 
the hands of the British enemy, repelling the attacks of their 
savage allies, and carrying on successful war in the heart of their 
country. This tribute of praise and thanks, so justly due, I am 
happy to communicate to you as the united voice of the execu- 
tive." 

In October of the same year, the legislature of Virginia made a 
donation to General Clark, and to the soldiers that had served 
under him in the conquest of Illinois, of one hundred and fifty 
thousand acres of land north of the Ohio, to be located where they 
might choose. They chose the lands on the north side of the Ohio, 
and accordingly an act was passed "to establish the town of Clarks- 
ville, at the falls of the Ohio, in the county of Illinois." A 
board of trustees was created by the act, in whom the title of the 
town site was vested in trust. They were directed to sell lots of 
half an acre each at public auction, subject to the condition that 
the purchasers should build upon each of them a dwelling-house, 
"twenty feet by eighteen, with a brick or stone chimney," within 
three years from the day of sale. The trustees located the town 
immediately at the foot of the falls ; its position at the head of 
navigation for keel-boats on the lower part of the Ohio, was sup- 
posed to have given it great advantages for a commercial town, 
and it was for a long time regarded as the rival of Louisville. But 
the want of enterprise among its early citizens, combined with 
other causes, long since divested it of its seeming importance, and 
it has sunk into insignificance. 



1784. TREATY OF PEACE RATIFIED BY UNITED STATES. 413 

While these various steps, bearing upon the interest of the whole 
West, were taken by Congress, Washington and the Assembly of 
Virginia, Kentucky herself was organizing upon a new basis — 
Virginia having united the three counties, with their separate 
courts, into one district, having a court of common law and chan- 
cery for the whole territory that now forms the State, and to this 
district restored the name, Kentucky. The sessions of the court 
thus organized resulted in the foundation of Danville, which in 
consequence for a season became the centre and capital of the 
District. 

It might have been reasonably hoped that peace with the mother 
1784.] country would have led to comparative prosperity within 
the newly formed nation. But such was not the case. Congress 
had no power to compel the States to fulfill the provisions of the 
treaty which had been concluded, and Britain was not willing to 
comply on her side with all its terms, until evidence was given by 
the other party that no infraction of them was to be feared from 
the rashness of democratic leaders. Among the provisions of that 
treaty were the following : 

"It is agreed that creditors on either side shall meet with no 
lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value, in sterling 
money, of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted. 

"It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it to 
the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitu- 
tion of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been confis- 
cated, belonging to real British subjects, and also of the estates, 
rights, and properties of persons resident in districts in the 
possession of his Majesty's arms, and who have not borne arms 
against the said United States. And that persons of any other 
description shall have free liberty to go to any part of the thirteen 
United States, and therein to remain twelve months, unmolested 
in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, 
rights and properties, as may have been confiscated; and that Con- 
gress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States a recon- 
sideration and revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, 
so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only 
with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation which, 
on the return of the blessings of peace, should universally prevail. 
And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several 
States, that the estates, rights and properties, of such last men- 
tioned persons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any 



414 PROVISIONS OF THE TREATY. 1784. 

persons who may now be in possession, the bona fide price (where 
any has been given) which such persons may have paid on purcha- 
sing any of the said lands, rights or properties, since the confisca- 
tion. And it is agreed that all persons who have any interest in 
confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage settlements, or other- 
wise, shall meet with no lawful impediment in the prosecution of 
their just rights. 

" That there shall be no future confiscations made, nor any prose- 
cutions commenced against any person or persons for, or by reason of, 
the part which he or they may have taken in the present war ; and 
that no person shall, on that account, suffer any future loss or dam- 
age, either in his person, liberty, or property ; and that those who 
may be in confinement on such charges, at the time of the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, 
and the prosecutions so commenced be discontinued. 

" There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his Britan- 
nic Majesty and the said States, and between the subjects of the 
one and the citizens of the other, wherefore, all hostilities, both by 
sea and land, shall from henceforth cease : all prisoners, on both 
sides, shall be set at liberty; and his Britannic Majesty shall, with 
all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or car- 
rying away any negroes or other property of the American inhabi- 
tants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, from the said 
United States, and from every post, place, and harbor, within the 
same ; leaving in all fortifications the American artillery that may 
be therein; and shall also order and cause all archives, records, 
deeds, and papers, belonging to any of the said States, or their citi- 
zens, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen into the 
hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored and delivered to the 
proper States and persons to whom they belong." 

That these stipulations were wise and just, none, perhaps, 
doubted ; but they opened a door for disputes, out of which imme- 
diately those disagreements between England and America arose, 
which for so long a time kept alive the hopes and enmities of the 
Indians, contending, as they were, for their native lands and the 
burial places of their fathers. The origin of the difficulty was an 
alleged infraction of the provisional treaty, signed November 30th, 
1782, on the part of the British, who showed an intention to take 
away with them from New York, certain negroes claimed as the 
"property of the American inhabitants," none of which, by the 
terms both of that and the definitive treaty, were to be removed. 

Against this intention, "Washington had remonstrated, and Con- 



1785. NORTHERN POSTS RETAINED BY BRITISH. 415 

gress resolved in vain : in reply to all remonstrances, it was said 
that the slaves were either booty taken in war, and as such, by 
the laws of war, belonged to the captors, and could not come 
within the meaning of the treaty ; or, were freemen, and could not 
be enslaved. It was undoubtedly true in regard to many of the 
negroes, that they were taken in war, and as such, if property at 
all, the booty of the captors ; but it was equally certain that another 
portion of them consisted of runaways, and by the terms of the 
treaty, as the Americans interpreted it, should have been restored 
or paid for. 

It was in April, 1783, that the purposes of England, in relation 
to the negroes became apparent; in May, the commander-in-chief 
and Congress tried, ineffectually, to bring about a different course 
of action. Upon the 3d of September, the definitive treaty was 
signed at Paris; on the 25th of November, the British left New 
York, carrying the negroes claimed by the Americans with them ; 
while upon the 4th of the following January, 1784, the treaty 
was ratified by the United States, and on the 9th of April by 
England. 

Under these circumstances, Virginia and several other States 
saw fit to decline compliance with the article respecting the 
recovery of debts; refused to repeal the laws previously existing 
against British creditors; and upon the 22d of next June, after the 
ratification of peace by both parties, the Old Dominion expressly 
declined to fulfill the treaty in its completeness. This refusal, or 
neglect, which was equivalent to a refusal, on the part of the 
States to abide strictly by the treaty, caused England, on the other 
hand, to retain possession of the western posts, and threatened to 
involve the two countries again in open warfare. 

The merits of the controversy are thus set forth in the corres- 
pondence of Mr. Adams, then minister at London, with Lord 
Carmarthen, the English Secretary of State. 

In a communication addressed to Carmarthen, on the 8th of 
December, 1785, Mr. Adams says : 

"Although a period of three years has elapsed since the signa- 
ture of the preliminary treaty, and of more than two years since 
that of the definitive treaty, the posts of Oswegatchy, Oswego, 
Niagara, Presqu' Isle, Sandusky, Detroit, Michilimackinack, with 
others not necessary to be particularly enumerated, and a consid- 
erable territory round each of them, all within the incontestible 
limits of the United States, are still held by British garrisons, to 
the loss and injury of the United States. The subscriber, therefore, 



416 ADAMS NEGOTIATES FOE SURRENDER OF THE POSTS. 1786. 

in the name and behalf of the said United States, and in obedience 
to their express commands, has the honor to require of his Britan- 
nic Majesty's Ministry, that all his Majesty's armies and garrisons 
be forthwith withdrawn from the United States, from all and every 
of the posts and fortresses herein before enumerated, and from 
every other post, place, and harbor within the territory of the 
United States, according to the true intention of the treaties afore- 
said." 

On the 28th of February, 1786, Lord Carmarthen, in an answer 
to Mr. Adams, said : 

" I have to observe to you, sir, that it is his Majesty's fixed 
determination, upon the present as well as every other occasion, to 
act in perfect conformity to the strictest principles of justice and 
good faith, The seventh article both of the provisional and of the 
definitive treaties between his Majesty and the United States 
clearly stipulates the withdrawing, with all convenient speed, his 
Majesty's armies, garrisons, and fleets, from the said United States, 
and from every post, place, and harbor within the same ; and no 
doubt can possibly arise respecting either the letter or spirit of 
such an engagement. The fourth article of the same treaties as 
clearly stipulates, that creditors on either side shall meet with no 
lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value, in sterling 
money, of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted. 

" The little attention paid to the fulfilling this engagement on 
the part of the subjects of the United States in general, and the 
direct breach of it in many particular instances, have already redu- 
ced many of the King's subjects to the utmost degree of difficulty 
and distress ; nor have their applications for redress, to those whose 
situations in America naturally pointed them out as the guardians 
of the public faith, been as yet successful in obtaining them that 
justice, to which, on every principle of law as well as of humanity, 
they were clearly and indisputably entitled. The engagements 
entered into by treaty ought to be mutual and equally binding on 
the respective contracting parties. It would, therefore, be the 
height of folly as well as iujustice, to suppose one party alone 
obliged to a strict observance of the public faith, while the other 
might remain free to deviate from its own engagements, as often 
as convenience might render such deviation necessary, though at 
the expense of its own national credit and importance. I flatter 
myself, however, sir, that justice will speedily be done to British 
creditors ; and, I can assure you, sir, that whenever America shall 
manifest a real determination to fulfill her part of the treaty, Great 



1786. ENGLAND CONTINUES OBSTINATE. 41T 

Britain will not hesitate to prove her sincerity to co-operate in 
whatever points depend upon her for carrying every article of it 
into real and complete effect." 

In the answer from Lord Carmarthen to Mr Adams, the govern- 
ment of the United States saw the ostensible grounds on which 
Great Britain continued to keep possession of the important 
military and trading posts at Niagara, Detroit, and Michilimacki- 
nack. There were other considerations, however, which, at this 
period, influenced in no slight degree, the policy of the British 
Ministry. The fur trade, a very profitable branch of commerce, 
was carried on almost exclusively by Englishmen and Canadians, 
who were subjects of Great Britain, and who, by intermarriages 
with squaws, and a pacific course of trade, had acquired considerable 
influence over all the Indian tribes of the country north-west of the 
Ohio. These advantages were too well understood, and too highly 
appreciated, by Great Britain, to be given up by that government 
while it could show either a good reason or a plausible pretext for 
retaining them ; and, of course, the British Cabinet viewed with 
feelings of disapprobation and jealousy, the efforts of the govern- 
ment of the United States to subjugate the Indian tribes and to lay 
the foundations of independent states in the vast territories on the 
north-western side of the river Ohio. Such were the views and 
sentiments of the British Ministers in 1791, when Governor St. 
Clair was collecting an army at Fort "Washington, for the purpose 
of establishing a strong military post at the Miami village, in the 
midst of various tribes of Indians who were nominally under the 
protection of Great Britain.* 

The political condition of Kentucky was a source of great incon- 
venience to its people. During the war, they had been compelled 
to defend themselves against .the continual incursions of the 
savages, without any adequate aid from the parent state. In con- 
sequence, the whole male population had become a citizen soldiery, 
and the necessities of their situation supplied to them the lack of 
an adequate civil and military organization. But on the return of 
peace, the extension of the law of Virginia, without any legislation 
suited to their peculiar circumstances, exposed them to many 
inconveniences, and produced much delay, and even injustice, in 
the administration of civil affairs. 



* Dillon's Indiana, p. 297. 



418 SURVEY OF MILITARY LANDS. 1784. 

In the fall of 1784, these inconveniences were severely felt. A 
report was circulated that the Cherokees were about to attack the 
settlements in Kentucky, and the people were greatly alarmed for 
their safety. Col. Logan attempted to raise a force for the defense 
of the country, hut on examination it was discovered that there 
were no military laws in force within the district. Under these 
circumstances, it was determined to invite a meeting of repre- 
sentatives from all the settlements, to take whatever measures 
were deemed expedient for the defense of the country. The 
meeting assembled at Danville, and adopted a circular address to 
each militia company in the district, recommending the election of 
delegates from each company, to meet at Danville on the 27th of 
December, to discuss more fully the measures necessary to be 
adopted for their relief. 

Twenty-five delegates appeared in the convention. There was a 
great diversity in their opinions. Some of them believed that it 
was only necessary to apply for suitable legislative aid from the 
State of Virginia; it was urged by others, that the great distance 
from the State capital was an insuperable difficulty in the way of 
their connection with the parent State, and that the evils that were 
felt could only be removed by a separation from it, and an admis- 
sion as an independent State into the Union. The latter opinion 
prevailed; the convention adopted a resolution expressing its 
opinion "in favor of applying for an act to render Kentucky 
independent of Virginia,' ' and adjourned after a session of two 
days.* 

The survey and location of the military lands in Kentucky, under 
the laws of Virginia, were commenced in the same year. The 
number of soldiers in the Virginia continental line was eleven 
hundred and twenty-four. To these, as provided in the terms of 
cession, was allotted a tract of land within the district of Kentucky, 
estimated at two millions five hundred thousand acres ; and to the 
State line, a tract estimated at three millions five hundred thousand 
acres. To both these lines was guaranteed the privilege of locating 
lands on the north side of the Ohio, between the Miami and Scioto 
rivers, when the good lands within the district assigned them were 
exhausted. Richard C. Anderson was chosen surveyor by the 
continental line, opened his office at Louisville on the 20th of July, 



* Marshall's Kentucky, i. 190. 



1784. FIRST STORE AT LOUISVILLE. 419 

and the first entry of lands in behalf of the line, south of the Ohio, 
was made on the first of August, 1784 The first entry north of 
the Ohio was made on the first of August, 1787.* 

The return of peace invited emigration, and the posts and settle- 
ments that were maintained throughout the war in Western Penn- 
sylvania, Western Virginia, and Kentucky, now received a large 
increase of population. 

The population of all the settlements of Kentucky in 1783, was 
about twelve thousand, f The suspension of Indian hostilities, and 
the inviting character of the soil and climate, attracted a great num- 
ber of settlers from the Atlantic states, and especially from Virginia ; 
and in the spring of 1784, its population had increased to more 
than twenty thousand. The principal settlements were on Ken- 
tucky river, on the sources of Salt river, on the tributaries of the 
Licking, and at the falls of the Ohio. They were divided into three 
counties — Jefferson on the west, Lincon on the south, and Fayette 
on the north — united together under the laws of Virginia, into one 
judicial district, known as the district of Kentucky. Many new 
settlements were made by the emigrants, and the population of the 
stations, now changed into agricultural communities, was largely 
increased. 

In 1784, the population of the district was further increased by 
emigrants from Virginia and North Carolina, to thirty thousand, 
and the district began to assume the character of a prosperous com- 
munity. Agriculture began to flourish ; schools and churches were 
established ; and a trade with the Atlantic states was opened. 

In the spring of the preceding year, merchandise from Phila- 
delphia and Baltimore was first transported in wagons across the 
mountains, by way of Ligonier and Cumberland, to Redstone and 
Pittsburgh, and thence shipped in flat boats to Daniel Brodhead, 
at Louisville, who immediately opened a store at that point. In 
1784, another was opened by James Wilkinson, at Lexington. At 
that period, Louisville contained, it is said, sixty- three houses 
finished, thirty-seven partly finished, twenty-two raised, but not 
covered, and more than one hundred cabins. 

Pittsburgh was, at that period, the principal town in the West. 
In 1764, immediately after the close of the Indian war, Col. Camp- 



* American State Papers, xvi. 7. f Monette, ii. 143. 



420 SECOND SURVEY OF PITTSBURGH. 1784. 

bell laid out a town consisting of four squares, outside of the walls 
of Fort Pitt, to which he gave the name of Pittsburgh. The treaty 
with the Six Nations in 1768, conveyed to the proprietaries of 
Pennsylvania, all the lands east of the Allegheny, below Kittan- 
ning, and all the country south of the Ohio, within the limits of 
Penn's charter. Accordingly, early in 1769, the manor of Pitts- 
burgh, consisting of five thousand seven hundred and sixty-six 
acres, was surveyed and withdrawn from market for the private 
property of the Penn family. When "Washington visited it in 1770, 
he described it as a town of about twenty log houses, on the 
Monongahela, about three hundred yards from the fort. At the 
revolution, the Penns adhered to the royal cause, and in conse- 
quence, all their proprietary right in Pennsylvania, except such 
manors as had been surveyed and returned to the land office before 
the Declaration of Independence, were confiscated to the Common- 
wealth. The manor of Pittsburgh was one of these, and thus 
remained in the possession of the family. In the spring of 1784, 
arrangements were made by Tench Francis, the agent of the 
Penns, to lay out the manor in lots, in order to offer it for sale. 
George Wood and Thomas Vickroy were employed to make the sur- 
vey. The lots were then offered for sale, were readily purchased, and 
a village immediately sprung up. In the same year it was visited 
and described by Arthur Lee, who was then on his way to the 
treaty at Fort Mcintosh. To him, it seems to have presented a 
very unpromising appearance, and he expresses his belief, "that 
the place will never be very considerable." He, however, over- 
looked the fact, even at that day marked by more acute observers > 
that its location, climate, scenery and surroundings, would in after 
days make it a city of great importance and of great wealth. 

In the spring of 1781, H. H. Brackenridge, Esq., afterward a 
distinguished member of the bar in Western Pennsylvania, and 
subsequently a judge of the Supreme Court of that State, emigrated 
from Philadelphia and located himself in Pittsburgh. 

In 1786, John Scull and Joseph Hall embarked all their means in 
the establishment of a newspaper at that point; and on the 29th of 
July, the first number of the Pittsburgh Gazette, the first paper estab- 
lished west of the mountains, was issued. In that number, an article 
was published from the pen of Mr. Brackenridge, "on the situation 
of the town of Pittsburgh, and the state of society at that place."* 



* Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 190. 



1786. brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 421 

" The Allegheny river running from the north-east, and the Mo- 
nongahela from the south-west, meet at the angle of about thirty- 
three degrees, and form the Ohio. This is said to signify, in some 
of the Indian languages, bloody ; so that the Ohio river may be 
translated the River of Blood. The French have called it La 
Belle Riviere, that is, the Beautiful or Fair River, but this is not 
intended by them as having any relation to the name Ohio. 

" It may have received the name Ohio about the beginning of 
the present century, when the Six Nations made war upon their 
fellow savages in these territories, and subjected several tribes. 

"The word Monongahela is said to signify, in some of the Indian 
languages, the Falling -in-Banks, that is, the stream of the Falling- 
in, or Mouldering Banks. 

"At the distance of about four or five hundred yards from the head 
of the Ohio, is a small island, lying to the north-west side of the river, 
at the distance of seventy yards from the shore. It is covered with 
wood, and at the lowest part is a lofty hill, famous for the number 
of wild turkeys which inhabit it. The island is not more in length 
than one-quarter of a mile, and in breadth about one hundred yards. 
A small space on the upper end is cleared and overgrown with 
grass. The savages had cleared it during the late war, a party of 
them attached to the United States having placed their wigwams 
and raised corn there. The Ohio, at the distance of about one mile 
from its source, winds round the lower end of the island, and dis- 
appears. I call the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela 
the source of the Ohio. 

"It is pleasant to observe the conflict of these two waters where 
they meet: when of an equal height the contest is equal, and a 
small rippling appears from the point of land at their junction to 
the distance of about five hundred yards. When the Allegheny 
is master, as the term is, the current keeps its course a great way 
into the Monongahela, before it is overcome and falls into the bed 
of the Ohio. The Monongahela, in like manner having the mas- 
tery, bears away the Allegheny, and with its muddy waters dis- 
colors the crystal current of that river. This happens frequently, 
inasmuch as these two rivers, coming from different climates of 
the country, are seldom swollen at the same time. The flood of 
the Allegheny rises perhaps the highest. I have observed it to 
have been at least thirty feet above the level, by the impression of 
the ice on the branches of trees which overhang the river, and had 
been cut at the breaking up of the winter, when the snow and 



422 brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 1786. 

frost, melting toward the north-east, throw themselves down with 
amazing rapidity and violence in a mighty deluge. The current 
of the Allegheny is in general more rapid than that of the Monon- 
gahela, and though not broader or of greater depth, yet, from this 
circumstance throws forward a greater quantity of water in the 
same space of time. In this river, at the distance of about a mile 
above the town of Pittsburgh, is a beautiful little island, which, if 
there are river gods and nymphs, they may be supposed to haunt. 
At the upper end of the island, and toward the western shore, is a 
small ripple, as it is called, where the water, bubbling as if it 
sprung from the pebbles of a fountain, gives vivacity and an air of 
cheerfulness to the scene. 

" The fish of the Allegheny are harder and firmer than those of 
the Monongahela or Ohio, owing, as is supposed, to the greater 
coldness and purity of the water. The fish in general of those 
rivers are good. They are, the pike, weighing frequently fifteen 
or twenty pounds ; the perch, much larger than any I have ever 
seen in the bay of Chesapeake, which is the only tide from whence 
I have ever seen perch ; there is also the sturgeon, and many other 
kinds offish. 

"It is a high amusement to those who are fond of fishing, to 
angle in those waters, more especially at the time of a gentle flood, 
when the frequent nibbles of the large and small fishes entertain 
the expectation, and sometimes gratify it by a bite ; and when those 
of the larger size are taken, it is necessary to play them a consider- 
able time before it can be judged safe to draw them in. I have 
seen a canoe half loaded in a morning by some of those most 
-expert in the employment, but you will see in a spring evening the 
banks of the rivers lined with men fishing at intervals from one 
another. This, with the streams gently gliding, the woods, at a 
distance, green, and the shadows lengthening toward the town, 
forms a delightful scene. Fond of the water, I have been some- 
times highly pleased in going with a select party, in a small barge, 
up or down the rivers, and landing at a cool spring, to enjoy the 
verdant turf, amidst the shady bowers of ash-wood, sugar-tree, or 
oak, planted by the hand of nature, not art. 

"It may be said by some who will read this description which I 
have given, or may be about to give, that it is minute and useless, 
inasmuch as they are observations of things well known. But let 
it be considered, that it is not intended for the people of this coun- 
try, but for those at a distance, who may not yet be acquainted with 



1786. brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 423 

the natural situation of the town of Pittsburgh, or having heard of 
it, may wish to be more particularly informed. Who knows what 
families of fortune it may induce to emigrate to this place ? 

" There is a rock known by the name of M'Kee's rock, at the 
distance of about three miles below the head of the Ohio. It is 
the end of a promontory, where the river bends to the north-west, 
and where, by the rushing of the floods, the earth has been cut 
away during several ages, so that now the huge overhanging rocks 
appear, hollowed beneath, so as to form a dome of majesty and 
grandeur, near one hundred feet in height. Here are the names of 
French and British officers engraved, who in former times, in par- 
ties of pleasure, had visited this place. The town of Pittsburgh, at 
the head of the Ohio, is scarcely visible from hence, by means of an 
intervening island, the lower end of which is nearly opposite the 
rocks. Just below them, at the bending of the river, is a deep eddy 
water, which has been sounded by a line of thirty fathoms, and no 
bottom found. Above them is a beautiful extent of bottom, contain- 
ing five or six hundred acres, and the ground rising to the inland coun- 
try with an easy ascent, so as to form an extensive landscape. As 
you ascend the river from these rocks, to the town of Pittsburgh, 
you pass by on your right hand the mouth of a brook known by 
the name of the Saw-mill run. This empties itself about half a 
mile below the town, and is overlooked by a building on its banks, 
on the point of a hill which fronts the east, and is first struck by the 
beam of the rising sun. At a small distance from its mouth is a 
saw-mill, about twenty perches below the situation of an old mill 
built by the British, the remains of some parts of which are yet 
seen. 

"At the head of the Ohio stands the town of Pittsburgh, on an 
angular piece of ground, the two rivers forming the two sides of 
the angle. Just at the point stood, when I first came to this coun- 
try, a tree, leaning against which I have often overlooked the wave, 
or committing my garments to its shade, have bathed in the trans- 
parent tide. How have I regretted its undeserved fate, when the 
early winter fiood tore it from the roots, and left the bank bare. 

"On this point stood the old French fort known by the name of 
Fort Du Quesne, which was evacuated and blown up by the French 
in the campaign of the British under Gen. Forbes. The appear- 
ance of the ditch and mound, with the salient angles and bastions 
still remains, so as to prevent that perfect level of the ground which 
otherwise would exist. It has been long overgrown with the finest 



424 brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 1786. 

verdure, and depastured on by cattle ; but since the town has been 
laid out it has been enclosed, and buildings are erected. 

"Just above these works is the present garrison, built by Gen. 
Stanwix, and is said to have cost the crown of Britain £60,000. Be 
that as it may, it has been a work of great labor and of little use — 
for, situated on a plain, it is commanded by heights and rising 
grounds on every side, and some at less than the distance of a mile. 
The fortification is regular, constructed according to the rules of 
art, and about three years ago put into good repair by Gen. Irwin, 
who commanded at this post. It has the advantage of an excellent 
magazine, built of stone ; but the time is come, and it is hoped will 
not again return, when the use of this garrison is at an end. There 
is a line of posts below it on the Ohio river, to the distance of three 
hundred miles. The savages come to this place for trade, not for 
war, and any future contest that we may have with them, will be 
on the heads of the more northern rivers that fall iuto the 
Mississippi. 

" The bank of the Allegheny river, on the north-west side of the 
town of Pittsburgh, is planted with an orchard of apple trees, with 
some pear trees intermixed. These were brought, it is said, and 
planted by a British officer, who commanded at this place early 
on the first occupation of it by the crown of England. He has 
deserved the thanks of those who have since enjoyed it, as the 
fruit is excellent, and the trees bear in abundance every year. 
]N~ear the garrison on the Allegheny bank, were formerly what 
were called the king's artillery gardens, delightful spots, cultivated 
highly to usefulness and pleasure, the soil favoring the growth of 
plants and flowers, equal with any on the globe. Over this ground 
the ancient herbs and plants springing up underneath the foot, it is 
delightful still to walk, covered with the orchard shade. 

" On the margin of this river once stood a row of houses, ele- 
gant and neat, and not unworthy of the European taste, but they 
have been swept away in the course of time, some for the purpose 
of forming an opening to the river from the garrison, that the 
artillery might incommode the enemy approaching and deprived of 
shelter ; some torn away by the fury of the rising river, indignant 
of too near a pressure on its banks. These buildings were the 
receptacles of the ancient Indian trade, which, coming from the 
westward, centred in this quarter: but of these buildings, like 
decayed monuments of grandeur, no trace remains. Those who, 
twenty years ago, saw them flourish, can only say, here they 
stood. 



1786. brackenridge's sketch oe Pittsburgh. 425 

" From the verdant walk on the margin of this beautiful river, 
you have a view of an island about a mile above, round which the 
river twines with a resplendent brightness ; gliding on the eastern 
bank, it would wish to keep a straight direction, once supposed to 
be its course: but thrown beneath, it modestly submits, and falls 
toward the town. When the poet comes with his enchanting song 
to pour his magic numbers on this scene, this little island may 
aspire to live with those in the JEgean sea, where the song of 
Homer drew the image of delight, or where the Cam or Isis, em- 
bracing in their bosoms gems like these, are sung by Milton, father 
of the modern bards. 

" On the west side of the Allegheny river, and opposite the 
orchard, is a level of three thousand acres, reserved by the state to 
be laid out in lots for the purpose of a town. A small stream, at 
right angles to the river, passes through it. On this ground it is 
supposed a town may stand; but on all hands it is excluded from 
the praise of being a situation so convenient as on the side of the 
river where the present town is placed ; yet it is a most delightful 
grove of oak, cherry and walnut trees : but we return and take a 
view of the Monongahela, on the southern side of the town. 

" This bank is closely set with buildings, for the distance of near 
half a mile, and behind this range the town chiefly lies, falling back 
on the plains between the two rivers. To the eastward is Grant's 
hill, a beautiful rising ground, discovering marks of ancient culti- 
vation ; the forests having long ago withdrawn, and shown the head 
and brow beset with green and flowers. From this hill two crystal 
fountains issue, which in the heat of summer continue with a lim- 
pid current to refresh the taste. It is pleasant to celebrate a festi- 
val on the summit of this ground. In the year 1781, a bower had 
been erected, covered with green shrubs. The sons and daughters 
of the day assembling, joined in the festivity, viewing the rivers 
at a distance, and listening to the music of the military on the plain 
beneath them. When the moonlight rising from the east had 
softened into gray, the prospect, a lofty pile of wood enflamed, 
with pyramidical rising, illuminated both the rivers and the town, 
which far around reflected brightness. Approaching in the appear- 
ance of a river god, a swain begirt with weeds natural to these 
streams, and crowned with leaves of the sugar tree, hailed us, and 
gave prophetic hints of the grandeur of our future empire. His 
words I remember not, but it seemed to me for a moment, that the 
mystic agency of deities well known in Greece and Rome, was not 
a fable ; but that powers unseen haunt the woods and rivers, who 
28 



426 brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 1786. 

take part in tile affairs of mortals, and are pleased with the cele- 
bration of events that spring from great achievements, and from 
virtue. 

" This is the hill, and from whence it takes its name, where in the 
war which terminated in the year 1763, Grant, advancing with about 
eight hundred Caledonians or Highland Scotch troops, beat a 
reveille a little after sunrise to the French garrison, who, accom- 
panied with a number of savages, sallied out and flanking him un- 
seen from the bottom on the left and right, then covered with wood, 
ascended the hill, tomahawked and cut his troops to pieces, and 
made Grant himself prisoner. Bones and weapons are yet found 
on the hill — the bones white with the weather, the w r eapons covered 
with rust. 

" On the summit of this hill is a mound of earth, supposed to b« 
a catacomb or ancient burying place of the savages. There can be 
no doubt of this, as on the opening some of the like tumuli, or hills 
of earth, bones are found. In places where stones are plenty, these 
mounds are raised of stones, and skeletons are found in them. To 
the north-east of Grant's hill, there is one still higher, at the dis- 
tance of about a quarter of a mile, which is called the Quarry hill, 
from the excellent stone quarry that has been opened in it. From 
this hill there is an easy descent the whole way to the town, and 
an excellent smooth road, so that the stones can be easily procured 
to erect any building at Pittsburgh. From the Quarry hill you 
have a view of four or five miles of the Allegheny river, along 
which lies a fine bottom, and in high cultivation, with different ill- 
closures and farm-houses, the river winding through the whole 
prospect. 

" This hill would seem to stand as that whereon a strong redoubt 
might be placed, to command the commerce of the Allegheny 
river, while directly opposite, on the Monongahela side, to the 
south-east, stands a hill of the same height and appearance, known 
by the name of Ayres' hill, so called from a British engineer of 
that name, who gave his opinion in favor of this ground as that 
whereon the fort ought to be constructed, as being the highest 
ground, and which must command the rivers, and the plain with 
the inferior rising grounds on which the town is built. The hill 
has been cultivated on the summit by a Highland regiment, who 
built upon it, though the buildings are now gone, and the brow of 
the hill is still covered with wood. 

"From Ayres' hill issue several fountains, falling chiefly toward 
the north, into a small brook, which increasing, encircles the foot 



1786. brackestridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 427 

of the hill, and takes its course through several beautiful little 
meads into the Monongahela river. On this brook, before it takes 
its turn to the Monongahela, in a delightful little valley, and in the 
neighborhood of some plum-trees, the natives of the country, was 
the ancient risidence of a certain Anthony Thompson, the vestiges 
of whose habitation still remain ; an extent of ground cleared by 
him lies to the north, accustomed to long cultivation, and now 
thrown out a common. The best brick may be made from this 
ground, the fine loam and sand of which the soil consists, and the 
water just at hand, highly favoring the object. 

u As you ascend from this valley, through which a main leading 
road passes from the country, you see the Monongahela, and 
approaching Grant's hill on the right, you have the point of view 
from whence the town is seen to the best advantage. It is hid 
from you until by the winding of the road you begin to turn the 
point of the hill; you then see house by house on the Monongahela 
side opening to your view, until you are in front of the main town, 
in a direct line to the confluence of the rivers. Then the buildings 
on the Allegheny show themselves, with the plain extending to the 
right, which had been concealed. You have in the meantime a 
view of the rising grounds beyond the rivers, crowned with lofty 
woods. I was once greatly struck on a summer morning, viewing 
from the ground the early vapor rising from the river. It hung 
midway between the foot and summit of the hill, so that the green 
above had the appearance of an island in the clouds. 

"It may be here observed, that at the junction of these two 
rivers, until eight o'clock of summer mornings, a light fog is 
usually incumbent : but it is of a salutary nature, inasmuch as it 
consists of vapor not exhaled from stagnant water, but which the 
sun of the preceding day had extracted from trees and flowers, and 
in the evening had sent back in dew, so that rising with a second 
sun in fog, and becoming of aromatic quality, it is experienced to 
be healthful. 

" The town of Pittsburgh, as at present built, stands chiefly on 
what is called the third bank; that is the third rising of the ground 
above the Allegheny water. For there is the first bank, which 
confines the river at the present time ; and about three hundred 
feet removed is a second, like the falling of a garden; then a third, 
at the distance of about three hundred yards; and lastly, a fourth 
bank, all of easy inclination, and parallel with the Allegheny river. 
These banks would seem in successive periods to have been the 
margin of the river, which gradually has changed its course, and 



428 brackenridge's sketch of Pittsburgh. 1786. 

has been thrown from one descent to another, to the present bed 
where it lies. In digging wells the kind of stones are found which 
we observe in the Allegheny current, worn smooth by the attrition 
of the water. Shells also intermixed with these are thrown out. 
Nature, therefore, or the river, seems to have formed the bed of 
this town as a garden with level walks, and fallings of the ground. 
Hence the advantage of descending gardens on these banks, which 
art elsewhere endeavors, with the greatest industry, to form. Nor 
is the soil less happy than the situation. The mold is light and 
rich. The finest gardens in the known world may be formed 
here. 

" The town consists at present of about an hundred dwelling 
houses, with buildings appurtenant. More are daily added, and 
for some time past it has improved with an equal but continual 
pace. The inhabitants, children, men and women, are about fifteen 
hundred ;* this number doubling almost every year, from the acces- 
sion of people from abroad, and from those born in the town. As 
I pass along, I may remark that this new country is in general 
highly prolific ; whether it is that the vegetable air, if I may so 
express it, constantly perfumed with aromatic flavor, and impreg- 
nated with salts drawn from the fresh soil, is more favorable to the 
production of men and other animals than decayed grounds. 

" There is not a more delightful spot under heaven to spend any 
of the summer months than at this place. I am astonished that 
there should be such repairing to the Warm Springs in Virginia, a 
place pent up between the hills, where the sun pours its beams 
concentrated as in a burning-glass, and not a breath of air stirs ; 
where the eye can wander scarcely half a furlong, while here we 
have the breezes of the river, coming from the Mississippi and the 
ocean; the gales that fan the woods, and are sent from the refresh- 
ing lakes to the northward ; in the meantime the prospect of exten- 
sive hills and dales, whence the fragrant air brings odors of a 
thousand flowers and plants, or of the corn and grain of husband- 
men, upon its balmy wings. Here we have the town and country 
together. How pleasant it is in a summer evening, to walk out 
upon these grounds, the smooth green surface of the earth, and the 
woodland shade softening the late fervid beams of the sun ; how 
pleasant by a crystal fountain is a tea party under one of those hills, 
with the rivers and the plains beneath. 



* " This estimate of the population here is a most extravagant one, being about fif- 
teen to a house; which is incredible." — Craig. 



1759. FORT BURD BUILT AT REDSTONE. 429 

"Nor is the winter season enjoyed with less festivity than in 
more populous and cultivated towns. The buildings warm ; fuel 
abundant, consisting of the finest coal from the neighboring hills, 
or of ash, hickory, or oak, brought down in rafts by the rivers. In 
the meantime, the climate is less severe at this place than on the 
other side of the mountain, lying deep in the bosom of the wood ; 
sheltered on the north-east by the bending of the Allegheny 
heights, and on the south-west warmed by the tepid winds from the 
bay of Mexico and the great southern ocean. 

" In the fall of the year, and during the winter season, there is 
usually a great concourse of strangers at this place, from the differ- 
ent States, about to descend the river to the westward, or to make 
excursions into the uninhabited and adjoining country. These, 
with the inhabitants of the town spend the evening in parties at 
the different houses, or at public balls, where they are surprised to 
find an elegant assembly of ladies, not to be surpassed in beauty 
and accomplishments perhaps by any on the continent. 

" It must appear like enchantment to a stranger, who after tra- 
veling an hundred miles from the settlements, across a dreary 
mountain, and through the adjoining country, where in many 
places the spurs of the mountain still continue, and cultivation 
does not always show itself, to see, all at once, and almost on the 
verge of the inhabited globe, a town with smoking chimneys, halls 
lighted up with splendor, ladies and gentlemen assembled, various 
music, and the mazes of the dance. He may suppose it to be the 
effect of magic, or that he is come into a new world where there 
is all the refinement of the former, and more benevolence of 
heart." 

Redstone* was perhaps at that period next in importance to 
Pittsburgh. In 1759 Col. Burd was dispatched with two hundred 
men, to extend Braddock's road to the Monongahela, in order to 
open a better communication with Fort Pitt. At the mouth of 
Redstone creek, on the site of an ancient fortification, then known 
as Redstone Old Fort, he built a fort which he named Fort Burd. 
Plow long Fort Burd was maintained is not known. The site of 
it, however, continued to receive the name of Redstone, and early 
became a point of rendezvous for emigrants to Kentucky. As early 
as 1770, the site of Redstone was claimed by Cresap, under a tom- 



* Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania. 



430 STATISTICS OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 1781. 

ahawk right, and after his location there it became the head-quar- 
ters of the spies in the Indian wars that followed. The protection 
afforded by the posts and block-houses erected along the Mononga- 
hela, attracted settlers, and soon a very considerable population 
found its way into the valley of that river, and especially around 
Redstone. The importance of the point was greatly increased by 
the emigration that set in from the region east of the mountains, 
after the close of the war, along Braddock's road to Bedstone, and 
thence by the river to Limestone, now Maysville, and other points 
in Kentucky. It was not, however, until 1785, that the present 
town of Brownsville was laid out on the site of Old Fort Redstone, 
and in the next year its population had increased to six hundred. 

Several other points in "Western Pennsylvania, now flourishing 
towns, were then already occupied, and a very considerable popu- 
lation already occupied the valley of the Monongahela, and the re- 
gion between that river and the Allegheny. All that region was 
then divided into three counties. 

In 1773, all of Western Pennsylvania included in the cession of 
1768, and west of Laurel Hill, was erected into the county of "West- 
moreland, of which Hannastown was the seat of justice, until it 
was destroyed by the Indians in 1782. 

In 1781, all that portion of Westmoreland county west of the 
Monongahela river, was erected into the county of Washington, 
and in the next year the borough of Washington, at Catfish, was 
laid out as the seat of justice. In 1783, the portion of Westmore- 
land county between the Monongahela and the Youghiogheny riv- 
ers, was erected into the county of Fayette, and Uniontown, which 
had been settled in 1768, was made the seat of justice. In 1790, 
the population of these three counties had risen to 53,209.* 

No provision was made by Great Britain, in the treaty of peace, in 
1785.] behalf of her Indian allies. The most faithful of these 
were the Six Nations, and their lands were included within the 
boundaries secured by the treaty to the United States. They had 
entered the British service on a pledge that they should be remu- 
nerated for all losses they might sustain. They had suffered 
greatly ; their country had been ravaged with fire and sword, and 
in particular, the Mohawks had been driven from the whole of 
their beautiful valley. In remuneration for the loss of that coun- 



* Early History of Western Pennsylvania, App. 



1784. SECOND TREATY OF FORT STANWIX. 431 

try, the governor-general of Canada conveyed to them a tract of 
land on Grand river, on the north side of Lake Erie. No other 
protection was afforded to the Six Nations, and all the sovereignty 
claimed over them by Great Britain was conveyed to the United 
States; and thus they were left at the mercy of the people whom 
the policy of the British cabinet had made their enemies. 

The extent of that sovereignty was exceedingly ill-defined. The 
treaty of Lord Howard with the Six Nations in 1684, recognized 
them as under the protection of Great Britain; and the chiefs of 
the confederacy executed a deed in 1726, conveying to the English 
government their lands, in trust, "to be protected and defended by 
his Majesty, to and for the use of the grantors and their heirs." 
But these treaties were regarded by the Indians as treaties of alli- 
ance only, and were never recognized by them as conveying any 
sovereignty over them, or any title to their lands to the English 
crown. 

The relation of the new government to the other Indian tribes, 
was also uncertain. They were not held to be civil societies with 
whom treaties might be made on the principles of the law of na- 
tions. They were not citizens or subjects of the new government, 
and therefore were not held to be amenable to the laws of the states 
or the confederation. Under these circumstances, on the recom- 
mendation of Mr. Jay, in 1782, the principle that had been adopted 
by the European nations was introduced into the practice of the 
new government. It was that discovery was equivalent to con- 
quest ; and therefore the natives retained only a possessory claim 
to their lands, and could only alienate it to the government claim- 
ing the sovereignty. While this became the general policy of the 
government, much difficulty was experienced in regard to the position 
of the Six Nations. The legislature of New York was determined 
to expel them entirely, in retaliation for their hostility during the 
war, from their whole territory. Under the representations of 
Washington and Schuyler, better counsels prevailed; and it was 
determined by the Continental Congress to forgive the hostilities 
of the past, and to dispossess them gradually by purchase, as the 
extension of the settlements might demand the occupation of their 
lands. 

It was in accordance with this policy that a treaty with the Mo- 
hawks, Onondagas, Senecas, Cayugas, Tuscuroras, and Seneca-O'bea 1 
tribes was held in October, 1784, at Fort Stanwix. The represen- 
tatives of the United States were Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler, 
and Arthur Lee. The most distinguished chiefs of the confeder- 



432 IROQUOIS CEDE ALL THEIR WESTERN LANDS. 1784. 

acy were Cornplanter and Red Jacket. Red Jacket was opposed 
to peace, and his speech for war was, says La Fayette, " a master 
piece, and every warrior who heard him was carried away with his 
eloquence." Cornplanter saw the folly of waging a war single 
handed against the whole power of the confederacy, and exerted all 
his power for peace. La Fayette was present, and urged them to 
preserve peace with the Americans; to rely upon their clemency, 
to sell their lands only to authorized agents of Congress, and to 
avoid the use of intoxicating drinks. Cornplanter sought to avoid 
a definite treaty, without the concurrence of the western tribes. 
But the commissioners were determined to punish the Six Nations, 
by a dismemberment of their territory, and refused to listen to any 
delay. After a long conference, a treaty was signed on the 22d of 
October, between the contracting parties, in the name of the con- 
federation and of the Six Nations. Its provisions were : 

"Six hostages shall be immediately delivered to the commis- 
sioners, by the said nations, to remain in possession of the United 
States, until all the prisoners, white and black, which were taken 
by the Senecas, Mohawks, Onondagas, and Cayugas, or by any of 
them, in the late war, from among the citizens of the United States, 
shall be delivered up. 

"The Oneidas and Tuscarora nations shall be secured in the 
possession of the lands on which they are settled. 

" A line shall be drawn, beginning at the mouth of a creek, about 
four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea, or Johnson's Landing 
Place, upon the lake, named by the Indians Oswego, and by us 
Ontario ; from thence southernly, in a direction always four miles 
east of the carrying path, between Lake Erie and Ontario, to the 
mouth of Tehoseroron, or Buffalo creek, or Lake Erie; thence south, 
to the north boundary of the State of Pennsylvania ; thence west, to 
the end of the said north boundary ; thence south, along the west 
boundary of the said State, to the river Ohio ; the said line, from 
the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be the western 
boundary of the lands of the Six Nations ; so that the Six Nations 
shall, and do, yield to the United States, all claims to the country 
west of the said boundary ; and then they shall be secured in the 
peaceful possession of the lands they inhabit, east and north of the 
same, reserving only six miles square, round the Fort of Oswego, 
to the United States, for the support of the same. 

" The commissioners of the United States, in consideration of 
the present circumstances of the Six Nations, and in execution of 
the humane and liberal views of the United States, upon the 



1784. IKOQUOIS CEDE ALL THEIR WESTERN LANDS. 433 

signing of these articles, will order goods to be delivered to the 
Six Nations for their own use and comfort." 

The indefinite claim which the Six Nations had so long set up to 
the valley of the Mississippi, on the basis of their conquests a 
hundred years before, and which had entered so largely into the 
diplomacy of England and France, in the long contest they waged 
for the possession of the valley, was at length extinguished. 

In pursuance of the policy of the new government, a treaty was 
held on the 21st of January, 1785, at Fort M'Intosh, between the 
United States, represented by George Rogers Clark, Richard 
Butler and Arthur Lee, and the chiefs of the Wyandot, Delaware, 
Chippewa and Ottawa tribes. Its provisions were — 

"Three chiefs, one from the Wyandot and two from among the 
Delaware nations, shall be delivered up to the commissioners of 
the United States, to be by them retained till all the prisoners 
taken by the said nations, or any of them, shall be restored. 

"The said Indian nations do acknowledge themselves, and all 
their tribes, to be under the protection of the United States, and 
of no other sovereign whatsoever. 

" The boundary line between the United States and the Wyandot 
and Delaware nations, shall begin at the mouth of the river Cuya- 
hoga, and run thence up the said river, to the portage between that 
and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum; then down the 
said branch to the forks at the crossing place above Fort Laurens ; 
then westwardly to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into 
the Ohio, at the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was 
taken by the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two; 
then along the said portage to the Great Miami or Ome river, and 
down the south-east side of the same to its mouth ; thence along 
the south shore of Lake Erie to the mouth of the Cuyahoga, where 
it began. 

" The United States allot all the lands contained within the said 
lines to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, to live and to hunt on, 
and to such of the Ottawa nation as now live thereon ; saving and 
reserving, for the establishment of trading posts, six miles square 
at the mouth of Miami or Ome river, and the same at the portage 
on that branch of the Big Miami which runs into the Ohio, and 
the same on the lake of Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood, 
and also two miles square on each side of the lower rapids of San- 
dusky river; which posts, and the lands annexed to them, shall be 
to the use, and under the government of the United States. 



434 ORDINANCE FOR DISPOSING OF WESTERN LANDS. 1T85. 

"If any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being 
an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the lands allotted to 
the Wyandot and Delaware nations, in this treaty, except on the 
lands reserved to the United States in the preceding article, such 
person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the 
Indians may punish him as they please. 

" The Indians who sign this treaty, as well in behalf of all their 
tribes as of themselves, do acknowledge the lands east, south and 
west of the lines described in the third article, so far as the said 
Indians formerly claimed the same, to belong to the United States ; 
and none of their tribes shall presume to settle upon the same, or 
any part of it. 

" The post of Detroit, with a district beginning at the mouth of 
the river Rosine, on the west side of Lake Erie, and running west 
six miles up the southern bank of the said river, thence northerly, 
and always six miles west of the strait, till it strikes the lake St. 
Clair, shall also be reserved to the sole use of the United States. 

"In the same manner, the post of Michilimackinack, with its 
dependencies, and twelve miles square about the same, shall be 
reserved to the use of the United States. 

"If any Indian or Indians shall commit a robbery or murder on 
any citizen of the United States, the tribe to which such offender 
may belong shall be bound to deliver them up, at the nearest post, 
to be punished according to the ordinances of the United States. 

" The commissioners of the United States, in pursuance of the 
humane and liberal views of Congress, upon the treaty's being 
signed, will direct goods to be distributed among the different 
tribes, for their use and comfort." 

Thus were the first steps taken for securing to the United States 
the Indian titles to the vast realm beyond the Ohio ; and a few 
months later, the legislation was commenced that was to determine 
the mode of its disposal, and the plan of its settlements. 

To facilitate the entry and settlement of the lands thus pur- 
chased by the treaties of Fort Stanwix, and Fort Mcintosh, " an 
ordinance for ascertaining the mode of disposing of lands in the 
Western Territory," was passed by the Congress on the 20th of 
May, 1785. Its material provisions are these : 

"A surveyor from each State shall be appointed by Congress, or 
a committee of the States, who shall take an oath for the faithful 
discharge of his duty, before the geographer of the United States, 
who is hereby empowered and directed to administer the same; 



1785. ORDINANCE FOR DISPOSING OF WESTERN LANDS. 435 

and the like oath shall be administered to each chain-carrier, by 
the surveyor under whom he acts. 

"The geographer, under whose direction the surveyors shall act, 
shall occasionally form such regulations for their conduct, as he 
shall deem necessary ; and shall have authority to suspend them for 
misconduct in office, and shall make report of the same to Con- 
gress, or to the committee of the States ; and he shall make report 
in case of sickness, death, or resignation, of any surveyor. 

"The surveyors, as they are respectively qualified, shall proceed 
to divide the said territory into townships of six miles square, by 
lines running due north and south, and others crossing these at 
right angles, as near as may be, unless where the boundaries of the 
late Indian purchases may render the same impracticable, and then 
they shall depart from this rule no further than such particular 
circumstances may require. And each surveyor shall be allowed 
and paid at the rate of two dollars for every mile in length he shall 
run, including the wages of chain-carriers, markers, and every 
other expense attending the same. 

"The first line running north and south as aforesaid, shall begin 
on the river Ohio, at a point that shall be found to be due north 
from the western termination of a line which has been run as the 
southern boundary of the State of Pennsylvania: and the first line 
running east and west shall begin at the same point, and shall 
extend throughout the whole territory; provided, that nothing 
herein shall be construed as fixing the western boundary of the 
State of Pennsylvania. The geographer shall designate the town- 
ships or fractional parts of townships, by numbers, progressively, 
from south to north ; always beginning each range with No. 1 ; and 
the ranges shall be distinguished by their progressive numbers to 
the westward — the first range, extending from the Ohio to the 
Lake Erie, being marked No. 1. The geographer shall personally 
attend to the running of the first east and west line; and shall take 
the latitude of the extremes of the first north and south line, and 
of the mouths of the principal rivers. 

"The lines shall be measured with a chain; shall be plainly 
marked by chaps on trees, and exactly described on a plat ; whereon 
shall be noted by the surveyor, at their proper distances, all mines, 
salt springs, salt licks, and mill seats, that shall come to his knowl- 
edge ; and all water courses, mountains, and other remarkable and 
permanent things, over or near which such lines shall pass, and 
also the quality of the land. 

" The plats of the townships, respectively, shall be marked, by 



436 ORDINANCE FOR DISPOSING OF WESTERN LANDS. 1785. 

subdivisions, into lots of one mile square, or six hundred and forty 
acres, in the same direction as the external lines, aud numbered 
from one to thirty-six; always beginning the succeeding range of 
the lots with the number next to that with which the preceding 
one concluded. And where, from the causes beforementioned, 
only a fractional part of a township shall be surveyed, the lots 
protracted thereon shall bear the same numbers as if the township 
had been entire. And the surveyors, in running the external lines 
of the townships shall, at the interval of every mile, mark corners 
for the lots which are adjacent, always designating the same in a 
different manner from those of the townships. 

" The geographer and surveyors shall pay the utmost attention 
to the variation of the magnetic needle, and shall run and note all 
lines by the true meridian, certifying with every plat what was the 
variation at the times of running the lines thereon noted. 

" As soon as seven ranges of townships, and fractional parts of 
townships, in the direction from south to north, shall have been 
surveyed, the geographer shall transmit plats thereof to the board 
of treasury, who shall record the same, with the report, in well- 
bound books, to be kept for that purpose. And the geographer 
shall make similar returns, from time to time, of every seven 
ranges, as they may be surveyed. The secretary of war shall have 
recourse thereto, and shall take by lot therefrom a number of town- 
ships and fractional parts of townships, as well from those to be 
sold entire, as from those to be sold in lots, as will be equal to one- 
seventh part of the whole of such seven ranges, as nearly as may 
be, for the use of the late continental army ; and he shall make a 
similar draught, from time to time, until a sufficient quantity is 
drawn to satisfy the same, to be applied in manner hereinafter 
directed. The board of treasury shall, from time to time, cause the 
remaining numbers, as well those to be sold entire as those to be 
sold in lots, to be drawn for, in the name of the thirteen states, 
respectively, according to the quotas in the last preceding requisition 
on all the states : provided, that in case more land than its propor- 
tion is allotted for sale in any state at any distribution, a deduction 
be made therefor at the next. 

" The board of treasury shall transmit a copy of the original 
plats, previously noting thereon the townships and fractional parts 
of townships, which shall have fallen to the several states, by the 
distribution aforesaid, to the commissioners of the loan office of the 
several states, who, after giving notice of not less than two, nor 
more than six months, by causing advertisements to be posted up 



1785. ORDINANCE FOR DISPOSING OF WESTERN LANDS. 437 

at the court houses or other noted places in every county, and to 
be inserted in one newspaper published in the states of their resi- 
dence, respectively, shall proceed to sell the townships or fractional 
parts of townships, at public vendue, in the following manner, viz : 
the township or fractional part of a township No. 1, in the first 
range, shall be sold entire ; and No. 2, in the same range by lots ; 
and thus, in alternate order, through the whole of the first range. 
The township or fractional part of a township No. 1, in the second 
range, shall be sold by lots ; and No. 2, in the same range, entire ; 
and so, in alternate order, through the whole of the second range ; 
and the third range shall be sold in the same manner as the first, 
and the fourth in the same manner as the second; and thus, alter- 
nately, throughout all the ranges : provided, that none of the lands 
within the said territory be sold under the price of one dollar the 
acre, to be paid in specie or loan office certificates, reduced to 
specie value by the scale of depreciation, or certificates of liquidated 
debts of the United States, including interest, besides the expense 
of the survey and other charges thereon, which are hereby rated at 
thirty-six dollars the township, in specie or certificates as aforesaid, 
and so in the same proportion, for a fractional part of a township 
or of a lot, to be paid at the time of sales, on failure of which pay- 
ment the said lands shall again be offered for sale. 

" There shall be reserved for the United States out of every 
township, the four lots, being numbered 8, 11, 26, 29, and out of 
every fractional part of a township, so many lots of the same num- 
bers as shall be found thereon, for future sale. There shall be 
reserved the lot No. 16, of every township, for the maintenance of 
public schools within the said township ; also, one-third part of all- 
gold, silver, lead, and copper mines, to be sold, or otherwise dis- 
posed of, as Congress shall hereafter direct. 

" And be it further ordained, That three townships adjacent to 
Lake Erie be reserved, to be hereafter disposed of by Congress, for 
the use of the officers, men, and others, refugees from Canada, and 
the refugees from Nova Scotia, who are or may be entitled to grants 
of land, under resolutions of Congress now existing, or which may 
hereafter be made respecting them, and for such other purposes as 
Congress may hereafter direct. 

" And be it further ordained, That the towns of Gnadenhutten, 
Schonbrun, and Salem, on the Muskingum, and so much of the 
lands adjoining to the said towns, with the buildings and improve- 
ments thereon, shall be reserved for the sole use of the Christian 
Indians, who were formerly settled there, or the remains of that 



438 SETTLEMENT ON INDIAN LANDS FORBIDDEN. 1785. 

society, as may, in the judgment of the geographer, be sufficient 
for them to cultivate. 

" Saving and reserving always, to all officers and soldiers entitled 
to lands on the north-west side of the Ohio, by donation or bounty 
from the Commonwealth of Virginia, and to all persons claiming 
under them, all rights to which they are so entitled, under the deed 
of cession executed by the delegates for the State of Virginia, on 
the 1st day of March, 1784, and the act of Congress accepting the 
same : and to the end that the said rights may be fully and effectu- 
ally secured, according to the true intent and meaning of the said 
deed of cession and act aforesaid, be it ordained, that no part of the 
land included between the rivers called Little Miami and Scioto, 
on the north-west side of the river Ohio, be sold, or in any manner 
alienated, until there shall first have been laid off and appropriated 
for the said officers and soldiers, and persons claiming under them, 
the lands they are entitled to, agreeably to the said deed of cession 
and act of Congress accepting the same." 

It had been anticipated, that so soon as the treaty of Fort Mcin- 
tosh was known, settlers and speculators would cross the Ohio, and 
to prevent the evil which it was foreseen would follow from such 
intrusion, by an order of Congress of the 15th of June, 1785, the 
following proclamation was published by the Indian commis- 
sioners, and circulated in the country north-west of the Ohio: 

"Whereas, it has been represented to the United States,. in Con- 
gress assembled, that several disorderly persons have crossed the 
Ohio and settled upon their unappropriated lands; and whereas, 
it is their intention, as soon as it shall be surveyed, to open offices 
for the sale of a considerable part thereof, in such proportions and 
under such other regulations as may suit the convenience of all the 
citizens of the said States and others who may wish to become 
purchasers of the same — and as such conduct tends to defeat the 
object they have in view, is in direct opposition to the ordinances 
and resolutions of Congress, and highly disrespectful to the federal 
authority ; they have, therefore, thought fit, and do hereby issue 
this, their proclamation, forbidding all such unwarrantable intru- 
sions, and enjoining all those who have settled thereon to depart 
with their families and effects, without loss of time, as they shall 
answer the same at their peril." * 



* Dillon's Indiana, i. 109. 



1785. SECOND KENTUCKY CONVENTION. 439 

The peril to be apprehended from the weak hands of the con- 
federacy might not have deterred fearless men from filling the 
forbidden land, but there were those near by who executed the 
laws they made in a manner which was by no means to be disre- 
garded; and, when four families from Redstone attempted a settle- 
ment at the mouth of the Scioto, in April, 1785, they received such 
a notice to quit, from the natives, in the shape of rifle-balls, that 
two persons were killed and the survivors were glad enough to 
abandon their enterprise, and take refuge at Limestone. Fur- 
ther west, the experiment succeeded better, and some years pre- 
vious to this time, in 1781, a settlement was made in the neighbor- 
hood of the old French forts, by emigrants from "Western Virginia, 
who were joined during the present year by several other families 
from the same region. 

In Kentucky, during 1785, events were of a different character 
from any yet witnessed in the West. Hitherto, to live and resist 
the savages had been the problem, but now the more complicated 
questions of self-rule and political power presented themselves for 
discussion and answer. The convention, which met late in 1784, 
finding a strong feeling prevalent in favor of separation from Vir- 
ginia, and unwilling to assume too much responsibility, had pro- 
posed, as has been stated, a second convention, to meet in the 
following May. It met upon the 23d of that month, and the same 
spirit of self-dependence being dominant, an address to the Assem- 
bly of Virginia, and one to the people of Kentucky, together with 
five resolutions, all relative to separation, and in favor of it, were 
unanimously carried. Two of these resolutions deserve especial 
notice ; one of them recognized, what the constitution of Virginia 
did not, the principle of equal representation, or a representation 
of the people living in a certain territory, and not the square miles 
contained in it: the other referred the whole matter again to a 
third convention, which was to meet in August, and continue its 
sessions by adjournment until April, 1786. 

As the members of the body which passed this resolve had been 
chosen, it is believed, on the basis of equal representation, and for 
the very purpose of considering the question of independence, it 
is by no means clear why this reference to a third assembly waft 
made. It may have been from great precaution, or it may have 
been through the influence of James Wilkinson, who, though not 
a member of the second convention, exercised great power in it; 
and who, being chosen a member of the third, became its leader 
and controller, by the combined influence of his manners, elo- 



440 MAJOR DOUGHTY BUILDS FORT IIARMAR. 1785. 

quence, intellect, and character. This gentleman, there appears to 
be reason to think, deemed the tone of the petition to Virginia too 
humble, and wished another meeting, to speak both to the parent 
State and the people of the district in more decided terms. 

If such was his wish it was gratified. On the 8th of August, a 
third convention met, adopted a new form of address to the Old 
Dominion, and called upon the people of Kentucky to " arm, asso- 
ciate, and embody," " to hold in detestation and abhorrence, and 
treat as enemies to the community, every person who shall with- 
hold his countenance and support of such measures as may be 
recommended for the common defense;" and to prepare for offen- 
sive movements against the Indians, without waiting to be 
attacked.* 

That Wilkinson, in this address to the people of Kentucky, some- 
what exaggerated the danger of Indian invasion is probable ; and 
the propriety of his call upon his countrymen to invade the lands 
beyond the Ohio, at the time that Congress was treating with the 
natives owning them, and seeking to put a stop to warfare, is more 
than questionable : but still his expressions of anxiety lest the 
whites should be found unprepared, were not wholly without 
cause. 

But the proper source of action in the matter at this time was 
the confederation, and Wilkinson and his associates, in proposing 
to invade the north-west territory, should have sought to act under 
its sanction, and not as leaders of a sovereign power. Nor was 
the confederation at this very time unmindful of the West ; in the 
autumn of 1785, Major Doughty descended the Ohio to the mouth 
of the Muskingum, and upon the point north of the former, and 
west of the latter river, began Fort Harmar. 

The address, or petition, though the last name seems scarcely appli- 
1786.] cable, which the third Kentucky convention had sent to 
the Assembly of the parent State, was by that body duly received 
and listened to, and the reasons for an early separation appearing 
cogent, Virginia, in January, 1786, passed a law by which Ken- 
tucky might claim independence, provided she were willing to 
accept of the following conditions, as explained in a letter from 
Mr. Madison to Gen. Washington, dated December 9th, 1785 : 

" Kentucky made a formal application for independence. Her 
memorial has been considered, and the terms of separation fixed 



* American Pioneer, i., 25 — 30, and frontispiece. Monette, 



1785. CONTENTION BETWEEN VIRGINIA AND KENTUCKY. 441 

by a Committee of the Whole. The substance of them is, that all 
private rights and interests, derived from the laws of Virginia, shall 
be secured; that the unlocated lands shall be applied to the objects 
to which the laws of Virginia have appropriated them ; that the 
Ohio shall be a common highway for the citizens of the United 
States, and the jurisdiction of Kentucky and Virginia, as far as the 
remaining territory of the latter will be thereon, be concurrent 
only with the new States on the opposite shore ; that the proposed 
state shall take its due share of our State debts ; and that the sepa- 
ration shall not take place unless these terms shall be approved by 
a convention to be held to decide the question, nor until Congress 
shall assent thereto, and fix the terms of their admission into the 
Union. The limits of the proposed State are to be the same with 
the present limits of the district The apparent coolness of the 
representatives of Kentucky, as to a separation, since these terms 
have been defined, indicates that they had some views which will 
not be favored by them. They dislike much to be hung upon the 
will of Congress." 

These conditions were to be submitted to & fourth convention, to 
be held in the following September. If those were agreed to, the 
convention was to select a day posterior to September 1st, 1787, 
after which the laws of Virginia were to cease forever to be in 
force within the western district; for which, meanwhile, a consti- 
tution and laws were to be prepared by a fifth convention, to be 
called for that purpose : it being provided that this act was to be 
effective only when in substance approved by the United States. 
This act was not, however, altogether pleasant to the more zealous 
of the advocates of self-rule, and an attempt was made by Wilkin- 
son and his friends to induce the people of the district to declare 
themselves independent of Virginia before the comparatively distant 
period fixed by the law in question. The attempt, however, was 
opposed and defeated. The election of members for the fourth 
convention took place without disturbance, and in September it 
would undoubtedly have met to attend to the business confided to 
it, had not the Indian incursions led to an expedition against the 
tribes on the Wabash, at the very time appointed for the assembly 
at Danville. 

Before referring to this movement beyond the Ohio, however, it 

is necessary to mention the steps taken by Congress during the 

early part of this year to secure and perpetuate peace with the 

north-western tribes. The treaty of Fort Stanwix with the Iroquois, 

29 



442 INDIAN TREATY AT FORT FINNEY. 1786. 

was upon the 22d of October, 1784; that of Fort M'Intosh, with 
the Delawares, Wyandots, &c, upon the 21st of January, 1785 ; 
upon the 18th of March following, it was resolved that a treaty be 
held with the Wabash Indians, at Post Vincent, on the 20th of 
June, 1785, or at such other time and place as might seem best to 
the commissioners.* Various circumstances caused the time to be 
changed to the 31st of January, 1786, and the place to the mouth 
of the Great Miami, where, upon that day, a treaty was made by 
G. R. Clark, Kichard Butler and Samuel H. Parsons ; not, however, 
with the Piankeshaws and others named in the original resolution, 
but with the Delawares, Wyandots and Shawanese. 

The absence of the Wabash Indians from this council was not 
the result of any change of plans on the part of the Americans, 
but solely of a growing spirit of hostility among the savages, fos- 
tered, there is too much reason to think, by the agents of England. 
The temper of the Indians who first met the commissioners, is 
thus referred to by General Parsons, in a letter to Capt. Hart, at 
Fort Harmar, dated "Fort Finney," at the mouth of the Great 
Miami, December 20, 1785. 

"Since we have been here, every measure has been taken to 
bring in the Indians. The Wyandots and Delawares are here ; 
the other nations were coming, and were turned back by the Shaw- 
anese. These at last sent two of their tribe to examine our situa- 
tion, and satisfy themselves of our designs. With these men we 
were very open and explicit. We told them we were fully con- 
vinced of their designs in coming ; that we were fully satisfied with 
it ; that they were at liberty to take their own way and time to 
answer the purposes they came for; that we were desirous of living 
in peace with them, and for that purpose had come with offers of 
peace to them, which they would judge of, and whether peace or 
war was most for their interest; that we very well knew the mea- 
sures the British agents had taken to deceive them. That if they 
came to the treaty, any man who had filled their ears with those 
stories was at liberty to come with them, and return in safety. But 
if they refused to treat with us, we should consider it as a declara- 
tion of war on their part, &c. 

" These men stayed about us eight days, and then told us they 
were fully convinced our designs were good ; that they had been 
deceived; that they would return home, and use their influence to 



* Old Journals, iv. 487. 



1786. INDIAN TREATY AT FORT FINNEY. 443 

bring in their nation, and send out to the other nations. Last 
night we received a belt of wampum, and a twist of tobacco, with 
a message that they would be in when we had smoked the tobacco. 
From our information, we are led to believe these people will very 
generally come in, and heartily concur with us in peace. I think 
it not probable the treaty will begin sooner than January. 

"The British agents, our own traders, and the inhabitants of 
Kentucky, I am convinced, are all opposed to a treaty, and are 
using every measure to prevent it. Strange as this may seem, I 
have very convincing proofs of its reality. The causes I can as- 
sign, but they are too many for the compass of a letter. Notwith- 
standing all treaties we can make, I am convinced we shall not 
be in safety until we have posts established in the upper country."* 

The various tribes of the north-west, therefore, had been invited 
to the mouth of the Miami, but owing to counter influence, neither 
attended, nor took any notice of the messages sent them; but those 
who did finally attend, came, if tradition tells truly, in no amicable 
spirit, and but for the profound knowledge possessed by Clark of 
the Indian character, and the high rank he held in the estimation 
of the natives, the meeting of January 31st might very probably 
have terminated in the murder of the commissioners. 

From a late work by Judge Hall, the following passage is taken, 
descriptive of the scene which is said to have taken place. The 
Indians had entered in a disorderly and disrespectful manner. "The 
commissioners, without noticing the disorderly conduct of the 
other party, or appearing to have discovered their meditated treach- 
ery, opened the council in due form. They lighted the peace-pipe, 
and after drawing a few whiffs, passed it to the chiefs, who re- 
ceived it. Colonel Clark then rose to explain the purpose for 
which the treaty was ordered. With an unembarrassed air, with 
the tone of one accustomed to command, and an easy assurance of 
perfect security and self-possession, he stated that the commission- 
ers had been sent to offer peace to the Shawanese ; that the presi- 
dent had no wish to continue the war; he had no resentment to 
gratify ; and if the red men desired peace, they could have it on 
reasonable terms. ■ If such be the will of the Shawanese,' he con- 
cluded, 'let some of their wise men speak.' 

" A chief arose, drew up his tall person to its full height, and as- 
suming a haughty attitude, threw his eye contemptuously over the 



* See North Amerioan Review, October, 1841, p. 330. 



444 INDIAN TREATY AT FORT FINNEY. 1786. 

commissioners, and their small retinue, as if to measure their insig- 
nificance, in comparison with his own numerous train, and then 
stalking to the table, threw upon it two belts of wampum, of differ- 
ent colors — the war and the peace belt. 

"'We come here,' he exclaimed, 'to offer you two pieces of 
wampum ; they are of different colors ; you know what they mean : 
you can take which you like ! ' and turning upon his heel, he re- 
sumed his seat. 

" The chiefs drew themselves up, in the consciousness of having 
hurled defiance in the teeth of the white men. They offered an 
insult to the renowned leader of the Long-Knives, to which they 
knew it would be hard for him to submit, while they did not sup- 
pose he dare resent it. The council-pipe was laid aside. Those 
fierce wild men gazed intently at Clark. The Americans saw that 
the crisis had arrived ; they could no longer doubt that the Indians 
understood the advantage they possessed, and were disposed to us e 
it; and a common sense of danger caused each eye to be turned 
on the leading commissioner. He sat undisturbed and apparently 
careless until the chief who had thrown the belts upon the table 
had taken his seat ; then with a small cane which he held in his 
hand, he reached as if playfully, toward the war belt, entangled 
the end of the stick in it, drew it towards him, and then with a 
switch of the cane, threw the belt into the midst of the chiefs. 
The effect was electric. Every man in the council, of each party, 
sprang to his feet, the savage with a loud exclamation of astonish- 
ment, 'Hugh ! ' The Americans in expectation of a hopeless con- 
flict, against overwhelming numbers. Every hand grasped a 
weapon. 

M Clark alone was unawed. The expression of his countenance 
changed to a ferocious sternness, and his eye flashed, but otherwise 
he was unmoved. A bitter smile was perceptible upon his com- 
pressed lips, as he gazed upon that savage band, whose hundred 
eyes were bent fiercely and in horrid exultation upon him, as they 
stood like a pack of wolves at bay, thirsting for blood, and ready 
to rush upon him whenever one bolder than the rest should com- 
mence the attack. It was one of those moments of indecision 
when the slightest weight thrown into either scale will make it 
preponderate ; a moment in which a bold man, conversant with the 
secret springs of human action, may seize upon the minds of all 
around him, and sway them at his will. 

" Such a man was the intrepid Virginian. He spoke and there 
was no man bold enough to gainsay him — none that could return 



1786. INDIAN TREATY AT FORT FINNEY. 445 

the fierce glance of his eye. Raising his arm, and waiving his hand 
toward the door, he exclaimed: 'Dogs! you may go!' The Indi- 
ans hesitated a moment, and then rushed tumultuously out of the 
council room." 

Another account of the scene is given from the notes of an old 
officer who was present : 

" The Indians came in to a treaty at Fort Finney in the most 
friendly manner, except the Shawanese, the most conceited and 
warlike of the aborigines, the first in at a battle, and the last 
at a treaty. Three hundred of their finest warriors, set off in all 
their paint and feathers, filed into the council-house. Their 
number and demeanor, so unusual at an occasion of this sort, 
was altogether unexpected and suspicious. The United States' 
stockade mustered seventy men. In the centre of the hall, at a 
little table, sat the commissary general, Clark, the indefatigable 
scourge of these very marauders; General Richard Butler and Mr. 
Parsons. There was also present a Captain Denny, who, I believe, 
is still alive, and can attest this story. 

" On the part of the Indians, an old council-sachem and a war 
chief took the lead. The latter, a tall, raw-boned fellow, with an 
impudent and villainous look, made a boisterous and threatening 
speech, which operated effectually on the passions of the Indians, 
who set up a prodigious whoop at every pause. He concluded by 
presenting a black and white wampum, to signify they were prepa- 
red for either event, peace or war. Clark exhibited the same 
unaltered and careless countenance he had shown during the whole 
scene, his head leaning on his left hand, and his elbow resting 
upon the table. He raised his little cane, and pushed the sacred 
wampum off the table, with very little ceremony. 

" Every Indian at the same time started from his seat with one of 
those sudden, simultaneous, and peculiar savage sounds, which 
startle and disconcert the stoutest heart, and can neither be de- 
scribed nor forgotten. 

"At this juncture Clark arose. The scrutinizing eye cowered 
at his glance. He stamped his foot on the prostrate and insulted 
symbol, and ordered them to leave the hall. They did so, appa- 
rently involuntarily. They were heard all that night, debating in 
the bushes near the fort. The raw-boned chief was for war, the 
old sachem for peace. The latter prevailed, and the next morning 
they came back and sued for peace."* 

* Encyclopedia Americana, iii. 232. 



446 CLARK'S UNSUCCESSFUL EXPEDITION. 1786. 

The treaty at Fort Finney, in addition to the usual articles, con- 
tained the following: 

"'The Shawanee nation do acknowledge the United States to be 
the sole and absolute sovereigns of all the territory ceded to them 
by a treaty of peace made between them and the king of Great 
Britain, the fourteenth day of January, one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-four. 

"The United States do allot to the Shawanee nation, lands 
within their territory, to live and hunt upon, beginning at the 
south line of the lands allotted to the Wy an dots and Delaware 
nations, at the place where the main branch of the Great Miami, 
which falls into the Ohio, intersects said line ; then down the river 
Miami, to the fork of that river, next below the old fort which was 
taken by the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two; 
thence, due west, to the Eiver De La Pause ; then down that river, 
to the river "Wabash ; beyond which lines none of the citizens of 
the United States shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanese in their 
settlement and possessions. And the Shawanese do relinquish to 
the United States, all title, or pretense of title, they ever had to 
the lands east, west, and south of the east, west, and south lines 
before described." 

But the tribes more distant than the Shawanese were in no way 
disposed to cease their incursions, and upon the 16th of May, the 
Governor of Virginia was forced to write upon the subject to 
Congress, which at once sent two companies down the Ohio to the 
Falls, and upon the 30th of June, authorized the raising of militia 
in Kentucky, and the invasion of the country of the mischief- 
makers, under the command of the leading United States officer 
in the district. 

"Accordingly, a strong military force was raised in Kentucky, for 
the purpose of making simultaneous attacks on the Indian towns 
of the Wabash and the Shawanee villages in the country between 
the Big Miami and the Scioto rivers. About one thousand men, 
under the command of General George Rogers Clark, marched 
from the Falls of the Ohio for Post Yincennes, and arrived in the 
neighborhood of that place early in the month of October. The 
army then encamped, and lay in a state of inactivity for nine days, 
awaiting the arrival of provisions and stores which had been shipped 
on keel boats at Louisville and Clarksville. 

"When the boats arrived at Post Yincennes, about one-half of 
the provision was spoiled; and that part which had been moved 
by land was almost exhausted. A spirit of discontent began to 



1786. LOGAN'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SHAWANESE. 447 

manifest itself in camp, even before the arrival of the boats ; and 
when the state of supplies was known, this spirit became more 
apparent. The Kentucky troops, however, having been reinforced 
by a considerable number of the inhabitants of Post Yincennes, 
were ordered to move up the Wabash, toward the Indian towns 
that lay in the vicinity of the ancient post of Ouiatenon. The 
people of these towns had received intelligence of the approach of 
their enemy, and had selected a place for an ambuscade among the 
denies of Pine creek. 

" On reaching the neighborhood of the mouth of Vermillion 
river, the army found that the Indians had deserted their villages 
on that stream near its junction with the Wabash. At this crisis, 
when the spirits of the officers and men were depressed by disap- 
pointment, hunger and fatigue, some persons circulated throughout 
the camp a rumor that General Clark had sent a flag of truce to 
the Indians, with the offer of peace or war. This rumor, combined 
with a lamentable change which had taken place in the once tem- 
perate, bold, energetic and commanding character of Clark, excited 
among the troops a spirit of insubordination which neither the 
commands nor the entreaties, nor the tears of the general could 
subdue. At an encampment near the mouth of Vermillion river, 
about three hundred men in a body left the army, and proceeded 
on their way homeward. The remainder of the troops, under the 
command of General Clark, then abandoned the expedition and 
returned to Post Vincennes. 

"The expedition which marched against the Shawanese, who 
had again resumed hostilities, was commanded by Colonel Benja- 
min Logan. This officer, at the head of four or five hundred 
mounted riflemen, crossed the river Ohio, at the point where the 
town of Maysville now stands, and penetrated the Indian country 
as far as the head waters of Mad river. General Lytle says: 
4 Colonel Logan would have surprised the Indian towns against 
which he marched, had not one of his men deserted to the enemy, 
and gave notice of his approach. As it was, he burned eight large 
towns, and destroyed many fields of corn. He took seventy or 
eighty prisoners, and killed about twenty warriors, and among the 
rest, the head chief of the nation. This last act caused deep regret, 
humiliation and shame to the commander of his troops.' The 
murder of the chief was, however, perpetrated in direct violation 
of the orders of Colonel Logan. In the course of this expedition 
the Kentuckians lost about ten men."* 

* Dillon's Indiana, p. 202. 



448 CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE MISSISSIPPI. 1785. 

It was the gathering of the men of Kentucky for these expedi- 
tions, which prevented the meeting of the convention that was to 
have come together in September. So many were absent on 
military duty that a quorum could not be had, and those who came 
to the point of assembly, were forced, as a committee, merely to 
to prepare a memorial for the "Virginia Legislature, setting forth 
the causes which made a convention at that time impossible, and 
asking certain changes in the Act of Separation. This done, they 
continued their meetings by adjournment during the remainder of 
the year, hoping a quorum might still be gathered ; which was not 
done, however, until the ensuing January. 

Meanwhile, beyond the Alleghenies, events were taking place 
which produced more excitement in Kentucky than Indian wars, 
or Acts of Separation — the Spanish negotiations, involving the 
navigation of the Mississippi. In 1780, Spain expressed her 
determination to claim the control of the great western river; in 
January, 1781, she attacked the Fort of St. Joseph's, and took 
possession of the north-west in the name of his Catholic Majesty; 
on the 15th of the next month, Congress, at the instance of the 
Virginia delegates, instructed Mr. Jay, then at Madrid, not to 
insist on the use of the Mississippi by the Americans, if a treaty 
could not be effected without giving it up. Through 1782, the 
court of Madrid labored, not only to induce the United States to 
give up the stream of the "West, but a great part of the West itself, 
and France backed her pretensions ; * and thus matters rested for 
the time. 

In July, 1785, Don Diego Gardoqui, appeared before Congress, 
as the representative of Spain; on the 20th of the same month, 
Mr. Jay, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, was authorized to 
negotiate with him ; and, in May of the same year, negotiations 
began between them were brought to the notice of Congress. 
This was done in consequence of the fact, that in these transactions 
Mr. Jay asked the special guidance of that body, and explained his 
reasons for doing so at length. He pointed out the importance of 
a commercial treaty with Spain, and dwelt upon the two difficulties 
of making such a treaty; one of which was, the unwillingness of 
Spain to permit the navigation of the Mississippi ; the other, the 
question of boundaries. Upon the first point, Mr. Jay was, and 
always had been, opposed to yielding to the Spanish claim ; but that 



f Secret Journals, iv, 63 to 80. Diplomatic Correspondence. 



1786. VIOLENT MEASURES AT VLNCENNES. 449 

claim was still as strenuously urged, as in 1780 ; and the court of 
Madrid, their ambassador said, would never abandon it. 

Under these circumstances, the interests of the whole Union 
demanding the conclusion of the Spanish commercial treaty, while 
that treaty could apparently be secured only by giving up the 
right to navigate the Mississippi, which was in a manner sacrificing 
the West. Mr. Jay proposed, as a sort of compromise, to form a 
treaty with Spain for twenty-five or thirty years, and during that 
time to yield the right of using the Mississippi below the bounda- 
ries of the United States. 

To this proposition, the Southern members in Congress were 
vehemently opposed, and an attempt was made by them to take 
the whole matter out of Mr. Jay's hands, the delegates from 
Virginia offering a long and able argument in opposition to his 
scheme ; but the members of the Eastern and Middle States out- 
voted the south, and the Secretary was authorized to continue his 
negotiations, without being bound to insist, at all hazards, upon 
the immediate use of the river. * 

The discussion in Congress relative to the Spanish claims, took 
place during August, and the rumor of them, and of the Secretary's 
proposal, in due time reached the "West ; but, as is common, the 
tale spread by report differed from the truth, by representing the 
proposition as much more positive than it really was, and as being 
made by John Jay, without any sanction of Congress. 

This story, which circulated during the winter of 1786-87, pro- 
duced among those who dwelt upon the western waters great 
indignation, and prepared the people to anticipate a contest with 
Spain, or a union with her, and, in either case, action independent 
of the old Atlantic colonies. And the conduct of Clark, after the 
failure of the Wabash expedition, was well calculated to cause 
many to think that the leading minds were already prepared for 
action. 

On the 8th of October, a board of field officers at Yincennes 
determined to garrison that point, to raise supplies by impressment, 
and to enlist new troops. Under this determination, Spanish 
property was seized, soldiers were embodied, and steps were taken 
to hold a peace council with the natives, all under the direction of 
General Clark. 

Soon after this, in December, Thomas Green wrote from Louis- 



* Secret Journals, iv. 81 to 132. 



450 TREASONABLE LETTERS. 1786. 

ville to the governor, council and legislature of Georgia — which 
State was involved in the boundary quarrel with Spain — that Span- 
ish property had been seized in the north-west as a hostile measure, 
and not merely to procure necessaries for the troops, which Clark 
afterward declared was the case, and added, that the General was 
ready to go down the river with troops sufficient to take possession 
of the lands in dispute, if Georgia would countenance him. 

This letter Clark said he never saw, but as he paid equally with 
Green toward the expenses of the messenger who was to take it to 
the south, it was natural enough to think him privy to all the plans 
relative to the disputed territory, whatever they may have been. 
And what they were, in some minds at least, may, perhaps, be 
judged by the following extract from a letter, also written from 
Louisville, professedly to some one in New England, and very 
probably by Green, which was circulated widely in Frankland, 
Tennessee. It is dated December 4, 1786. 

"Our situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every 
exertion to retrieve our circumstances must be manly, eligible and 
just. We can raise twenty thousand troops this side the Allegheny 
and Apalachian mountains, and the annual increase of them by 
emigration from other parts, is from two to four thousand. 

" We have taken all the goods belonging to the Spanish mer- 
chants of Post Yincennes and the Illinois, and are determined they 
shall not trade up the river, provided they will not let us trade 
down it. Preparations are now making here (if necessary) to drive 
the Spaniards from their settlements, at the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi. In case we are not countenanced and succored by the United 
States, (if we need it,) our allegiance will be thrown off, and some 
other power applied to. 

" Great Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and sup- 
port us. They have already offered to open their resources for our 
supplies. When once re-united to them, ' farewell, a long farewell 
to all your boasted greatness.' The province of Canada and the 
inhabitants of these waters, of themselves, in time, will be able to 
conquer you. You are as ignorant of this country as Great Britain 
was of America. These are hints which, if rightly improved, may 
be of some service; if not, blame yourselves for the neglect."* 

The seizure of the property of the Spanish merchants at Vincen- 
nes, was an act of retaliation on the part of the people for what 



* Secret Journals, iv. 323. 



1786. NEW ENGLANDERS' MOVEMENT FOR WESTERN LANDS. 451 

they regarded as a national injustice — the closing of the Mississippi 
against them. 

Wells, Green's messenger, on his way to Georgia, showed his 
papers to various persons at Danville ; copies were at once taken 
of them, and enclosed in a letter written on the 22d of December, 
to the Executive of Virginia, by fifteen of the leading citizens of 
Kentucky, among whom was James Wilkinson. In February, 

1787, the Council of Virginia acted upon the subject, condemned 
Gen. Clark's conduct, disavowed the powers assumed by him, 
ordered the prosecution of the persons concerned in the seizure of 
property, and laid the matter before Congress. It was presented 
in detail to that body on the 13th of April, and on the 24th of 
that month it was resolved that the troops of the United States be 
employed to dispossess the unauthorized intruders who had taken 
possession of St. Vincents. All these things naturally tended to 
excite speculation, inquiry and fear throughout the West, and 
though no action was had in reference to the Mississippi question 
beyond the mountains until the next spring, there was, doubtless, 
discussion and feeling enough in the interval. 

But in the history of 1786, those steps which resulted in the for- 
mation of the New England Ohio Company, and the founding of 
the first colony, authorized by the government, north-west of the 
Ohio, must not be omitted. 

Congress, by the resolutions of September 16, 1776, and August 
12, 1780, had promised land bounties to the officers and soldiers of 
the Revolutionary army, who should continue in the service till the 
close of the war, or until discharged by Congress ; and to the repre- 
sentatives of those who should be slain by the enemy.* In June, 
1783, peace having been proclaimed, General Rufus Putnam for- 
warded to Washington a memorial from certain of those having 
claims under these resolutions ; which Washington transmitted to 
Congress, together with General Putnam's letter. 

But as the States claiming the western territory had not made 
their final cessions, Congress was forced, on the 29th of October, 
1783, to announce their inability to make any appropriation of 
land. From that time nothing further was done until, upon the 
18th of July, 1785, Benjamin Tupper, a Revolutionary officer be- 
longing to Massachusetts, was appointed a surveyor of western 



* Land Laws, 337. 



452 NEW ENGLANDERS PROPOSE A LAND COMPANY. 1786. 

lands, in the place of General Putnam, who had been before chosen, 
but was otherwise engaged. He, in the course of that year, visited 
the West, going, however, no further than Pittsburgh, as the Indian 
troubles prevented surveys.* 

On his return home, he conferred with his friend Putnam, as to 
a renewal of their memorial of 1783, and a removal westward; 
which conference resulted in a publication, dated January 10, 1786, 
in which was proposed the formation of a company to settle the 
Ohio lands ; and those taking an interest in the plan were invited 
to meet in February, and choose, for each county of Massachu- 
setts, one or more delegates ; these delegates were to assemble on 
the 1st of March, at the Bunch of Grapes tavern in Boston, there 
to agree upon a system of association. On the day named, eleven 
persons appeared at the place agreed upon; and by the 3d of 
March, the outline of the company was drawn up, and subscrip- 
tions under it at once commenced. The leading features of that 
outline were these : A fund of a million dollars, mainly in conti- 
nental certificates, was to be raised for the purpose of purchasing 
lands in the western territory ; there were to be a thousand shares 
of one thousand dollars each, and upon each share ten dollars in 
specie were to be paid, for contingent expenses. One year's inter- 
est was to be appropriated to the charges of making a settlement, 
and assisting those unable to remove without aid. The owners of 
every twenty shares were to choose an agent to represent them, 
and attend to their interests ; and the agents were to choose the 
directors. f The plan was approved, and in a year from that time 
the company was organized ; and, before its organization, the last 
obstacle to the purposed grant from the United States, was done 
away by the cession of most of her territorial claims on the part of 
Connecticut. 

Beside the claim of Virginia to the north-west previously ceded 
to the confederation, there were various other, and, in some 
instances, conflicting claims to the same region. New York, 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, in particular, claimed under their 
ancient charters large tracts of country west of Pennsylvania, and 
north of the Ohio. 

On the 1st day of March, 1781, James Duane, William Floyd, 
and Alexander McDougal, made, on behalf of the State of ISTew 



* Nye's Address, Transactions Ohio Historical Society, p. 317 
f Historical Collections of Ohio, Part 2. 



1785. NEW YORK AND MASSACHUSETTS CEDE LANDS. 453 

York, a cession of all the claims of that State, to the north-west 
territory. By the terms of the cession, the western boundary of 
New York, in respect both of jurisdiction and title to the soil, was 
established by a line to be drawn from the north-eastern corner of 
the State of Pennsylvania, along the north bounds thereof to its 
north-west corner, continued, if necessary, further due west till it 
is intersected by a meridian line drawn from the forty-fifth degree 
of latitude through the most western bent or inclination of Lake 
Ontario ; thence, due north along that meridian line to the forty- 
fifth degree, and along that parallel of latitude. But if, on experi- 
ment, that meridian line should not comprehend twenty miles west 
from the most westerly bent or inclination of the Niagara river, it 
was provided that the boundary line should be drawn due west 
from the north-western corner of Pennsylvania, till it is intersected 
by a meridian line drawn from the forty-fifth degree through a 
point twenty miles west of the most westerly bent or inclination of 
the Magara river ; thence, by that meridian line to, and thence 
along the forty-fifth parallel of latitude. At that time the north- 
western corner of the State of Pennsylvania was unknown ; and 
subsequently, when ascertained, it was found to be west of both 
those lines. 

On the 18th of April, 1785, the commonwealth of Massachusetts 
ceded to the United States all its claims west of the same meridian 
line, and along it till it intersects the prolongation of the southern 
line of that State. 

It may be proper to refer more in detail to the cession of the 
claim of Connecticut. 

In 1635, a settlement was made at the mouth of the Connecticut, 
river, by John Wenthrop and others, from the colony of Massachu- 
setts bay. Finding themselves without the chartered limits of that 
colony, they associated themselves into a voluntary political society, 
under the name of the colony of Connecticut. In 1661, they 
petitioned the crown for a formal political organization. In the 
next year, a charter was granted to the colony of Connecticut, in 
which its limits were described, as 

"Bounded on the east by Narraganset river, commonly called 
Narraganset bay, where the said river falls into the sea ; and on the 
north, by the line of Massachusetts plantation, and on the south, 
by the sea; and in longitude as the line of Massachusetts colony, 
running from east to west, that is to say, from the said Earraganset 
bay on the east, to the south sea on the west, with the islands 
thereto adjoining." 



454 BES0LUTI0N OF CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE. 1783. 

In 1664, a royal charter was granted to the Duke of York, for a 
large tract of country in America, of which a part was described 
as including " all that island or islands, called by the several name 
or names of Mattawacks, or Long Island, situate, lying and being 
toward the west of Cape Cod and the Narragansets, abutting on 
the main lands between the two rivers there called and known by 
the name of Connecticut and Hudson rivers, together with the said 
river, called Hudson river, and all the lands from the west side of 
Connecticut river to the east side of the Delaware bay, &c." A 
dispute immediately ensued between the Duke of York and the 
Connecticut colony, in regard to these conflicting claims under 
their respective charters, which was settled by a royal commission, 
who established the Monoromock river, and a line north north-west 
from thence to the line of Massachusetts, to be the dividing line 
between the colony of Connecticut and the territory claimed by 
the Duke of York. 

In 1681, a charter was granted to William Penn for a territory, 
described as extending to, and bounded on the north by the forty- 
third parallel of latitude ; and westward for five degrees in longi- 
tude. 

After the transfer of the claims of the proprietaries of Pennsyl- 
vania to the commonwealth, in 1779, a question of jurisdiction 
arose between the States of Connecticut and Pennsylvania, in 
regard to the lands between the forty-first and forty-second degrees 
of latitude, thus included in the charters of both these States. It 
was tried before a commission of Congress in 1782, and a decision 
was rendered in favor of the claims of Pennsylvania, in respect 
both of jurisdiction and title to the soil. But the decision of the 
commission did not affect the claims of Connecticut to the lands 
included in its charter, west of the limits of Pennsylvania ; and, to 
assert its right to those lands, the legislature of that State passed, 
in 1783, the following resolution : 

"Whereas, this State has the undoubted and exclusive right of 
jurisdiction and pre-emption to all the lands lying west from the 
western limits of the State of Pennsylvania, and east of the river 
Mississippi, and extending throughout, from the latitude of the 
forty-first degree to the latitude of the forty-second degree and 
two minutes north ; by virtue of the charter granted by King Charles 
the Second to the late colony, and now State of Connecticut, 
and bearing date the 23d of April, 1662, which claim and title to 
make known for the information of all, that they may conform 
themselves thereto — 



1786. CONNECTICUT CEDES WESTERN LANDS. 455 

" Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be desired to issue 
his proclamation, declaring and asserting the right of this State to 
all the lands within the limits aforesaid, and strictly forbidding 
all persons to enter or settle thereon, without special license 
and autbority first obtained from the General Assembly of this 
State." 

In consequence of the recommendation of Congress, in 1784, 
addressed to all the States having territorial claims in the West, 
asking them to cede their lands to the confederacy, to aid the pay- 
ment of the debts incurred during the revolution, and to promote 
the harmony of the Union, the legislature of Connecticut passed 
an act in 1786, ceding, " All the right, title, interest, jurisdiction, 
and claim of the State of Connecticut to certain western lands, 
beginning at the completion of the forty-first degree of north lati- 
tude, one hundred and twenty miles west of the western boundary 
of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, as now claimed by said 
commonwealth ; and from thence by a line to be drawn parallel to 
and one hundred and twenty miles west of the said west line of 
Pennsylvania, and to continue north till it comes to forty- two 
degrees and two minutes of north latitude ; where by all the right, 
title, interest, jurisdiction, and claim of the State of Connecticut to 
the lands lying west of the said line, to be drawn as aforementioned 
one hundred and twenty miles west of the western boundary line 
of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, as now claimed by said 
commonwealth, shall be included, released, and ceded to the 
United States, in Congress assembled, for the common use and 
benefit of said States, Connecticut inclusive." 

On the 14th of September, 1786, the delegates from Connecticut 
executed a deed of cession in accordance with the terms of this act, 
which was accepted by Congress in behalf of the United States.* 

It has been said that a minority of the convention called in Kentucky, 
1787.] to meet in September, 1786, was adjourned from time to time 
until January of this year ; when, at length a quorum attended. Upon 
a vote being then taken relative to separation, the feeling was still, 
as before, strongly in favor of it. But scarce had this been ascer- 
tained when a second act upon the subject, passed by Virginia in 
October, 1786, reached the West, and the whole question was 
again postponed, to be laid before a fifth convention, which was to 



* American State Papers, xvi. 94. 



456 GREAT DISSATISFACTION IN THE WEST. 1786. 

meet in September; while the time when the laws of Virginia 
should cease to be of force, was changed to the close of the year 
1778. 

There were many, beyond doubt, to whom this delay was a 
source of vexation and anger, but the people of the district 
generally evinced no such feelings. The elections took place 
in August, and the convention assembled upon the 17th of 
September, all in perfect harmony and quietness. The vote was 
again unanimous in favor of separation, and the act of Virginia was 
agreed to. To form a constitution, a sixth convention was to be 
chosen in the ensuing April, and to complete the work of inde- 
pendence, Congress was to assent to a formation of Kentucky into 
a State, before July 4, 1788. 

ISTor was the spirit of moderation shown this year by the Ken- 
tuckians in relation to self-government, confined to that subject; 
in regard to the vexatious affair of the Spanish claims, there was a 
like temper manifested. Mr. Jay, as already related, had been 
authorized by Congress to abandon the right of using the Missis- 
sippi for a term of years, but not to yield the pretensions of the 
United States to its navigation after that period closed. 

In October, 1786, under these instructions, he resumed his nego- 
tiations with Don Gardoqui, but without success, as Spain required 
an entire relinquishment of the American claim.* In November 
of that year, also, Virginia had passed several resolutions against 
giving up the use of the river, even for a day, and had instructed 
her delegates to oppose every attempt of the kind. "When, there- 
fore, the people of Kentucky met at Danville, early in May, 1787, 
to act in relation to the subject — having been called together by 
Messrs. Muter, Innis, Brown and Sebastian, for that purpose — they 
found that little or nothing was to be done; the plan of the Secre- 
tary was not likely to succeed, and had been fully protested against. 
The assembly at Danville having been informed of these things, 
quietly adjourned. 

What connection existed between this better spirit of the people 
of Kentucky, and the absence of Wilkinson, it is impossible to say, 
but it is probable that, if he had remained at home, he would, with 
the influence he was able and disposed to exert, have induced the 
convention to adopt a line of policy which would have made a 
peaceable separation from Virginia impossible. That indeed was 



* Secret Journals, iv. 297-301. 



1787. GREAT DISSATISFACTION IN THE WEST. 457 

the object to which he and his accomplices directed their schemes, 
and to affect which he was willing to sacrifice his own honor, the 
integrity of the Union, and the liberties of the district. In fur- 
therance of that infamous purpose, and convinced that he could 
not effect the dismemberment of the country without foreign aid, 
he descended the Mississippi in the summer of that year, and en- 
tered into a treasonable conspiracy with the Spanish governor of 
Louisiana, to take advantage of the dissatisfaction of the people of 
the district, to transfer their allegiance to Spain, and to give that 
power the possession of the whole Mississippi valley. 

There was a general discontent at that period among the people 
of Kentucky, of which their leaders were as usual ready to take ad- 
vantage for their own aggrandizement. The desire of the people 
for a separation of the district from Virginia, familiarized their 
minds to the idea of a separation from the confederacy. Harry 
Innis, the attorney-general of the district, in a letter to the gover- 
nor of Virginia, said : "I am decidedly of the opinion that this 
western country will, in a few years, act for itself, and erect an in- 
dependent government;" and the same opinion was generally 
entertained and freely expressed among the leading men of Ken- 
tucky. 

Nor did the prospect of the establishment of the Federal Union, 
then under consideration, produce any better state of feeling. 
The new constitution was very generally circulated through the 
district, by means of the Kentucky Gazette, a paper established in 
August, 1787, by John Bradford, at Lexington ; its provisions were 
fully understood; and yet, of fourteen representatives from the dis- 
trict of Kentucky, in the convention called in 1788, to deliberate 
on the question of adopting it, only three voted in favor of it. 

The sole reasons for this dissatisfaction, then rapidly ripening into 
treason, were the delay of the state of Virginia to provide for the 
district a separate political organization, and especially the inability 
of the general government to procure for them the navigation of 
the Mississippi. Mr. Jay's proposition, to surrender the naviga- 
tion of the river for a term of years, was very unfavorably received 
in the West, and the discontents it excited were greatly enhanced 
by the discovery that the leading statesmen of Virginia, including 
Washington himself, were disposed to favor that policy. 

The policy* which Washington desired to pursue at that period, 



* See Sparks' Washington, vol. ix. 

30 



458 WASHINGTON'S POLICY IN RELATION TO THE WEST. 1784. 

with reference to the interests of the "West, was not well understood, 
and was therefore misapprehended by the people of Kentucky. It 
was not at all his design to sacrifice the rights of the people of the 
West for the benefit of those of the East, or to render the interests 
of one part of the confederacy subservient to those of another. In- 
stead of that, he was then employed in devising measures to secure, 
by means of a system of internal improvement, such a communica- 
tion between the East and West, as would inseparably connect 
together the commercial, and, by consequence, the political inter- 
ests of the two sections. 

The formation of a connection between the Ohio and Potomac, 
for commercial purposes, was a scheme to which he was at an early 
period favorably disposed. Before the Revolution he was the prin- 
cipal mover in the formation of a company to extend the naviga- 
tion of the Potomac from tide water to Wills' creek, with a view 
of ultimately forming a connection with the waters of the Ohio, 
but the breaking out of the war, and the jealousies of the mer- 
chants of Baltimore, embarrassed, and finally frustrated the 
scheme. 

Immediately after the Revolution he began again to urge upon 
the consideration of the statesmen of the country, the adoption of 
a similar line of policy, with a view then, however, more to politi- 
cal than to commercial results. In his letter to Governor Harri- 
son, in 1784, he strongly urges the necessity of binding together 
all parts of the Union, and especially the West with the East, with 
the indissoluble bonds of interest, in order to prevent the forma- 
tion of commercial, and, in consequence, political connections, with 
either the Spaniards on the south, or the British on the north. To 
effect that end he advised the immediate survey of the Potomac 
and James rivers, of the portages to the waters of the Ohio, of the 
Muskingum, and the portage from that river to the Cuyahoga; for 
the purpose of opening a water communication for the commerce 
of the Ohio and the lakes, to the seaboard, and this he character- 
ized as an object of vast commercial and political importance. 

In a letter to Richard Henry Lee, in the same year, he asks: 
"Would it not be worthy of the wisdom and attention of Congress 
to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them 
fully ascertained and accurately laid down, and a complete and 
perfect map made of the country, at least as far westerly as the 
Miamis, running into the Ohio, and Lake Erie, and to see how the 
waters of these communicate with the river St. Joseph, which 
empties into Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash? for I cannot 



1788. Washington's topographical inquiries. 459 

forbear observing that the Miami village* points to a very impor- 
tant post for the Union.' ' 

In a letter to Mr. Lee, in 1785, he says: "However singular the 
opinion may be, I cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation of 
the Mississippi, at this time, ought to be no object with us. On the 
contrary, until we have a little time allowed to open and make easy 
the ways between the Atlantic states and the western territory, 
the obstructions had better remain. There is nothing that binds 
one country or one State to another but interest." 

In order to further, as far as practicable, the policy he had thus 
suggested, Washington made it an especial object to collect all the 
information available at the time, in regard to the practicability of 
opening such a communication between the East and the "West, 
and especially in regard to the possibility of forming an available 
connection between the waters of the Ohio and those of Lake Erie. 
His letter to General Butler, under date of January 17th, 1788, is 
an exemplification of his anxiety to obtain information on that sub- 
ject, as well as of the practical, inquiring disposition of his mind: 

"I have received your letter of the 30th of JSTovember, 1787, 
accompanied by the Indian vocabulary which you have been so 
obliging as to forward me. I am so far from thinking any apology 
necessary on your part, for not having furnished me with the vocab- 
ulary at an earlier period, that I assure you it is a matter of surprise 
to me to find that you have been able to complete a work of such 
difficulty and magnitude as this appears to be, in so short a time, 
under the pain which you must have suffered, and the delays occa- 
sioned by your misfortune. 

"The pleasing satisfaction which you must enjoy, from a reflec- 
tion that you have exerted yourself to throw light upon the original 
history of this country — to gratify the curiosity of the philosopher, 
and to forward the researches in the probable connection and 
communication between the northern parts of America and those 
of Asia — must make you a more ample compensation for the labo- 
rious task which you have executed, than my warmest acknowl- 
edgments, which, however, I must beg you to accept. 

"The observations contained in your letter respecting the 
different tribes of Indians inhabiting the western country, the 
traditions which prevail among them, and the reasoning deduced 
therefrom, are very valuable, and may lead to some useful dis- 
coveries. 



* Near the present site of Fort Wayne. 



460 NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION LAND COMPANY FOKMED. 1787. 

"Those works which are found upon the Ohio, and other traces 
of the country being once inhabited by a race of people more 
ingenious, at least, if not more civilized than those who at present 
dwell there, have excited the attention and inquiries of the curious, 
to learn from whence they came, whither they are gone, and some- 
thing of their history. Any clue, therefore, which can lead to a 
knowledge of these, must be gratefully received. 

u As you have had opportunities of gaining extensive knowledge 
and information respecting the western territory, its situation, 
rivers, and the face of the country, I must beg the favor of you, 
my dear sir, to resolve the following queries, either from your own 
knowledge or certain information, (as w T ell to gratify my own curi- 
osity as to enable me to satisfy several gentlemen of distinction in 
other countries, who have applied to me for information upon the 
subject,) viz: 

" First — What is the face of the country between the sources, 
or canoe navigation, of the Cuyahoga, (which discharges itself 
into Lake Erie,) and the Big Beaver, and between the Cuyahoga 
and the Muskingum?" 

"Second. — The distance between the waters of the Cuyahoga and 
each of the two rivers above mentioned? 

" Third. — Would it be practicable, and not very expensive, to 
cut a canal between the Cuyahoga and either of the above rivers. 
so as to open a communication between the waters of Lake Erie 
and those of the Ohio? 

"Fourth.— Whether there is any more direct, practicable, and 
easy communication between the waters of Lake Erie and those 
of the Ohio, by which the fur and peltry of the upper country can 
be transported, than these? 

" Any information you can give me relative to the above queries, 
from your own knowledge, will be most agreeable; but if that IS 
not sufficiently accurate for you to decide upon, the best and most 
authentic accounts of others will be very acceptable." 

While, south of Ohio, dissatisfaction with the Federal Union w^as 
spreading openly, as the necessary consequences of free and unfet- 
tered choice, the K~ew England associates for settling the north- 
west were, by degrees, preparing to realize their plans of coloniza- 
tion. In March, 1786, it will be remembered, they began their 
subscription ; on the 8th of that month, 1787, a meeting of agents 
chose Gen. Parsons, Gen. Putnam, and the Rev. Manasseh Cutler 
directors for the company, and these directors appointed Dr. Cutler 



178T. DR. CUTLER NEGOTIATES WITH CONGRESS FOR LAND. 461 

to go to JSTew York and negotiate with Congress for the desired 
tract of country. On the 5th of July that gentleman reached the 
temporary capital of the Union, and then began a scene of man- 
agement worthy of more degenerate days. The following extracts 
from Dr. Cutler's journal are given, to indicate the mode of proce- 
dure adopted to secure the negotiation ; of these, but a few para- 
graphs can be given.* The first relates to the choice of the Mus- 
kingum valley as the spot for settlement: 

" July 7. Paid my respects to Dr. Holton and several other gen- 
tlemen. Was introduced by Dr. Ewings and Mr. KAttenhouse to 
Mr. Hutchins, Geographer of the United States. Consulted with 
him where to make our location. 

"Monday, July 9. Waited this morning, very early, on Mr. 
Hutchins. He gave me the fullest information of the western 
country, from Pennsylvania to the Illinois, and advised me, by all 
means, to make our location on the Muskingum, which was deci- 
dedly, in his opinion, the best part of the whole western country. 
Attended the committee before Congress opened, and then spent 
the remainder of the forenoon with Mr. Hutchins. 

"Attended the committee at Congress chamber; debated on 
terms, but were so wide apart there appears little prospect of 
closing a contract. 

" Called again on Mr. Hutchins. Consulted him further about 
the place of location." 

The opinion thus given by Hutchins, who had been long and 
familiarly acquainted with the West, agreed with that formed by 
General Parsons, who bad visited the Ohio valley, once at least, if 
not twice ; the result of his observations will be found in the letter 
given at length in the article of the North American Review, of 
October, 1841, already quoted. The other extracts, which are taken 
from the Doctor's journal, refer to the "maneuvers," as he terms 
them, by which was effected a contract at least as favorable to the 
Union as it was to the company : 

" Colonel Duer came to me with proposals from a number of the 
principal characters in the city, to extend our contract, and take in 
another company ; but that it should be kept a profound secret. He 
explained the plan they had concerted, and offered me generous 
conditions if I would accomplish the business for them. The plan 
struck me agreeably; Sargent insisted on my undertaking; and 
both urged me not to think of giving the matter up so soon. 



* North American Review, October, 1841. 



462 DR. CUTLER NEGOTIATES WITH CONGRESS FOR LAND. 1787. 

" I was convinced it was best for me to hold up the idea of giv- 
ing up a contract with Congress, and making a contract with some 
of the States, which I did in the strongest terms, and represented 
to the committee and to Duer and Sargent the difficulties I saw in 
the way, and the improbability of closing a bargain when we were 
so far separated ; and told them I conceived it not worth while to 
say any thing further to Congress on the subject. This appeared 
to have the effect I wished. The committee were mortified, and 
did not seem to know what to say; but still urged another attempt. 
I left them in this state, but afterward explained my views to Duer 
and Sargent, who fully approved my plan. Promised Duer to con- 
sider his proposals. 

"I spent the evening (closeted) with Colonel Duer, and agreed to 
purchase more land, if terms could be obtained, for another com- 
pany, which will probably forward the negotiation. 

"Saturday, July 21. Several members of Congress called on me 
early this morning. They discovered much anxiety about a contract, 
and assured me that Congress, on finding I was determined not to 
accept their terms, and had proposed leaving the city, had discov- 
ered a much more favorable disposition ; and believed, if I renewed 
my request I might obtain conditions as reasonable as I desired. 
I was very indifferent and talked much of the advantages of a 
contract with one of the States. This I found had the desired 
effect. At length I told him that if Congress would accede to the 
terms I proposed, I would extend the purchase to the tenth town- 
ship from the Ohio to the Scioto inclusively ; by which Congress 
would pay more than four millions of the public debt ; that our 
intention was, an actual, large, and immediate settlement of the most 
robust and industrious people in America, and that it would be 
made systematically, which would instantly advance the price of 
the Federal lands, and prove an important acquisition to Congress. 
On these terms, I would renew the negotiation, if Congress was 
disposed to take the matter up again. 

" I spent the evening with Mr. Dane and Mr. Milliken. They 
informed me that Congress had taken up my business again. 

u July 23. My friends had made every exertion, in private con- 
versation, to bring over my opponents in Congress. In order to 
get at some of them so as to work more powerfully on their minds, 
were obliged to engage three or four persons before we could get 
at them. In some instances we engaged one person who engaged 
a second, and he a third, before we could effect our purpose. In 
these maneuvers I am much beholden to Colonel Duer and Major 
Sargent, 



1787. DR. CUTLER NEGOTIATES WITH CONGRESS FOR LAND. 463 

"Having found it impossible to support General Parsons, as a 
candidate for Governor, after the interest that General Arthur St. 
Clair had secured, I embraced this opportunity to declare that if 
General Parsons could have the appointment of first judge, and 
Sargent secretary, we should be satisfied ; and that I heartily 
wished his Excellency General St. Clair might be the Governor ; 
and that I would solicit the Eastern members in his favor. This 
I found rather pleasing to Southern members. 

" I am fully convinced that it was good policy to give up Parsons 
and openly appear solicitous that St. Clair might be appointed 
governor. Several gentlemen have told me that our matters went 
on much better since St. Clair and his friends had been informed 
that we had given up Parsons, and that I had solicited the Eastern 
members in favor of his appointment. I immediately went to 
Sargent and Duer, and we now entered into the true spirit of 
negotiation with great bodies. Every machine in the city that it 
was possible to work we now put in motion. Few, Bingham, and 
Kearney are our principal opposers. Of Few and Bingham there 
is hope ; but to bring over that stubborn mule of a Kearney, I think 
is beyond our power. 

" Friday, July 27. I rose very early this morning, and, after 
adjusting my baggage for my return, for I was determined to leave 
New York this day, I set out on a general morning visit, and paid 
my respects to all the members of Congress in the city, and informed 
them of my intention to leave the city that day. My expectations 
of obtaining a contract, I told them, were nearly at an end. I 
should, however, wait the decision of Congress; and if the terms I 
had stated — and which I conceived to be very advantageous to 
Congress, considering the circumstances of that country — were not 
acceded to, we must turn our attention to some other part of the 
country. Now York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts would sell 
us lauds at half a dollar, and give us exclusive privileges beyond 
what we have asked of Congress. 

"The speculating plan concerted between the British of Canada, 
was not well known. The uneasiness of the Kentucky people, 
with respect to the Mississippi, was notorious. A revolt of that 
country from the Union, if a war with Spain took place, was uni- 
versally acknowledged to be highly probable ; and most certainly a 
systematic settlement in that country, conducted by men thor- 
oughly attached to the federal government, and composed of young , 
robust, and hardly laborers, who had no idea of any other than the 
Federal Government, I conceived to be an object worthy of some 
attention." 



464 dr. cutler's negotiations end. 1787. 

This business was carried through Congress, and brought to a 
conclusion in great haste. At that time the fiscal concerns of gov- 
ernment were deplorable ; the treasury of the nation was exhausted, 
money could not be raised on loan, as the whole revolutionary debt 
was a terrible incubus on the national credit, and the only alterna- 
tive was to sell lands. Dr. Cutler's own journal shows he managed 
the negotiation shrewdly, but not quite honorably. 

On the 23d of July, Congress authorized the Board of Treasury 
to make the contract ; on the 26th, Messrs. Cutler and Sargent 
stated, in writing, their conditions; and on the 27th, Congress re- 
ferred their letter to the Board, and an order of the same date was 
obtained. Of this, his journal says : 

"By this ordinance we obtained the grant of near five millions of 
acres of land, amounting to three millions and a half dollars ; one 
million and a half of acres for the Ohio Company, and the remain- 
der for a private speculation, in which many of the principal charac- 
ters of America are concerned. Without connecting this speculation, 
similar terms and advantages could not have been obtained for the 
Ohio Company." 

Messrs. Cutler and Sargent, the latter of whom the doctor had 
associated with himself some days before, at once closed a verbal 
contract with the Board of Treasury, which was executed in form 
on the 27th of the following October.* By this contract, the vast 
region bounded south by the Ohio, west by the Scioto, east by the 
seventh range of townships then surveying, and north by a due west 
line drawn from the north boundary of the tenth township from 
the Ohio, direct to the Scioto, was sold to the Ohio associates, and 
their secret co-partners, for one dollar per acre, subject to a deduc- 
tion of one-third for bad lands and other contingencies. 

The whole tract, however, was not paid for, or taken by the 
company — even their own portion of a million and a half of acres, 
and extending west to the eighteenth range of townships, was not 
taken ; and in 1792, the boundaries of the purchase proper were 
fixed as follows : the Ohio on the south, the seventh range of town- 
ships on the east, the sixteenth range on the west, and a line on 
the north so drawn as to make the grant seven hundred and fifty 
thousand (750,000) acres, besides reservations; this grant being the 
portion which it was originally agreed the company might enter into 
possession of at once. In addition to this, two hundred and fourteen 
thousand two hundred and eighty-five (214,285) acres of laud were 



*See Land Laws, 262 to 264.— Old Journals, iv. Appendix, 17, 18. 



1786. CHANGE OF DIVISION OE NOETH-WEST TEREITORY. 465 

granted as army bounties, under the resolutions of 1779 and 1780 ; 
and one hundred thousand (100,000) as bounties to actual settlers; 
both of the latter tracts being within the original grant of 1787, 
and adjoining the purchase as above defined. 

While Dr. Cutler was preparing to press his suit with Congress, 
that body was bringing into form an ordinance for the political and 
social organization of the territory beyond the Ohio. Virginia 
made her cession March 1, 1784, and during the month following 
a plan for the temporary government of the newly acquired terri- 
tory came under discussion. On the 19th of April, Mr. Spaight, 
of North Carolina, moved to strike from that plan, which had been 
reported by Mr. Jefferson, a provision for prohibiting slavery 
north-west of the Ohio, after the year 1800 — and this motion pre- 
vailed. From that day till the 23d, the plan was debated and 
altered, and then passed unanimously, with the exception of South 
Carolina.* By this proposition the territory was to have been di- 
vided into States, by parallels of latitude and meridian lines ;f this, 
it was thought, would have made ten States, which were to have 
been named as follows, beginning at the north-west corner, and 
going southwardly: — Sylvania, Michigania,= Chersonisus, Assenis- 
pia, Mesopotamia, Illinoia, Saratoga, Washington, Polypotamia, 
and Pelisipia.J Surely the hero of Mount Yernon must have shud- 
dered to find himself in such company. 

But a more serious difficulty existed to this plan than its cata- 
logue of names — namely, the number of States which it was 
proposed to form, and their boundaries. The root of this evil was 
in the resolution passed by Congress, October 10th, 1780, which 
fixed the size of the States to be formed from the ceded lands, at 
one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles square ; and the terms 
of that resolution had been referred to, both by Virginia and 
Massachusetts in their grants, so as to make further legislation, at 
least, by the former, needful to change them. Upon the 7th of 
July, 1786, this subject was taken up in Congress, and a resolution 
passed in favor of a division of not less than three nor more than 
five States, to which resolution Virginia, at the close of 1788, 
assented. On the 29th of September, 1786, Congress, having thus 
changed the plan for dividing the north-western territory into ten 



* Old Journals, iv. 380. f Old Journals, iy. 379; Land Laws, Ml. 

j Spark's Washington, ix, 48. 



466 ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 1787. 

States, proceeded again to consider the terms of an ordinance for 
the government of that region ; and this was taken up from time, 
to time, until July 13th of this year, when it was finally passed, 
having been somewhat changed just before its passage, at the 
suggestion of Dr. Cutler. It is inserted entire, as it is the corner- 
stone of the constitutions of our north-western States: 

a Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, 
That the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, 
be one district, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, 
as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it 
expedient. 

"Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates, 
both of resident and non-resident proprietors in said territory, dying 
intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed among their children, 
and the descendants of a deceased child, in equal parts ; the descend- 
ants of a deceased child, or grand-child, to take the share of their 
deceased parent in equal parts among them: And where there shall 
be no children or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of 
kin in equal degree ; and, among collaterals, the children of a 
deceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts 
among them, their deceased parents' share; and there shall, in no 
case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half-blood; 
saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate, her third part of 
the real estate for life, and one-third part of the personal estate; 
and this law, relative to descents and dower, shall remain in full 
force until altered by the legislature of the district. 

"And, until the governor and judges shall adopt laws as herein- 
after mentioned, estates in the said territory may be devised or 
bequeathed by wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her, 
in whom the estate may be, (being of full age,) and attested by 
three witnesses; and real estates maybe conveyed by lease and 
release, or bargain and sale, signed, sealed and delivered, by the 
person, being of full age, in whom the estate may be, and attested 
by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly proved, and such 
conveyances be acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, 
and be recorded within one year after proper magistrates, courts, 
and registers, shall be appointed for that purpose ; and personal 
property may be transferred by delivery, saving, however, to the 
French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskas- 
kias. St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages who have hereto- 
fore professed themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws and 



1787. ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 467 

customs now in force among them, relative to the descent and 
conveyance of property. 

"Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be 
appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose 
commission shall continue in force for three years, unless sooner 
revoked by Congress ; he shall reside in the district, and have a 
freehold estate therein in one thousand acres of land, while in the 
exercise of his office. 

" There shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a 
secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for four years, 
unless sooner revoked ; he shall reside in the district, and have a free- 
hold estate therein in five hundred acres of land, while in the exercise 
of his office ; it shall be his duty to keep and preserve the acts and 
laws passed by the legislature, and the public records of the district, 
and the proceedings of the governor in his executive department, 
and transmit authentic copies of such acts and proceedings, every 
six months, to the secretary of Congress: There shall also be 
appointed a court to consist of three judges, any two of whom to 
form a court, who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside 
in the district, and have each therein a freehold estate in five hun- 
dred acres of- land while in the exercise of their offices; and their 
commissions shall continue in force during good behavior. 

" The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt 
and publish in the district such laws of the original States, criminal 
and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the circumstances 
of the district, and report them to Congress from time to time; 
which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization 
of the General Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Con- 
gress ; but, afterward, the legislature shall have authority to alter 
them as they shall think fit. 

" The governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-chief 
of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the same 
below the rank of general officers; all general officers shall be 
appointed and commissioned by Congress. 

" Previous to the organization of the General Assembly, the 
governor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers, in 
each county or township, as he shall find necessary for the preser- 
vation of the peace and good order in the same. After the General 
Assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of magistrates 
and other civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the said 
Assembly; but all magistrates and other civil officers, not herein 
otherwise directed, shall, during the continuance of this temporary 
government, be appointed by the governor. 



468 ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 1787. 

"For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be 
adopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district, and for 
the execution of- process, criminal and civil, the governor shall 
make proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed from time to 
time, as circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the dis- 
trict, in which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into 
counties and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as 
may thereafter be made by the legislature. 

" So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants, 
of full age, in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the 
governor, they shall receive authority, with time and place, to elect 
representatives from their counties or townships to represent them 
in the General Assembly: Provided, That, for every five hundred 
free male inhabitants, there shall be one representative, and so on 
progressively with the number of free male inhabitants, shall the 
right of representation increase, until the number of representa- 
tives shall amount to twenty-five ; after which, the number and 
proportion of representatives shall be regulated by the legislature : 
Provided, That no person be eligible or qualified to act as a repre- 
sentative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United 
States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he 
shall have resided in the district three years : and, in either case, 
shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two hundred 
acres of land within the same : Provided, also, That a freehold in 
fifty acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of 
the States, and being resident in the district, or the like freehold 
and two years' residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify 
a man as an elector of a representative. 

" The representatives thus elected, shall serve for the term of two 
years: and, in case of the death of a representative, or removal 
from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or town- 
ship for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to 
serve for the residue of the term. 

" The General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the 
Governor, Legislative Council, and a House of Eepresentatives. 
The Legislative Council shall consist of five members, to continue 
in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress ; any three 
of whom to be a quorum : and the members of the council shall be 
nominated and appointed in the following manner, to wit : As soon 
as representatives shall be elected, the governor shall appoint a 
time and place for them to meet together ; and when met they shall 
nominate ten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed 
of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names 



1787. ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 469 

to Congress ; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission 
to serve as aforesaid; and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the 
council, by death or removal from office, the House of Representa- 
tives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each 
vacancy, and return their names to Congress ; one of whom Con- 
gress shall appoint and commission for the residue of the term. 

"And every five years, four months at least before the expiration 
of the time of service of the members of the council, the said 
House shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return 
their names to Congress ; five of whom Congress shall appoint and 
commission to serve as members of the council five years unless 
sooner removed. And the Governor, Legislative Council, and 
House of Representatives, shall have authority to make laws in all 
cases, for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the 
principles and articles in this ordinance established and declared. 
And all bills, having passed by a majority in the House, and by a 
majority in the Council, shall be referred to the Governor for his 
assent; but no bill, or legislative act whatever, shall be of any force 
without his assent. The governor shall have power to convene, 
prorogue, and dissolve the General Assembly, when, in his opinion, 
it shall be expedient. 

"The Governor, Judges, Legislative Council, Secretary, and 
such other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district, shall 
take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of office — the Governor 
before the President of Congress, and all other officers before the 
Governor. As soon as a Legislature shall be formed in the district, 
the Council and House assembled in one room, shall have authority, 
by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a 
seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting, during 
this temporary government. 

"And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and 
religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, 
their laws and constitutions are erected ; to fiK and establish those 
principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, 
which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory ; to 
provide also for the establishment of States, and permanent govern- 
ment therein, and for their admission to a share in the federal 
councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early 
periods as may be consistent with the general interest : 

"It is hereby ordained and declared by the authority aforesaid, 
That the following articles shall be considered as articles of 
compact between the original States and the people and States in 



470 ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 1787. 

the said territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by 
common consent, to wit: 

"No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly 
manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship 
or religious sentiments, in the said territory. 

"The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled to 
the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury, 
of a proportionate representation of the people in the Legislature; 
and of judicial proceedings according to the course of common 
law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offences, 
where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All 
fines shall be moderate; and no cruel or unusual punishments shall 
be inflicted. ISTo man shall be deprived of his liberty or property, 
but by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land; and, 
should the public exigencies make it necessary, for the common 
preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his 
particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. 
And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is under- 
stood and declared, that no law ought ever to be made, or have 
force in the said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever 
interfere with or affect private contracts or engagements, bona fide, 
and without fraud, previously formed. 

"Religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good 
government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means 
of education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith 
shall always be observed toward the Indians; their lands and 
property shall never be taken from them without their consent; 
and, in their property, rights and liberty, they shall never be 
invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by 
Congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity, shall, from 
time to time, be made for preventing wrongs being done to them, 
and for preserving peace and friendship with them. 

" The said territory, and the States which maybe formed therein, 
shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the United States 
of America, subject to the articles of confederation, and to such 
alterations therein as shall be constitutionally made ; and to all the 
acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, 
conformable thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said 
territory shall be subject to pay a part of the federal debts con- 
tracted, or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses 
of government, to be apportioned on them by Congress according 
to the same common rule and measure by which apportionments 



1787. ORDINANCE FOR NORTH-WESTERN TERRITORY. 471 

thereof shall be made on the other States ; and the taxes, for paying 
their proportion, shall be laid and levied by the authority and 
direction of the Legislatures of the district or districts, or new 
States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by 
the United States in Congress assembled. The Legislatures of 
those districts or new States, shall never interfere with the primary 
disposal of the soil by the United States in Congress assembled, 
nor with any regulations Congress may find necessary for securing 
the title in such soil to the bona fide purchasers. 

"No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United 
States; and, in no case, shall non-resident proprietors be taxed 
higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the 
Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the 
same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the 
inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United 
States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into 
the confederacy, without any tax, impost or duty, therefor. 

"There shall be formed in the said territory, not less than three 
nor more than five States; and the boundaries of the States, as 
soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and consent to the 
same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The 
western State in the said territory, shall be bounded by the Missis- 
sippi, the Ohio, and "Wabash rivers ; a direct line drawn from the 
Wabash and Post St. Vincent's due north, to the territorial line 
between the United States and Canada; and, by the said territorial 
line, to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. 

" The middle State shall be bounded by the said direct line, the 
Wabash from Post St. Vincent's to the Ohio ; by the Ohio, by a 
direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, 
to the said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by 
the last mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the 
said territorial line : Provided, however, and it is further understood 
and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall be 
subject so far to be altered, that if Congress shall hereafter find it 
expedient, they shall have authority to form one or two States in 
that part of the said territory which lies north of an east and 
west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake 
Michigan. 

"And, whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand 
free inhabitants therein, such State shall be admitted, by its 
delegates, into the Congress of the United States on an equal 
footing with the original States in all respects whatever, and shall 



472 SYMMES APPLIES TO CONGRESS FOR LAND. 1787. 

be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State govern- 
ment: Provided, the constitution and government so to be formed, 
shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained 
in these articles ; and so far as it can be consistent with the general 
interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an 
earlier period, and when there may be a less number of free 
inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand. 

"There shall be neither slavery or involuntary servitude in the 
said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted : Provided, always, That 
any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is 
lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive 
may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming 
his or her labor or services as aforesaid. 

"Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid: That the resolutions 
of the 23d of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this ordinance, 
be, and the same are hereby repealed and declared null and void. 
Done, &c."* 

The passage of this ordinance, and the grant to the New England 
associates, was soon followed by an application to government by 
John Cleve Symmes of New Jersey, for the country between the 
Miamis. f This gentleman had been led to visit that region by the 
representations of Benjamin Stites, of Redstone, (Brownsville,) 
who had examined the valleys of the Shawanese soon after the 
treaty of January, 1786. Symmes found them all, and more than 
all they had been represented to be, and upon the 29th of August, 
1787, wrote to the President of Congress, asking that the Treasury 
Board might be empowered to contract with him for the district 
above named. This petition, on the 2d of October, was referred 
to the Board, with power to act, and a contract was concluded the 
next year. Upon the 18th of the month last named, another 
application was made by Royal Flint and Joseph Parker, for lands 
upon the Wabash and Mississippi; this was also referred to the 
Board of Treasury. 

During the autumn of the same year, the New England company 
were employed in making arrangements for the settlement of the 
lands they had purchased on the Ohio. At a meeting of the 
directors, immediately after the completion of the contract, a 
resolution was adopted, to reserve out of the purchase, a tract of 



* Land Laws, p. 356. f Burnet's letters in the Ohio Historical Transactions. 



1787. NEW ENGLANDERS EMIGRATE WEST. 473 

five thousand seven hundred and sixty acres of land near the 
confluence of the Ohio and Muskingum rivers, for a city and 
commons ; and resolutions were adopted to provide houses for the 
use of settlers, and to encourage the erectiou of mills. 

"At a meeting of the directors of the Ohio Company, at 
Bracket's tavern in Boston, November 23d, 1787, it was ordered 
that four surveyors be employed under the direction of the 
superintendent hereinafter named; that twenty-two men shall 
attend the surveyors; that there be added to this number, twenty 
men, including six boat-builders, four house-carpenters, one black- 
smith, and nine common workmen — in all forty-eight men. That 
the boat-builders shall proceed on Monday next, and the surveyors 
shall rendezvous at Hartford the 1st day of January next, on their 
way to the Muskingum; that the boat-builders and men with the 
surveyors, be proprietors in the company; their tools, and one 
axe, and one hoe, to each man, and thirty pounds weight of 
baggage, shall be carried in the company's wagons, and that the 
subsistence of the men on their journey be furnished ; that upon 
their arrival at the place of destination, and entering upon the 
business of their employment, the men shall be subsisted by the 
company and allowed wages at the rate of four dollars each, per 
month, until discharged; that they shall be held in the company's 
service until the 1st of July next, unless sooner discharged; and 
if any of the persons employed shall leave the service or willfully 
injure the same, or disobey the orders of the superintendent or 
others acting under him, the person so offending shall forfeit all 
claim to wages ; that their wages shall be paid the next autumn in 
cash, or lands upon the same terms as the company purchased 
them; that each man furnish himself with a good small-arm, 
bayonet, six flints, a powder-horn and pouch, priming wire and 
brush, half a pound of powder, one pound of balls, and one pound 
of buck-shot. The men so engaged shall be subject to the orders 
of the superintendent, and those he may appoint, as aforesaid ; in 
any kinds of business they shall be employed in, as well for boat- 
building and surveying, as for building houses, erecting defenses, 
clearing land, and planting, or otherwise for promoting the settle- 
ment. And as there is a possibility of interruption from enemies, 
they shall be subject to orders, as aforesaid, in military command, 
during the time of their employment. That the surveyors shall be 
allowed twenty-seven dollars per month and subsistence, while in 
actual service ; to commence on their arrival at the Muskingum ; 
that Colonel Ebenezer Sproat, from Rhode Island; Mr. Anselm 
31 



474 REV. DANIEL STORY APPOINTED TEACHER FOR COLONY. 1T87. 

Tupper and Mr. John Matthews, from Massachusetts; and Colonel 
R. J. Meigs, from Connecticut, be the surveyors; that General 
Rufus Putnam be the superintendent of all the business aforesaid, 
and he is to be obeyed and respected accordingly; that he be 
allowed for his services forty dollars per month and his expenses, 
to commence from the time of his leaving home." * 

At the same meeting a committee was appointed to consider and 
report on "the expediency of employing some suitable person as a 
public teacher, at the settlement on the Ohio." They reported 
"that the directors be requested to pay as early attention as 
possible, to the education of youth, and the promotion of public 
worship among the first settlers; and that for these important 
purposes, they employ, if practicable, an instructor, eminent for 
literary accomplishments and the virtue of his character, who shall 
also superintend the first scholastic institutions and direct the 
manner of instruction; and to enable the directors to carry into 
execution the intentions expressed in this resolution, the proprietors 
and others of benevolent minds, are earnestly requested to con- 
tribute by voluntary donation to the forming a fund to be solely 
appropriated thereto." In accordance with this resolution, the 
Rev. Daniel Story was appointed and sent in the next year as 
the first New England missionary to Ohio. 

When Clark took his unauthorized possession of Yincennes, in 
1788.] October, 1786, he had asked the savages of the north-west 
to meet him in council in November; they replied that it was too 
late in the year, and the proposed meeting was postponed till 
April. Of this meeting, Messrs. Marshall, Muter, and others, 
when writing to Virginia, gave information, and suggested that 
the government should take Clark's place in it. The council of 
Virginia coincided with the suggestion, and recommended to Con- 
gress, James Wilkinson, Richard C. Anderson, and Isaac Shelby, 
as commissioners on behalf of the United States. Congress, how- 
ever, received notice of Clark's movements too late for the proposed 
treaty, and nothing seems to have been done until July 21st, when 
the superintendent of Indian affairs in the north, or, if he could 
not go, Colonel Harmar, was instructed to proceed to Vincennes, 
or some other convenient place, and there hold a council with the 
Wabash Indians and Shawanese, for the purpose of putting an end 
to the warfare. 



* Hildreth's Pioneer History, 202. 



1787-8. NEW ENGENDERS AT YOUGHIOGHENY. 475 

Favorable notice was also taken of a council which had been 
held at the mouth of Detroit river, in December, 1786, by the Iro- 
quois, Wyandots and others, the purpose of which was pacific, and 
from which an address relative to the Indian troubles had been 
sent to Congress. This was considered, and on the 5th of October, 
it was resolved that a treaty should be held early in the year 1788, 
with these tribes, by the governor of the new territory, who was 
instructed on the subject, on the 26th of the month last mentioned. 
At the same time, however, that measures were thus taken to pre- 
serve peace, troops were placed at Yenango, Fort Pitt, Fort Mcin- 
tosh, the Muskingum, the Miami, Yincennes, and Louisville, and 
the governor of Yirginia was requested to have the militia of Ken- 
tucky in readiness for any emergency. 

All these measures, however, produced no results during 1788 ; 
the Indians were neither overawed, conquered nor satisfied; from 
May until the middle of July, they were expected to meet the 
whites upon the Muskingum, but the point which had been selected, 
and where goods had been placed, being at last attacked by the 
Chippewas, it was thought best to adjourn the meeting and hold 
it at Fort Harmar, where it was at length held in January, 1789. 

The hostile attitude of the Indians, however, did not deter the 
T$ew England associates from the prosecution of their enterprise. 
In the winter of 1787, General Rufus Putnam, with forty-seven 
pioneers, advanced to the Youghiogheny river, and commenced 
building a boat for their transportation down the river in the spring. 
In allusion to their pilgrim fathers, their boat was named the May- 
flower. She was forty-five feet long, and twelve feet wide, with an 
estimated burthen of fifty tons. Her bows were raking, or curved 
like a galley, strongly timbered; her sides were made bullet proof, 
and she was covered with a deck roof. Captain Devol, the first 
ship builder in the West, was placed in command. On the 2d of 
April, she was launched, and the band of pioneers sailed down the 
Monongahela and Ohio, and on the 7th, landed at the mouth of 
the Muskingum. There, opposite Fort Harmar, they chose the 
location of their settlement, moored their boat at the shore for a 
temporary shelter, and commenced to erect houses for their 
occupation. 

About the 1st of July, the colony was reinforced by another 
company from Massachusetts. They had been nine weeks on their 
way, had traveled by land with their wagons and stock to Wheeling, 
and thence passed down the river in flat boats to the settlement. 



476 NEW ENGLANDERS NAME THEIR SETTLEMENT. 1788. 

As St. Clair, who had been appointed governor the preceding 
October, had not arrived, it became necessary to erect a temporary 
government for their internal security; for which purpose a set of 
laws was passed, and published by being nailed to a tree in the 
village, and Keturn Jonathan Meigs was appointed to administer 
them. It is a strong evidence of the good habits of the people of 
the colony, that during three months, but one difference occurred, 
and that was compromised.* Indeed, a better set of men altogether, 
could scarce have been selected for the purpose, than Putnam's 
little band. Washington might well say, "no colony in America 
was ever settled under such favorable auspices as that which has 
first commenced at the Muskingum. Information, property, and 
strength will be its characteristics. I know many of the settlers 
personally, and there never were men better calculated to promote 
the welfare of such a community." 

On the 2d of July, a meeting of the directors and agents was 
1 eld on the banks of the Muskingum, for the purpose of naming 
the new born city and its public squares. As yet the settlement 
had been merely u The Muskingum," but the name Marietta was 
now formally given it, in honor of Marie Antoinette ; the square 
upon which the block-houses stood was named Campus Martius ; 
the square No. 19, Capitolium; the square No. 61, Cecilia; and the 
great road through the covert way, Sacra Via.f 

On the 4th of July an oration was delivered by James M. Var- 
num, who, with H. S. Parsons and John Armstrong, had been 
appointed to the judicial bench of the territory, on the 16th of 
October, 1787. Five days after, the governor arrived and the 
colony began to assume form. The ordinance of 1787, provided 
two distinct grades of government for the north-west territory, 
under the first of which the whole pow T er was in the hands of the 
governor and the three judges, and thi3 form was at once organized 
upon the governor's arrival. The first law, which was " for regu- 
lating and establishing the militia," was published upon the 25th 
of July; and the next day appeared the following proclamation of 
the governor, erecting all the country that had been ceded by the 
Indians east of the Scioto river into the county of Washington. 

" To all persons to whom these presents shall come, greeting : 
Whereas, by the ordinance of Congress, of the 13th of July, 1787, 
for the government of the territory of the United States north-west 



* Western Monthly Magazine, 183", vol. i. p. SDo. f Carey's Museum, vol. iv. p. 390. 



1788. FIRST COURT HELD IN OHIO. 477 

of the river Ohio, it is directed that for the due execution of pro- 
cess, civil and criminal, the governor shall make proper divisions 
of the said territory, and proceed from time to time, as circum- 
stances may require, to lay out the part of the same, where the 
Indian title has been extinguished, into counties and townships, 
subject to future alterations as therein specified. Now, know ye, 
that it appearing to me to be necessary, for the purposes above 
mentioned, that a county should immediately be laid out, I have 
ordained and ordered, and by these presents do ordain and order, 
that all and singular the lands lying and being within the follow- 
ing boundaries, viz : Beginning on the bank of the Ohio river, 
where the western boundary line of Pennsylvania crosses it, and 
running with that line to Lake Erie; thence along the southern 
shore of the said lake to the mouth of the Cuyahoga river; thence 
up said river to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas 
branch of the Muskingum; thence down the branch to the forks, 
at the crossing place above Fort Laurens ; thence with a line to be 
drawn westerly to the portage of that branch of the Big Miami, on 
which the fort stood that w T as taken by the French in 1752, until it 
meets the road from the lower Shawanese town to the Sandusky; 
thence south to the Scioto river; thence with that river to the 
mouth, and thence up the Ohio river to the place of beginning; 
shall be a county, and the same is hereby erected into a county, 
named and to be called hereafter the county of Washington; and 
the said county of Washington shall have and enjoy all and sin- 
gular, the jurisdiction, rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities 
whatever to a county belonging and appertaining, and which any 
other county, that may hereafter be erected and laid out, shall or 
ought to enjoy, conformably to the ordinance of Congress before 
mentioned. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and 
caused the seal of the territory to be affixed, this twenty-sixth day 
of July, in the thirteenth year of the independence of the United 
States, and in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-eight." 

From that time forward, notwithstanding the doubt yet existing 
as to the Indians, all at Marietta went on prosperously and plea- 
santly. On the 2d of September the first court was held, w T ith 
becoming ceremonies. 

" The procession was formed at the Point, (where most of the 
settlers resided,) in the following order : the high sheriff, with his 
drawn sword; the citizens; the officers at the garrison at Fort 
Harmar ; the members of the bar ; the supreme judges ; the 



478 FIVE THOUSAND EMIGRANTS DESCEND OHIO. 1788, 

governor and clergyman; the newly appointed judges of the 
court of common pleas, Generals Rufus Putnam and Benjamin 
Tupper. 

" They marched up a path that had been cut and cleared through 
the forest to Campus Martius Hall, (stockade,) where the whole 
counter-marched, and the judges, (Putnam and Tupper,) took their 
seats. The clergyman, Rev. Dr. Cutler, then invoked the divine 
blessing. The sheriff, Colonel Ebenezer Sproat, proclaimed with 
his solemn ' yes, that a court is open for the administration of 
even-handed justice, to the poor and the rich, to the guilty and the 
innocent, without respect to persons ; none to be punished without 
a trial by their peers, and then in pursuance of the laws and 
evidence in the case.' 

"Although this scene was exhibited thus early in the settlement 
of the State, few ever equaled it in the dignity and exalted charac- 
ter of its principal participators. Many of them belonged to the 
history of our country, in the darkest as well as the most splendid 
periods of the Revolutionary war. To witness this spectacle, a 
large body of Indians was collected, from the most powerful tribes 
then occupying the almost entire West. They had assembled for 
the purpose of making a treaty. Whether any of them entered 
the hall of justice, or what were their impressions, we are not told."* 

"The progress of the settlement," says a letter from Muskin- 
gum, "is sufficiently rapid for the first year. We are continually 
erecting houses, but arrivals are faster than we can possibly provide 
convenient covering. Our first ball was opened about the middle 
of December, at which were fifteen ladies, as well accomplished in 
the manners of polite circles, as any I have ever seen in the old 
States. I mention this to show the progress of society in this new 
world; where I believe we shall vie with, if not excel, the old 
States, in every accomplishment necessary to render life agreeable 
and happy." 

The emigration westward, even at this time, was very great ; the 
commandant at Port Harmar reporting four thousand five hundred 
persons as having passed that post between February and June, 
1788 ; many of whom would have stopped on the purchase of the 
Associates, had they been ready to receive them. 

During the following year, and indeed until the Indians, who, in 
spite of treaties, had been committing depredations all the time, 



* American Pioneer, i. 165. 



1788. SYMMES' ASSOCIATES AT THE MIAMIES. 479 

stealing horses and sinking boats, went fairly and openly to war, 
the settlement on the Muskingum grew slowly, but steadily, and 
to good purpose; the first attack made by Indians on the Muskin- 
gum settlements began January 2d, 1791. 

Nor were Symmes and his New Jersey friends idle during this 
year, though his purchase was far more open to Indian depreda- 
tions than that of the Massachusetts men. His first proposition had 
been referred, as before mentioned, to the Board of Treasury, with 
power to contract, upon the 2d of October, 1787. 

Upon the 26th of the next month, Symmes issued a pamphlet, 
addressed "to the respectable public," stating the terms of his con- 
tract, and the scheme of sale which he proposed to adopt. This 
was, to issue his warrants for not less than a quarter section, (an 
hundred and sixty acres,) which might be located anywhere, ex- 
cept, of course, on reservations, and spots previously chosen. No 
section was to be divided, if the warrant held by the locater would 
cover the whole. The price was to be sixty cents and two-thirds 
per acre, till May, 1788; then one dollar till November; and, after 
that time, was to be regulated by the demand for land. 

Every locater was bound to begin improvements within two 
years, or forfeit one-sixth of his purchase to whoever would settle 
thereon, and remain seven years. Military bounties might be taken 
in this as in the purchase of the associates. For himself, Symmes 
retained one township, near the mouth of the Great Miami, on 
which he proposed to build his great city ; to help the growth of 
which he offered each alternate lot to any one that would build a 
house, and live therein three years. 

As Continental certificates were rising, in consequence of the 
great land purchases then making with them, and as difficulty was 
apprehended in procuring enough to make his first payment, 
Symmes was anxious to send forward settlers early, that the true 
value of his purchase might become known at the east. He had, 
however, some difficulty in arranging with the Board of Treasury 
the boundaries of the first portion he was to occupy.* 

In January, 1788, Mathias Denman, of New Jerse}-, took an 
interest in Symmes' purchase, and located among other tracts the 
sectional and fractional section upon which Cincinnati has been 
built. Retaining one-third of this particular locality, he sold 



*Maimscript Letters of Svrame?. Sec Burnet's Letter?, 1 30. 



480 LOSANTIVILLE AT CINCINNATI LAID OUT. 1788. 

another third to Robert Patterson, and the remainder to John Fil- 
son ; and the three, about August, 1788, agreed to lay out a town 
on the spot, which was designated as being opposite Licking river, 
to the mouth of which they proposed to have a road cut from 
Lexington, Kentucky, to be connected with the northern shore 
by a ferry. 

Mr. Filson, who had been a schoolmaster, was appointed to name 
the town ; and, in respect to its situation, and as if with a prophetic 
perception of the mixed races that were in after days to inhabit 
there, he named it Losantiville, which, being interpreted, means 
ville, the town; anti, opposite to; os, the mouth; i, of Licking. 
This may well put to the blush the Campus Martins, of the Marietta 
scholars, and the Fort Solon of the Spaniards. 

Meanwhile, in July, Symmes got thirty people and eight four- 
horse wagons under way for the West. These reached Limestone 
(now Maysville) in September, where they found Mr. Stites with 
several persons from Redstone. But the mind of the chief pur- 
chaser was full of trouble. He had not only been obliged to relin- 
quish his first contract, which was expected to embrace two millions 
of acres, but had failed to conclude one for the single million which 
he now proposed taking. This arose from a difference between 
him and the government, he wishing to have the whole Ohio from 
between the Miamies, while the Board of Treasury wished to con- 
fine him to twenty miles upon the Ohio. 

This proposition, however, he would not for a long time agree 
to, as he had made sales along nearly the whole Ohio shore. Leav- 
ing the bargain in this unsettled state, Congress considered itself 
released from its obligation to sell ; and, but for the representations 
of some of his friends, our adventurer would have lost his bargain, 
his labor, and his money. Nor was this all. In February, 1778, 
he had been appointed one of the judges of the north-west territory, 
in place of Mr. Armstrong, who declined serving. This appoint- 
ment gave offense to some, and others were envious of the great 
fortune which it was thought he would make. 

Some of his associates complained of him, also, probably of 
his endangering the contract to which they had become parties. 
With these murmurs and reproaches behind him, he saw before 
him danger, delay, suffering, and, perhaps, ultimate failure and 
ruin, and, although hopeful by nature, apparently he felt dis- 
couraged and sad. However, a visit to his purchase, where he 
landed on the 22d of September, revived his spirits, and upon his 
return to Maysville, he wrote to Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, 



1789. DISAPPOINTMENTS AND TROUBLES OP SYMMES. 481 

who had become interested with him, that he thought some of the 
laud near the Great Miami "positively worth a silver dollar the 
acre in its present state." 

It may be well to give here a sketch of the changes made in 
Symmes' contract. His first application was for all the country 
between the Miamies, running up to the north line of the Ohio 
Company's purchase, extending due west. On the 22d of October, 
1787, Congress resolved that the Board of Treasury be authorized 
to contract with any one for tracts of not less than a million acres 
of western lands, the front of which, on the Ohio, Wabash and 
other rivers, should not exceed one-third the depth. 

On the 15th of May, 1788, Dayton and Marsh, as Symmes' agents, 
concluded a contract with the Commissioners of the Treasury for 
two millions of acres, in two equal tracts. In July, Symmes con- 
cluded to take only one tract, but differed with the Commissioners 
on the grounds stated in the text. After much negotiation, upon 
the 15th of October, 1788, Dayton and Marsh concluded a contract 
with the government, bearing date May 15th, for one million of acres, 
beginning twenty miles up the Ohio from the mouth of the Great 
Miami, and to run back for quantity between the Miami and a line 
drawn from the Ohio, parallel to the general course of that river. 
In 1791, Symmes found this would throw his purchase too far back 
from the Ohio, and applied to Congress to let him have all between 
the Miamies, running back so as to include a million acres, which 
that body, on the 12th of April, 1792, agreed to do. 

"When the lands between the Miamies were surveyed, however, 
it was found that the tract south of a line drawn from the head of 
the Little, due west to the Great Miami, would include less than 
six hundred thousand acres ; but even this Symmes could not pay 
for, and when his patent issued, upon the 30th September, 1794, 
it gave him and his associates but two hundred and forty- eight 
thousand five hundred and forty acres, exclusive of reservations, 
which amounted to sixty-three thousand one hundred and forty- 
two acres. This tract was bounded by the Ohio, the two Miamies, 
and a due east and west line, run so as to comprehend the desired 
quantity. As Symmes made no further ^payments after this time, 
the rest of his purchase reverted to the United States, who gave 
those that had bought under Symmes ample pre-emption rights.* 

About this time the Indians were threatening. "In Kentucky," 
says Symmes, " they are perpetually doing mischief; a man a week, 



* Land Laws, p. 272-382. 



482 DISAPPOINTMENTS AND TROUBLES OF SYMMES. 1789. 

I believe, falls by their hands." But still the government gave him 
little help toward defending himself; for, while three hundred men 
were stationed at Muskingum, he had "but one ensign and seven- 
teen men for the protection and defense of 'the slaughter-house,'" 
as the Miami valley was called by the dwellers upon the " dark and 
bloody ground" of "Kentucke." And when Capt. Kearney and 
forty-five soldiers came to Maysville in December, they came with- 
out provisions, and but made bad worse. 

Nor did their coming answer any purpose; for when a little 
band of settlers were ready to go, under their protection, towards 
the mouth of the Miami, to the grand city of Symmes that was to 
be, the ice stove their boats, their cattle were drowned, and their 
provisions lost ; and so the settlement was prevented. But the 
fertile mind of a man like Symmes could, even under these circum- 
stances, find comfort in the anticipation of what was to come. In 
the words of Return Jonathan Meigs, who was probably the first 
Ohio poet — 

"To him glad Fancy brightest prospects shows, 
Rejoicing Nature all around him glows; 
Where late the savage, hid in ambush, lay, 
Or roamed the uncultured valleys for his prey, 
Her hardy gifts rough Industry extends, 
The groves bow down, the lofty forest bends; 
And see the spires of towns and cities rise, 
And domes and temples swell unto the skies." 

But alas ! so far as his pet city was concerned, "glad fancy" proved 
but a gay deceiver, for there came "an amazing high freshet," and 
the site of his city was covered with water. 

Before Symmes left Maysville, which was on the 29th of January, 
1789, two settlements had been made within his purchase. The 
first was by Mr. Stites, the original projector of the whole plan, 
who, with other Redstone people, had located themselves at the 
mouth of the Little Miami, where the Indians had been led, by the 
great fertility of the soil, to make a partial clearing. To this 
point, on the 18th of November, 1788, came twenty-six persons, 
who built a block-house, named their town Columbia, and prepared 
for a winter of want and hard fighting. The land at this point 
was so fertile, that from nine acres were raised nine hundred and 
sixty-three bushels of Indian corn. 

But they were agreeably disappointed; the Indians came to them, 
and though the whites answered, as Symmes says, "in a black- 
guarding manner," the savages sued for peace. One, at whom a 



1789. DEVASTATING FLOOD OF THE OHIO. 483 

rifle was presented, took off his cap, trailed his gun, and held out 
his right hand, by which pacific gestures he induced the Americans 
to consent to their entrance into the block-houses. In a few days 
this good understanding ripened into intimacy ; the u hunters fre- 
quently taking shelter for the night at the Indian camps," and the 
red men and squaws "spending whole days and nights" at Colum- 
bia, " regaling themselves with whisky." 

This friendly demeanor on the part of the Indians was owing to 
the kind and just conduct of Symmes himself, who, during the 
preceding September, when examining the country about the 
Great Miami, had prevented some Kentuckians who were in his 
company from injuring a band of the savages that came within 
their power ; which proceeding, he says, " the Kentuckians thought 
unpardonable." 

The Columbia settlement was, however, like that proposed at 
the bend, upon land that was under water during the high rise in 
January, 1789. " But one house escaped the deluge." The soldiers 
were driven from the ground-floor of the block-house into the loft, 
and from the loft into the solitary boat which the ice had spared 
them. 

This flood deserves to be remembered; for, while it demonstrated 
the dangers to which the three chosen spots of all Ohio, to wit : 
Marietta, Columbia, and Symmes city, near the point, must be ever 
exposed, it also proved the safety, and led to the rapid settlement 
of Losantiville. The great recommendation of the spot upon 
which Denman and his comrades proposed to build their "Mosaic" 
town, as it has been called, appears to have been the fact, that it 
lay opposite the Licking; the terms of Denman's purchase having 
been, that his warrants were to be located, as nearly as possible, 
over against the mouth of that river; though the advantage of the 
noble and high plain at that place could not have escaped any eye. 
But the freshet of 1789 placed its superiority over other points 
more strongly in view than anything else could have done. 

John Filson was killed by the Indians in the Miami valley in 
the autumn of 1788. 

As nothing had been paid upon his third of the plat of Losanti- 
ville, his heirs made no claim upon it, and it was transferred to 
Israel Ludlow, who had been Symmes' surveyor. This gentleman, 
with Colonel Patterson, one of the other proprietors, and well 
known in the Indian wars, with about fourteen others, left Mays- 
ville upon the 24th of December, 1788, "to form a station and lay 
off a town opposite Licking." The river was filled with ice "from 



484 WRANGLING BETWEEN KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA. 1788. 

shore to shore;" but, says Symmes, in May, 1789, "perseverance 
triumphing over difficulty, they landed safe on a most delightful 
high bank of the Ohio, where they founded the town of Losantiville, 
which populates considerably." 

The settlers of Losantiville built a few log huts and block- 
houses, and proceeded to improve the town ; though they placed 
their dwellings in the most exposed situation, yet, says Symmes, 
"they suffered nothing from the freshet." 

It is a curious fact, that the date of the settlement of Cincinnati 
is unknown, even though the testimony of the very men that made 
the settlement is on record. Judge Symmes says in one of his 
letters: "On the 24th of December, 1788, Colonel Patterson, of 
Lexington, who is concerned with Mr. Denman in the section at 
the mouth of Licking river, sailed from Limestone," &c. Some, 
supposing it would take about two days to make the voyage, have 
dated the being of the Queen City of the West, from December 
26th. This is uncertain, however; for, as the river was full of ice, 
it might have taken ten days to have gone the sixty-rive miles from 
Maysville to Licking. But, in the case in chancery, to which 
reference has been made, the evidence of Patterson and Ludlow 
sets forth that they landed opposite the Licking " in the month of 
January, 1789;" while William McMillan testifies that he "was 
one of those who formed the settlement of Cincinnati on the 28th 
day of December, 1788." 

There were, as has been seen, two main causes of the dissatisfac- 
tion of the people of Kentucky; the unwillingness of the State of 
Virginia to relinquish her jurisdiction over the district, and the 
failure of the Continental Congress to secure for them the free 
navigation of the Mississippi. That dissatisfaction ripened in 
many minds into a wish to throw off the authority of the con- 
federation, and to frame an independent government. The 
inconvenience of the jurisdiction of Virginia, exercised at the dis- 
tance of several hundred miles from her capital, the difficulties she 
interposed in the way of a separate organization of the district, and 
the delay of Congress in providing for that organization, were 
causes that influenced the movements of the party of independence, 
as they called themselves ; the hope of securing the trade of Loui- 
siana, through an alliance with Spain, was the true motive that in- 
cited their desire for separation. The profits of a trade was a 
sufficient motive to induce those men to dismember a union just 
formed with such great exertions and sacrifices, and to relinquish a 



1788. FACTIOUS IN KENTUCKY AND THEIR OBJECTS. 485 

freedom just purchased by so much blood and suffering. Yet, 
though united in their desire of a dismemberment of the federal 
union, they were by no means unanimous in their plaus for accom- 
plishing their object. There were five factions among them.* 

The first was in favor of the formation of a new republic, inde- 
pendent of the United States, and in close alliance with Spain. 

The second was willing to separate from the Union, andtorjlace 
the district under the government of Spain. 

The third desired a war with Spain, and the seizure of Louisiana. 

The fourth sought, by a show of hostility, to extort the opening 
of the Mississippi from the Spanish government. 

The fifth aimed to solicit France to procure a retrocession of Lou- 
isiana, and to extend her authority over Kentucky. 

Miro, governor of Louisiana, and Guardoqui, minister of Spain, 
at Philadelphia, both saw their opportunity, and both sought to use 
the popular discontent existing in the West, to further the scheme of 
the extension of the Spanish authority over Kentucky. Their want 
of concert, arising from mutual jealousy or ambition, led them to 
counteract each other, and in the end ruined the schemes of both. 
The agent through whom they sought to accomplish their purposes, 
the leader of the first party of disunion, and the arch conspirator in 
the first treason in our history, was James Wilkinson. f 

The better to serve his ulterior purposes, Wilkinson went down 
the Mississippi in June, 1787, in the character of a merchant, with 
a cargo of tobacco, flour, butter, and bacon. According to the 
Spanish laws, the cargo was confiscated. Wilkinson obtained an 
interview with Miro, and secured from him, not only the restora- 
tion of his property, but the privilege of free trade with New Or- 
leans, on his own account. To cover his real designs, he presented 
to the governor a written opinion in respect to the policy Spain 
ought to pursue in regard to the navigation of the Mississippi, and 
of the danger to be apprehended from a joint invasion of Louisi- 
ana, by the Kentuckians and the British, in the case the trade of 
the Mississippi should be closed against them. At the same time 
he presented another secret memorial to Miro, the tenor of which 
is best explained by his subsequent course. After spending three 
months at New Orleans, in intimate intercourse with Miro, he 
sailed to Philadelphia, and returned to the West in the spring of 
the next year. 



*• Martin's History of Louisiana, f Ga3'arre's Spanish domination in Louisiana. 



486 WILKINSON OBTAINS PRIVILEGE OF FREE TRADE. 1788. 

In the meantime, Guardoqui, in pursuance of his plan of dis- 
memberment, dispatched D'Arges to the "West, to excite emigra- 
tion to the Spanish colony. For this end he, in conformity with his 
instructions, invited the people of Kentucky to settle in Louisiana, 
promising them the gift of land, the free introduction of stock, and 
the privilege of importing merchandise, on payment of a duty 
of fifteen per cent. On his arrival at New Orleans, Miro was 
greatly perplexed. He feared "to trust D'Arges with the secret of 
his intrigues with Wilkinson, lest his jealousy might prompt him 
to betray them. He feared lest the commercial privileges D'Ar- 
ges offered, would take away the great motive the Kentuckians 
might have to submit to the Spanish domination, which, he averred, 
Wilkinson was pledged to secure ; and in that belief, under various 
pretexts, he detained D'Arges, and interposed all the obstacles he 
dared, to the success of his schemes. 

Wilkinson, in the meanwhile, was prepared on his return, to ex- 
hibit a plausible statement of the nature of his connection with the 
Spanish government, and of the mode in which he succeeded in 
securing for himself the monopoly of the trade of the Mississippi. 
The statement of Daniel Clark, the nephew of Wilkinson's agent, 
of the same name, furnishes in detail the pretexts under which the 
arch traitor concealed his designs : 

" About the middle of the year 1787, the foundation of an inter- 
course with Kentucky and the settlements on the Ohio was laid, 
which daily increased. Previous to that time, all those who ven- 
tured on the Mississippi had their property seized by the first com- 
manding officer they met, and little or no communication was kept 
up between the two countries. Now and then an emigrant who 
wished to settle in Natchez, by dint of entreaty, and solicitation of 
friends who had interests in New Orleans, procured permission to 
remove there with his family, slaves, cattle, furniture, and farming 
utensils ; but was allowed to bring no other property, except 
- cash. 

" An unexpected incident, however, changed the face of things, 
and was productive of a new line of conduct. The arrival of a 
boat, belonging to General Wilkinson, loaded with tobacco and 
other productions of Kentucky, was announced in town, and a 
guard was immediately sent on board of it. The general's name 
had hindered this being done at Natchez, as the commandant was 
fearful that such a step might be displeasing to his superiors, who 
might wish to show some respect to the property of a general 
officer; at any rate, the boat was proceeding to Orleans, and they 



1788. WILKINSON OBTAINS PRIVILEGE OF FREE TRADE. 487 

would then resolve on what measures they ought to pursue, and 
put into execution. 

" The government, not much disposed to show any mark of 
respect or forbearance toward the general's property, he not having 
at that time arrived, was about proceeding in the usual way of con- 
fiscation, when a merchant in Orleans, who had considerable influ- 
ence there, and who was formerly acquainted with the general, 
represented to the governor that the measures taken by the Intend- 
ant would very probably give rise to disagreeable events ; that the 
people of Kentucky were already exasperated at the conduct of the 
Spaniards in seizing on the property of all those who navigated 
the Mississippi ; and if this system was pursued, they would very 
probably, in spite of Congress and the Executive of the United 
States, take upon themselves to obtain the navigation of the river 
by force, which they were well able to do ; a measure for some time 
before much dreaded by this government, which had no force to 
resist them, if such a plan was put in execution. 

" Hints were likewise given that "Wilkinson was a very popular 
man, who could influence the whole of that country ; and probably 
that his sending a boat before him, with a wish that she might be 
seized, was but a snare at his return to influence the minds of the 
people, and, having brought them to the point he wished, induce 
them to appoint him their leader, and then, like a torrent, spread 
over the country, and carry fire and desolation from one end of the 
province to the other. 

" Governor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with the American 
government, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky with 
respect to his own province, but alarmed at the very idea of an 
irruption of Kentucky^ men, whom he feared without knowing 
their strength, communicated his wishes to the Intendant that the 
guard might be removed from the boat, which was accordingly 
done; and a Mr. Patterson, who was the agent of the general, was 
permitted to take charge of the property on board, and to sell it, 
free of duty. 

" The general, on his arrival in Orleans, some time after, was 
informed of the obligation he lay under to the merchant who had 
impressed the government with such an idea of his importance and 
influence at home, waited on him, and, in concert with him, formed 
a plan for their future operations. In his interview with the gov- 
ernor, that he might not seem to derogate from the character given 
of him, by appearing concerned in so trifling a business as a boat- 
load of tobacco, hams, and butter, he gave him to understand that 



488 WILKINSON OBTAINS PRIVILEGE OF FREE TRADE. 1788. 

the property belonged to many citizens of Kentucky, who, availing 
themselves of his return to the Atlantic States, by way of Orleans, 
wished to make a trial of the temper of this government, as he, on 
his arrival, might inform his own what steps had been pursued 
under his eye, that adequate measures might be afterward taken to 
procure satisfaction. 

" He acknowledged w 7 ith gratitude the attention and respect 
manifested by the governor toward himself, in the favor shown to 
his agent; but at the same time mentioned that he would not wish 
the governor to expose himself to the anger of his court by refrain- 
ing from seizing on the boat and cargo, as it was but a trifle, if 
such were the positive orders from the court, and he had not the 
power to relax them according to circumstances. Convinced by 
this discourse that the general rather wished for an opportunity of 
embroiling affairs, than sought to avoid it, the governor became 
more alarmed. For two or three years before, particularly since 
the arrival of the commissioners from Georgia, w T ho had come to 
Natchez to claim that country, he had been fearful of an invasion 
at every annual rise of the waters, and the news of a few boats 
being seen was enough to alarm the whole province. 

" He revolved in his mind what measures he ought to pursue, 
(consistent with the orders he had from home to permit the free 
navigation of the river,) in order to keep the Kentucky people 
quiet; and, in his succeeding interviews with Wilkinson, having 
procured more knowledge than he had hitherto acquired of their 
character, population, strength, and disposition, he thought he 
could do nothing better than hold out a bait to Wilkinson to use 
his influence in restraining the people from an invasion of this 
province till he could give advice to his court, and require further 
instructions. This was the point to which the parties wished to 
bring him; and, being informed that in Kentucky two or three 
crops were on hand, for which, if an immediate vent was not to 
be found, the people could not be kept within bounds, he made 
Wilkinson the offer of a permission to import, on his own account, 
to New Orleans, free of duty, all the productions of Kentucky, 
thinking by this means to conciliate the good will of the people, 
without yielding the point of navigation, as the commerce carried 
on would appear the effect of an indulgence to an individual, which, 
could be withdrawn at pleasure. 

" On consultation with his friends, who well knew what further 
concessions Wilkinson would extort from the fears of the Spaniards, 
by the promise of his good offices in preaching peace, harmony, 



1T88. TRADE OPENED WITH NEW ORLEANS. 489 

and good understanding with his government, until arrangements 
were made between Spain and America, he was advised to insist 
that the governor should insure him a market for all the flour and 
tobacco he might send, as in the event of an unfortunate shipment 
he would be ruined whilst endeavoring to do a service to Louisiana. 
This was accepted. Flour was always wanted in New Orleans, and 
the king of Spain had given orders to purchase more tobacco for 
the supply of his manufactories at home than Louisiana at that 
time produced, and which was paid for at about $9.50 per cwt. In 
Kentucky it cost but $2, and the profit was immense. In conse- 
quence, the general had appointed his friend, Daniel Clark, his 
agent here, returned by way of Charleston in a vessel, with a par- 
ticular permission to go to the United States, even at the very mo- 
ment of Gardoqui's information; and, on his arrival in Kentucky, 
bought up all the produce he could collect, which he shipped and 
disposed of as before mentioned; and for some time all the trade 
for the Ohio was carried on in his name, a line from him sufficing 
to ensure the owner of the boat every privilege and protection." 

A report such as this, of Wilkinson's success in opening the 
market of New Orleans, was well calculated to encourage the 
Spanish party in Kentucky, on which he relied to carry out his 
scheme of treason ; and to lead them to believe that the freedom of 
the Mississippi could certainly be secured, either by an alliance or 
a war with Spain. Accordingly they looked forward with greater 
eagerness to the ratification of the act of separation, by the conti- 
nental Congress, as the first step towards the accomplishment of 
their wishes. That ratification was looked to as a matter of course; 
the desire of the people of Kentucky had been often expressed, and 
the State of Virginia had given its consent by the passage of the 
act of separation. When John Brown, who had been sent as a 
delegate to Congress in 178T, brought up the subject of the admis- 
sion of Kentucky into the confederacy, it was believed the matter 
would soon be disposed of. But the question of the adoption of 
the constitution was under discussion, final action on the application 
of Kentucky was delayed until after its ratification, and then referred 
to the new government in the next year. 

On the 28th of July the sixth Convention met at Danville, to 
proceed with the business of making a Constitution, when news- 
reached them that their meeting was premature, as the Legislature 
of the Union had not given the necessary sanction to the act of 
Virginia. This intelligence amazed and irritated them, and being 
accompanied or followed by intimations from Mr. Brown, that 

m 



490 OFFERS OF SPAIN TO KENTUCKY. 1788. 

Spain would make easy terms with the "West, were the "West once 
her own mistress ; surely, it is not strange, that the leaders of the 
" Independence " party were disposed to act with decision and show 
a spirit of self-reliance. Wilkinson, on the one hand, could speak 
of his vast profits and the friendly temper of the south-western 
rulers, while Brown wrote home thus : 

" The eastern States would not, nor do I think they ever will 
assent to the admission of the district into the Union, as an inde- 
pendent State, unless Vermont, or the province of Maine, is brought 
forward at the same time. 

"The change which has taken place in the general government is 
made the ostensible objection to the measure; but, the jealousy of 
the growing importance of the western country, and an unwilling- 
ness to add a vote to the southern interest, are the real causes of 
opposition. The question which the district will now have to 
determine upon, will be — whether, or not, it will be more expedient 
to continue the connexion with the State of Virginia, or to declare 
their independence and proceed to frame a constitution of govern- 
ment? 

"In private conferences which I have had with Mr. Gardoqui, 
the Spanish minister, at this place, I have been assured by him in 
the most explicit terms, that if Kentucky will declare her independ- 
ence, and empower some proper person to negotiate with him, that 
he has authority, and will engage to open the navigation of the 
Mississippi, for the exportation of their produce, on terms of mutual 
advantage. But that this privilege never can be extended to them 
while part of the United States, by reason of commercial treaties 
existing between that court and other powers of Europe. 

" As there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this declaration, 
I have thought proper to communicate it to a few confidential 
friends in the district, with his permission, not doubting but that 
they will make a prudent use of the information — which is in part 
confirmed by dispatches yesterday received by Congress, from Mr. 
Mr. Charmichal, our minister at that court, the contents of which 
I am not at liberty to disclose." * 

But even under the excitement produced by such prospects 
offered from abroad, and such treatment at the hands of their 
fellow-citizens, the members of the July convention took no hasty 
or mischievous steps. Finding their own powers legally at an end 



* See Marshall's History of Kentucky, i. p. 305. 



1788. A SEVENTH CONVENTION CALLED IN KENTUCKY. 491 

in consequence of the course pursued by Congress, they determined 
to adjourn, and in doing so, advised the calling of a seventh conven- 
tion, to meet in the following November, and continue in existence 
until January, 1790, with full power — 

" To take such measures for obtaining admission of the district, 
as a separate and independent member 6f the United States of 
America, and the navigation of the Mississippi, as may appear most 
conducive to those important purposes; and also to form a consti- 
tution of government for the district, and organize the same when 
they shall judge it necessary; or to do and accomplish whatsoever, 
on a consideration of the state of the district, may in their opinion 
promote its interests." 

These terms, although they contain nothing necessarily implying 
a separation from Virginia against her wish, or directly authorizing 
the coming convention to treat with Spain, were still supposed to 
have been used for the purpose of enabling or even inviting that 
body to take steps, however much against the letter of the law; 
and as Mr. Brown's letters showed that strong temptations were 
held out to the people of the district to declare themselves inde- 
pendent, and then enter into negotiations with Spain, George 
Muter, Chief Justice of the District, on the 15th of October, pub- 
lished a letter in the Kentucky Gazette, calling attention to the 
fact that a separation without legal leave from the parent State, 
would be treason against that State, and a violation of the Federal 
Constitution then just formed. 

This letter, and the efforts of the party who favored strict 
adherence to legal proceedings, were not in vain. The elections 
took place, and on the 4th of November the Convention met; the 
contest at once began, but the two parties being happily balanced, 
both in and out of the convention, the greatest caution was observed 
by both, and all excess prevented. 

An address to the people of the district was proposed by Wil- 
kinson, the purpose of which was to test their dispositions as to 
the contested points of illegal independence and negotiatiouAvith 
Spain — but the plan of issuing such a paper was afterward dropped, 
Congress was memorialized respecting the Mississippi, Virginia 
was again asked for an act of separation, and the Convention 
quietly adjourned until the 1st Monday of the following August. 

It is not improbable that one tranquilizing influence was, the con- 
tradiction by members of Congress, of the report that the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi was to be relinquished by the United States. 
This contradiction had been authorized on the 16th of September. 



492 Connolly's plan of treason. 1788. 

During the autumn of this same year, John Connolly, formerly of 
Pittsburgh, appeared again in Kentucky. The following statement 
sent by Colonel Thomas Marshall, to General Washington, in the 
month of February, 1789, details his purposes and movements: 

"About this time, (November, 1788,) arrived from Canada the 
infamous Doctor (now Colonel) Connolly: his ostensible business 
was to inquire after, and re-possess himself of, some lands he 
formerly held at the Falls of the Ohio ; but I believe his real busi- 
ness was to sound the dispositions of the leading men of this dis- 
trict respecting this Spanish business. He knew that both Colonel 
Muter and myself had given it all the opposition in convention we 
were able to do, and before he left the district paid us a visit, 
though neither of us had the honor of the least acquaintance with 
him. 

"He was introduced by Colonel John Campbell, his old co- 
purchaser of the land at the Falls, formerly a prisoner taken by the 
Indians, and confined in Canada, who previously informed us of 
the proposition he was about to make. He (Connolly) presently 
entered upon his subject, urged the great importance the navigation 
of the Mississippi must be to the inhabitants of the western waters, 
showed the absolute necessity of our possessing it, and concluded 
with assurances that were we disposed to assert our right respecting 
that navigation, Lord Dorchester, (formerly Sir Guy Carlton,) was 
cordially disposed to give us powerful assistance ; that his lordship 
had (I think he said) four thousand British troops in Canada, 
beside two regiments at Detroit, and could furnish us with arms, 
ammunition, clothing and money; that, with this assistance, we 
might possess ourselves of New Orleans, fortify the Balize at the 
mouth of the river, and keep possession in spite of the utmost 
efforts of Spain to the contrary. 

"He made very confident professions of Lord Dorchester's wishes 
to cultivate the most friendly intercourse w r ith the people of this 
country, and of his own desire to become serviceable to us, and 
with so much seeming sincerity, that had I not before been 
acquainted with his character as a man of intrigue and artful 
address, I should in all probability have given him my confidence. 

"I told him that the minds of the people of this country were 
so strongly prejudiced against the British, not only from cir- 
cumstances attending the late war, but from a persuasion that the 
Indians were at this time stimulated by them against us, and that 
so long as those savages continued to commit such horrid cruelties 
on our defenseless frontiers, and were received as friends and allies 



1789. Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 493 

by the British at Detroit, it would be impossible for them to be 
convinced of the sincerity of Lord Dorchester's offers, let his 
professions be ever so strong; and, that if his lordship would have 
us believe him really disposed to be our friend, he must begin by 
showing his disapprobation of the ravages of the Indians. 

"He admitted the justice of my observation, and said he had 
urged the same to his lordship before he left Canada. He denied 
that the Indians are stimulated against us by the British, and says, 
Lord Dorchester observed, that the Indians are free and indepen- 
dent nations, and have a right to make peace or war as they think 
fit, and that he could not with propriety interfere. He promised, 
however, on his return to Canada to repeat his arguments to his 
lordship on the subject, and hopes, he says, to succeed. At taking 
his leave he begged very politely the favor of our correspondence; 
we both promised him, providing he would begin it, and devise a 
means of carrying it on. He did not tell me that he was au- 
thorized by Lord Dorchester to make us these offers in his name, 
nor did I ask him ; but General Scott informs me that he told him 
that his lordship had authorized him to use his name in this 
business." 

While Connolly was thus engaged in the attempt to seduce the 
people of Kentucky from their allegiance to the Union, and to 
attach them to the British interest, Wilkinson was employed in 
the execution of his treasonable scheme of reducing them to 
condition of vassals of Spain. A letter addressed by him to Miro, 
on the 12th of February, 1789, details at great length the purposes 
he entertained, the plans he and his accomplices were pursuing, 
and the depths of degradation into which they had plunged 
themselves. It is worthy of insertion, as the record of the most 
infamous episode in the history of the west.* 

"Immediately after having sent you my dispatch by Major 
Dunn, I devoted all my faculties to our political designs, and I have 
never since turned aside from the pursuit of the important object 
we have in view. If subsequent events have not come up to our 
expectations, still I conceive that they are such as to inspire us 
with flattering hopes of success in due time, and, although in the 
conjectural opinions which I presented to you and Navarro, I may, 
in some particulars, have been deceived, you w T ill yet see that, in 
the main, I expressed myself with a prophetic spirit, and that im- 



*See Gayarre's Spanish domination in Louisiana, p 223. 



494 WILKINSON'S TREASONABLE LETTER. 1789. 

portant events have occurred, to confirm the accuracy of my sen- 
timents. 

"When Major Dunn left Kentucky, I had opened myself only to 
the Attorney-General Innis, and to Colonel Bullitt, who favor our 
designs, and indirectly I had sounded others, whom I also found 
well disposed to adopt my ideas. But, having made a more strict 
examination, I discovered that the proposed new government of 
the United States had inspired some with apprehensions, and 
others with hopes — so much so that I saw that this circumstance 
would be a cause of some opposition and delay. I also perceived 
that all idea that Kentucky would subject itself to Spain, must be 
abandoned for the present, and that the only feasible plan to the exe- 
cution of which I had to direct my attention, was that of a separation 
from the United States, and an alliance with Spain, on conditions 
which could not yet be defined with precision. I considered that, 
whatever be the time when the separation should be brought about, 
this district being then no longer under the protection of the Uni- 
ted States, Spain might dictate her own terms ; for which reason, 
I embraced without delay this last alternative. 

" The question of separation from the United States, although 
discussed with vehemence among the most distinguished inhabi- 
tants of this section of the country, nad never been mentioned, in 
a formal manner, to the people at large, but now was the time for 
making this important and interesting experiment, and it became 
my indispensable mission to do so. I had to work on a ground 
not yet prepared for the seed to be deposited in it, and I felt that, 
to produce a favorable impression, I had to proceed with reserve, 
and avoid with the utmost care, any demonstration which might be 
calculated to cause surprise or alarm. For these motives, I gave 
an equivocal shape to the expression of my design, speaking of it 
in general terms, as being recommended by eminent politicians of 
the Atlantic coast, with whom I had conversed on this affair, and 
thus, by indirect suggestions and arguments, I inspired the people 
with my own views, without presenting them as such, because it 
would have been imprudent in me to divulge them under the exist- 
ing circumstances, and I can give you the solemn assurance, that I 
found all the men belonging to the first class of society in the dis- 
trict, with the exception of Colonel Marshall, our surveyor, and 
Colonel Muter, one of our judges, decidedly in favor of separation 
from the United States, and of an- alliance with Spain. At first, 
these two men had expressed this same opinion with warmth, but 
now their feelings have taken a different direction, from private 



1789. WILKINSON'S TREASONABLE LETTER. 495 

motives of interest and personal pique ; for which reasons I have 
very little to dread from their influence ; but, at the same time, I 
foresaw that they would avail themselves of the opposition made by 
some literary demagogues, who were under the influence of fear 
and prejudice. Nevertheless, I determined to lay the question 
before our Convention, and I took the necessary measures ac- 
cordingly. 

"I was thus occupied until the 28th of July, on which day our 
Convention met at Danville, in conformity with the ordinance you 
saw in the Gazette, which I sent you by Major Dunn. The Hon- 
orable Samuel M'Dowell, President of the Convention, had, the 
day before, received a packet from the Secretary of Congress, con- 
taining an account of the proceedings of that body on the subject 
which excited our solicitude — that is, our intended separation from 
the State of Virginia. 

" You will remember that, in my memorial, I was of opinion 
that the Atlantic States would not consent to the admission of this 
district into the Union, as an independent State, but, on my return 
from New Orleans, I was induced to alter my opinion, from the in- 
formation which I received through persons of the highest authority, 
and, under that new impression, I wrote you by Major Dunn. Thus 
we were not prepared for an unexpected event, of which we could 
have received no premonition. You will at first sight discover, on 
perusing the aforesaid paper, No. 1, that this Act of Congress was 
passed with the intention to gain time, amuse and deceive the people 
of this district, and make them believe that they could rely on the 
good dispositions of the Atlantic States, until the formation of the 
new government, when our opponents flatter themselves that it will 
be able to check our designs. Unfortunately, this artifice produced 
but too much effect on the members of this Convention, and con- 
firmed the apprehensions of others. 

"From this proceeding of Congress it resulted, that the Conven- 
tion was of opinion, that our proposed independence and separation 
from Virginia not being ratified, its mission and powers were at an 
end, and we found ourselves in the alternative, either of proceed- 
ing to declare our independence, or of waiting, according to the 
recommendation of Congress. This was the state of affairs, when 
the Honorable Caleb Wallace, one of our Supreme Judges, the 
Attorney-G-eneral Innis, and Benjamin Sebastian, proposed a 
prompt separation from the American Union, and advocated with 
intrepidity the necessity of the measure. The artifice of Congress 
was exposed, its proceedings reprobated, the consequences of de- 



496 Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 1789. 

pending on a body whose interests were opposed to ours, were 
depicted in the most vivid colors, and the strongest motives were 
set forth to justify the separation. 

" The arguments used were unanswerable, and no opposition was 
manifested in the course of the debates. It was unanimously con- 
ceded that the present connection was injurious to our interests, 
and that it could not last any length of time. Nevertheless, sir, 
when the question was finally taken, fear and folly prevailed against 
reason and judgment. It was thought safer and more convenient 
to adhere to the recommendation of Congress, and, in consequence, 
it was decided that the people be advised to elect a new convention, 
which should meet in the month of November, in conformity with 
the ordinance which you will find in the Gazette, No. 2. 

"I am afraid of fatiguing you with these details, but I felt that 
it is my duty, in an affair of so much importance, to relate facts as 
they have occurred. You may also blame me for having raised 
this question so soon, and at a time when I had grounds to doubt 
of its being decided favorably, but I flatter myself that my inten- 
tions justify my course of action. 

" To consolidate the interests and confirm the confidence of our 
friends, to try our strength, to familiarize the people with what we 
aim at, to dissipate the apprehension which important innovations 
generally produce, and to provoke the resentment of Congress, 
with a view to stimulate that body into some invidious political 
act, which might excite the passions of the people; these are the 
motives which influenced me, and on which I rely for my justifica- 
tion. 

"The last convention was legally elected, and met at Danville in 
the month of November, in conformity with the decree above 
mentioned. Marshall and Muter had, in the meantime, been scat- 
tering distrusts and apprehensions calculated to do injury to our 
cause. It is evident, however, that it has acquired considerable 
force ; but, in order to elicit an unequivocal proof of the disposi- 
tions of that assembly, I submitted to its examination my original 
memorial and the joint answer of yourself and Navarro. I received, 
in the terms which you will find in the Gazette, No. 3, the unani- 
mous thanks of that body, in token of its approbation of my conduct 
on .that occasion. Some of our friends urged me to avail myself 
of this opportunity to revive the great question, but I thought that 
it was more judicious to indulge those who, for the moment, wish 
only that a new application be made in relation to the independ- 
ence and separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and that a memo- 



1789. Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 497 

rial be addressed to Congress on the necessity of obtaining the 
free use of the navigation of the Mississippi. I assented to these 
last propositions the more readily, that it was unanimously resolved 
that, should any of them be rejected, then the people would be 
invited to adopt ail the measures necessary to secure for themselves 
a separate government from that of the United States, because it 
would have become evident that Congress had neither the will nor 
the power to satisfy their hopes. I determined, therefore, to wait 
for the effects which will result from the disappointment of those 
hopes, and on which I rely to unite the country into one opinion. 
This is the basis on which the great question now rests, and the 
convention has adjourned to the next month. 

" Thus, sir, if we review the policy favored by the inhabitants oi 
Kentucky, we see that the most intelligent and the wealthiest relish 
our designs, which are opposed by only two men of rank, who, 
controlled by their fears of silly demagogues, and filling their fol- 
lowers with hopes from the expected action of the new Congress, 
have caused the suspension of the measures we had in view to 
unite the people, and thus to secure the success of our plans with- 
out involving the country in violent civil commotion. 

" There are three conditions which are requisite to perpetuate 
the connection of this section of the country with the Atlantic 
States. The first, and the most important, is the navigation of the 
Mississippi; the second, which is of equal consequence, is the 
admission of this district into the Union as an independent State, 
and on the same footing with the others; the third, and the last, 
which is of less moment, is the exemption from taxes until the 
befalling of the two events previously mentioned. Now, Sir, as 
two of these conditions are inadmissible, either by the Atlantic 
States or by Spain, can any one hesitate to declare what will be 
the consequences ? "With due deference, I say, No ; because, as it 
is not rational to suppose the voluntary casting away of property, 
that another may profit by it, so it is not to be presumed that the 
Eastern States, which at present have the balance of power in their 
favor in the American government, will consent to strip themselves 
of this advantage, and increase the weight of the Southern States, 
by acknowledging the independence of this district and admitting 
it to be a member of the Federal Union. That the people of 
Kentucky, as soon as they are certain of their being refused what 
they claim, will separate from the United States, is proclaimed 
even by Marshall, Muter, and their more timid followers. 



498 Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 1789. 

"The same effect will be produced by the suspension of the 
navigation of the Mississippi, which lies entirely in the power of 
Spain, and which must reduce this section of the country to misery 
and ruin ; and as it has been stipulated that the operations of the 
Federal Government shall be uniform, the new Congress will have 
to lay taxes, without exception whatever, over the whole country 
submitted to its jurisdiction. The people here, not having the 
means of paying those taxes, will resist them, and the authority of 
the new government will be set at naught, which will produce a 
civil war, and result in the separation of the West from the East. 

" This event is written in the book of destiny. But if, to 
produce it, we trust solely to the natural effect of political measures, 
we shall experience some delay. It is in the power of Spain, 
however, to precipitate its accomplishment by a judicious co-opera- 
tion ; and permit me here to illustrate the observations which I 
presented some time ago to yourself and Navarro, in my answer to 
your inquiries as to the nature of that co-operation. 

" As long as the connection between the Americans of the East 
and of the "West on this side of the Appalachian mountains shall 
produce reciprocal benefits, and an equal security to their common 
interests and happiness, the Union will maintain itself on a solid 
foundation, and will resist any effort to dissolve it ; but, as soon as it 
shall be ascertained that one section of the confederacy derives from 
the Union more advantages than the other, and that the blessings 
of a good government — such as peace and protection — cannot be 
equally distributed, then harmony will cease, and jealousies will 
arise, producing discord and disunion. In order to aid the favor- 
able dispositions of Providence, to foment the suspicions and 
feelings of distrust already existing here, and inflame the animosity 
between the Eastern and Western States, Spain must resort to 
every artifice and other means which may be in her power. 

"I have stated that the navigation of the Mississippi, and its 
admission as an independent State and a member of the Union, are 
rights claimed by the people of this part of the country, and con- 
stituting one of the principal conditions under which its- connection 
with the Atlantic States is to continue. Hence it follows, that 
every manifestation of the power of Spain and of the debility of 
the United States, every evidence of the resolution of the former 
to retain exclusively for herself the right of navigation on the 
Mississippi, and every proof of the incapacity of the latter, will 
facilitate our views. Every circumstance also that will tend to 



1789. WILKINSON'S TREASONABLE LETTER. 499 

impede our admission as an independent State, will loosen the 
attachment of many individuals, increase the discontent of the 
people, and favor the execution of our plan. 

" Until I devoted myself entirely to the affair in which we are 
engaged, I confess that I could not discover the aim of the first 
treaty proposed hy Gardoqui to Congress, but it seems to me now 
that I can penetrate its policy. I consider it as profoundly judicious, 
and I am of opinion that it ought to be renewed and vigorously 
carried on, until its objects be attained, cost what it may, because, 
besides that the proposed relinquishment of the right of navigating 
the Mississippi would immediately disrupt the Union, and separate 
forever the West from the East, the sanction of the treaty by Con- 
gress would make our situation so truly desperate, that Great Bri- 
tain would not venture to intervene in our favor, and all our hopes 
would rest on the liberality of Spain. 

" "Whilst this affair is pending, Spain ought to consider the navi- 
gation of the Mississippi as one of the most precious jewels of her 
crown. For, whatever power shall command that navigation, will 
control all the country which is watered by that river and by those 
streams which fall into it. This control will be as effective and 
■complete as that of the key upon the lock, or that of the citadel 
over the exterior works which it commands. The grant of this 
boon ought to be looked upon as the price of our attachment and 
gratitude, and I beg leave to be permitted to repeat, that there 
must be known no instance of its being extended to any other 
than those who understand and promote the interests of Spain in 
this part of the country. I entreat you, sir, to believe, that this 
question of navigation is the main one on which depends the union 
of the West and East, and that, if Congress can obtain the free use 
of the Mississippi, and if Spain should cede it without condition, 
it would strengthen the Union, and would deprive Spain of all its 
influence on this district. 

" The sanguine spirit of an American impels him to construe in 
his favor every thing that is left doubtful, and therefore Spain can- 
not act with too absolute precision on this important question. 
You must not forget, sir, that such was my first impression, in 
which I have been daily confirmed by subsequent observations and 
experience. The concessions of the Americans will be in propor- 
tion to the energy and power exhibited by Spain ; but were she to 
yield, she would lose much in dignity and consideration, and she 
would breed in the Americans a spirit of pride and self-importance 
quite incompatible with our designs. Thus, the privileges con- 



500 Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 1789. 

ceded to emigrants are an obstacle in the way of our great under- 
taking, because, as they were bestowed before they were asked for, 
and as they were entirely unexpected, they have been considered 
here by many as the effects of fear, and as a prelude to the removal 
of all restrictions whatever on our commerce. 

" The generality of our population are constantly discussing and 
fostering these ideas, and as long as the hopes they have conceived 
on this subject are kept up, it is a circumstance which will militate 
in favor of the Union, and will delay the effect of my operations. 

" With due deference I may be permitted to say, that to people 
the banks of the Mississippi with Americans ought to be an object 
of secondary importance to the interests of his Catholic Majesty, 
because there is no necessity to transplant a population which can 
be controlled and governed on the soil where it grows naturally. 
The engrafted branch retains the primitive qualities of the parent 
trunk. Moreover, if Spain can establish colonies of Americans on 
the Mississippi, there is no reason why she should not have them 
also on the Ohio. It is an incontestible fact, worthy of your atten- 
tion, that the emigrants who have come down the Ohio, in order 
to settle in Louisiana, are insolvent debtors and fugitives from jus- 
tice, and are poor and without principles. Such people are not 
only unworthy vassals, but also ought to be looked upon as dan- 
gerous characters, against whom it is prudent to be on one's 
guard. 

" But, sir, should unforeseen events produce results contrary to 
my wishes, to my logical deductions and to my hopes, should an 
obstinate resistance to forming a connection with Spain, or should 
an unexpectedly hostile disposition manifest itself in these settle- 
ments, then the true policy would be to make of emigration the 
principal object to be obtained, and Spain would always have the 
power, through some agents of an eminent rank here, to draw to 
her the most respectable portion of the population of this district. 
Hundreds have applied to me on this subject, who are determined 
to follow my example, and I do not deceive myself, nor do I de- 
ceive you, sir, when I affirm that it is in my power to lead a large 
body of the most opulent and most respectable of my fellow- 
citizens whither I shall go myself at their head, and I flatter my- 
self that, after the dangers I have run and the sacrifices which I 
have made, after having put my honor and my life in your hands, 
you can have no doubts of my favorable dispositions toward the 
interests of his Catholic Majesty, as long as my poor services shall 
be necessary. 



1789. Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 501 

" After having read these remarks, you will be surprised at being 
informed, that lately I have, jointly with several gentlemen of this 
country, applied to Don Diego Gardoqui for a concession of land, 
in order to form a settlement on the river Yazoo. The motive of 
this application is to procure a place of refuge for myself and my 
adherents, in case it should become necessary for us to retire from 
this country, in order to avoid the resentment of Congress. It is 
true that there is not, so far, the slightest appearance of it, but it is 
judicious to provide for all possible contingencies. 

" These observations are sincere and well meant, and although 
I still continue to be without any answer from the Spanish minis- 
try, I consider myself bound in honor to proceed in my under- 
taking until I obtain favorable results. Ardent are my wishes and 
strong are my hopes, but may not both be illusive ? Is it not pos- 
sible that Great Britain may have accomplished her desires, by 
exchanging Gibraltar for the two Floridas and the Island of New 
Orleans ? It is a rumor which is afloat in America, and I must 
confess that it fills me with anxiety ; for I have a very recent proof 
that that power turns its attention to this country with the utmost 
earnestness, and sets in motion every sort of machinery to secure 
its aim, because, whilst William Eden is negotiating in Madrid 
with his Excellency the Count of Florida Blanca, Lord Dorchester, 
the Governor of Canada, scatters his emissaries in this district, to 
win over the people to the interests of Great Britain. The docu- 
ment E"o. 4 contains an authentic copy of the letter of General St. 
Clair, governor of the northern portion of the territory of Ohio, to 
Major Dunn. That letter, sir, is the proof that the part which I 
play in our great enterprise, and the dangers to which I am exposed 
for the service of his Catholic Majesty, are known; and it will 
serve at the same time to evidence the correctness of the informa- 
tion which I gave in my memorial in relation to the designs of 
Great Britain. Whence and how General St. Clair has acquired 
any knowledge of the views of Spain, I cannot guess, unless he 
should have inferred them from the indiscreet zeal of Don Diego 
Gardoqui, which may have hurried that gentleman into confiden- 
tial communications to persons unworthy of that trust, and even 
to strangers, as must have been demonstrated to you by the extract 
of his letter to Colonel Morgan, which you will find in the paper 
marked ~No. 5, and which is now circulating over the whole of this 
district. So far as I am concerned, having shared in this impor- 
tant aifair, I will endeavor to discharge with fidelity the part 
assigned to me, without being deterred by the fear of consequences, 



502 WILKINSON'S TREASONABLE LETTER. 1789. 

always relying on the generosity of his majesty, who will indem- 
nify me or my family for whatever loss of fortune I may incur. 

"The British Colonel Connolly, who is mentioned in General 

St. Clair's letter, arrived at Louisville in the beginning of October, 

having traveled from Detroit through the woods, to the mouth of 

the river Big Miami, from which he came down the Ohio in a 

boat. My agent in that town (Louisville) gave me immediate 

information of that fact, and of the intention which Connolly had 

to visit me. Suspecting the nature of the negotiation he had on 

hand, I determined, in order to discover his secret views, to be 

beforehand with him, and to invite him here. Consequently he 

came to my house on the 8th of November. I received him 

courteously, and, as I manifested favorable dispositions toward the 

interests of his Britannic Majesty, I soon gained his confidence — 

so much so, that he informed me that Great Britain, desiring to 

assist the American settlers in the West, in their efforts to open 

the navigation of the Mississippi, would join them with ready zeal, 

to dispossess Spain of Louisiana. He remarked that the forces in 

Canada were not sufficient to send detachments of them to us, but 

that Lord Dorchester would supply us with all the implements of 

war, and with money, clothing, &c. ... to equip ten thousand 

men, if we wished to engage in that enterprise. He added that, 

as soon as our plan of operation should be agreed upon, these 

articles would be sent from Detroit, through Lake Erie, to the 

the river Miami, and thence to the Wabash, to be transported to 

any designated point on the Ohio, and that a fleet of light 

vessels would be ready at Jamaica to take possession of the Balize, 

at the same time that we should make an attack from above. He 

assured me that he was authorized by Lord Dorchester to confer 

honors and other rewards on the men of influence who should 

enter on that enterprise, and that all those who were officers 

in the late continental army, should be provided with the same 

grade in the service of Great Britain. He urged me much to favor 

his designs, offering me what rank and emoluments I might wish 

for, and telling me at the same time that he was empowered to 

grant commissions for the raising of two regiments which he hoped 

to form in Kentucky. After having pumped out of him all that 

I wished to know, I began to weaken his hopes by observing that 

the feelings of animosity engendered by the late revolution were 

so recent in the hearts of the Americans, that I considered it 

impossible to entice them into an alliance with Great Britain ; that, 

in this district, particularly in that part of it where the inhabitants 



1789. Wilkinson's treasonable letter. 503 

had suffered so much from the barbarous hostilities of the Irjdians, 



which were attributed to British influence, the resentment of every 
individual was much more intense and implacable. In order to 
justify this opinion of mine and induce him to go back, I employed 
a hunter, who feigned attempting his life. The pretext assumed 
by the hunter was the avenging of the death of his son, murdered 
by the Indians at the supposed instigation of the English. As I 
hold the commission of a Civil Judge, it was, of course, to be my 
duty to protect him against the pretended murderer, whom I 
caused to be arrested and held in custody. I availed myself of 
this circumstance to communicate to Connolly my fear of not being 
able to answer for the security of his person, and I expressed my 
doubts whether he could escape with life. It alarmed him so 
much, that he begged me to give him an escort to conduct him out 
of our territory, which I readily assented to, and on the 20th of 
November, he recrossed the Ohio on his way back to Detroit. I 
did not dismiss him without having previously impressed upon 
him the propriety of informing me, in as short a time as possible, 
of the ultimate design of Lord Dorchester. As this man was 
under the protection of the laws of nations, and as he carefully 
avoided to commit any offence against our government, I con- 
sidered the measure I had resorted to as the most appropriate to 
destroy his hopes with regard to this country, and I think that the 
relation he will make on his return to Canada will produce the 
desired effect. But should the British be disposed to renew the 
same attempt, as it may very well turn out to be the case, I shall 
be ready to oppose and crush it in the bud. 

"Thus, sir, you see realized the opinions I expressed in my 
memorial relatively to the views which Great Britain had on this 
part of the country. But whilst I reveal to you the designs of that 
power, permit me a few reflections on the conduct of France with 
regard to these settlements. I know that the family compact will 
compel her to assist Spain against any hostility whatever. May 
not Spain, however, be exposed to suffer from the subtile policy 
and machinations of the most intriguing and the craftiest of all 
nations? It is to my knowledge that the Court of Versailles has, 
for years past, been collecting every sort of information on this 
district, and that it would give a great deal to recover its posses- 
sions on the Mississippi. In the year 1785, a Knight of St. Louis, 
named D'Arges, arrived at the falls of the Ohio, gave himself out 
for a naturalist, and pretended that his object was to inquire into 
the curious productions of this country ; but his manner of living 



504 WILKINSON'S TREASONABLE LETTER. 1789. 

contradicted his assertion. He made few acquaintances, lived very 
retired, and during one year that he remained here, he never went 
out of Louisville, where he resided, further than six miles. On his 
perusing the first memorial which the people of this district pre- 
sented to the Legislature of Virginia on the question of separation, 
he expressed his admiration that there should he in so new a coun- 
try a writer capable of framing such a composition ; and, after 
having made some reflections on the progressive importance of our 
settlements, he exclaimed, with enthusiasm, "Good God! my country 
has been blind, but its eyes shall soon be open!" The confidential 
friend of this gentleman was a Mr. Tardiveau, who had resided 
many years in Kentucky. D'Arges used to draw drafts on M. de 
Marbois, then Consul of France at New York, and, finally, he 
lived as one who belonged to the family of Count de Moustier, the 
French minister, and I am informed from a good source, that he 
presented to this same Count de Moustier a very elaborate memo- 
rial on these settlements, which was forwarded to the Court of 
France. 

" Perhaps, sir, you will think this information frivolous, but I am 
sure you will believe that it proceeds from my devoted zeal for the 
interests of Spain. Please remember that trifles as light as air 
frequently are, for the faithful and the zealous, proofs as strong as 
those of Holy Writ. 

"Before closing this letter, I shall take the liberty to observe 
that, in order to secure the success of our schemes, the most entire 
confidence must be reposed in your agent here, because, without it, 
his representations will be received with suspicion, and his recom- 
mendations disregarded, or executed with tardy precaution — which 
is capable of defeating the most ably devised plan. Whether I 
possess that confidence or not, is what I am ignorant of, but the 
Almighty, who reads the hearts of all men, knows that I deserve it, 
because nobody ever undertook a cause with more honest zeal and 
devotion than I have this one. You may therefore conceive the 
anxiety which I feel on account of the silence of your government 
on my memorial, and I infinitely regret that some communication, 
in relation to this part of the country, should not be transmitted 
through Louisiana, because I know that the negotiations may be 
conducted through that channel with more secrecy, and with bet- 
ter results. 

"I deem it useless to mention to a gentleman well versed in po- 
litical history, that the great spring and prime mover in all negoti- 
ations is money. Although not being authorized by you to do so, 



1788. COLONEL MORGAN REMOVES TO LOUISIANA. 505 

yet I found it necessary to use this lever, in order to confirm some 
of our most eminent citizens in their attachment to our cause, and 
to supply others with the means of operating with vigor. For these 
objects I have advanced five thousand dollars out of my own funds, 
and half of this sum, applied opportunely, would attract Marshall 
and Muter on our side, but it is now impossible for me to dis- 
burse it. 

" I shall not write you again before the month of May, unless 
some unexpected event should require it. At that time, I will 
inform you of the decision of Virginia, and of Congress, on our 
last application, and I do not doubt but that our affairs will soon 
assume a smiling aspect." 

"While the intrigue of "Wilkinson and Miro was in progress, 
Gardoqui, in ignorance of the plot, was seeking in another 
way to turn the discontents of the West to the advantage of 
Spain. He had not fathomed the policy so strongly urged by 
Wilkinson, to hold the navigation of the river, and the enjoyment 
of commercial privilege, as the price of disunion ; and was seeking 
to serve the same end, by holding out inducements to Americans 
dissatisfied with the government, to emigrate to the Spanish 
dominions. Col. George Morgan, of New Jersey, was sent to New 
York by a land company in that State, to negotiate the purchase 
of a large tract of land in Illinois, from the continental Congress. 
While there he became acquainted with the inducements Gardoqui 
was offering to emigrants from the United States, and determined 
to transfer his negotiations from the confederacy to Spain. Accord- 
ingly he addressed a memorial to Gardoqui, setting forth at length 
the advantages that would accrue to Spain from a settlement near the 
mouth of the Ohio, and asking for a grant of twenty miles square, 
for the purpose of founding a colony from the United States near 
that point. Gardoqui approved his scheme ; his memorial was 
forwarded to the Spanish court, and a grant, extending from the 
mouth of the St. Francis river to Point Cinq Hommes, containing 
some twelve to fifteen millions of acres, was conceded to him for 
that purpose. 

In the spring of 1788, Morgan passed down the river with a small 
colony and took possession of his grant. There on the site of the 
old hamlet of L'Anse d' la Gresse, he laid the foundation of a 
city, which, in compliment to the Spaniards, he called New Madrid. 
The position of the new city, the inducements offered to immi- 
grants and the trade of the Mississippi, which had been guaranteed 
33 



506 WILKlMOff ©ENOtJffCfES COLONEL MOKQAff. 1788, 

to its population, evidently impressed Morgan with the belief that 
Kew Madrid was destined to become a place of great importance ; 
and accordingly it was laid out on a scale supposed to be in keep- 
ing with the pretensions of the metropolis of the Mississippi valley. 
The survey extended from the month of the Bayou St. John to the 
outlet of the lake Ste Marie, fronting a mile on the river and run- 
ning back an equal distance. A broad plateau or common was 
laid off in the rear of the town, to separate it from the plantations 
in the country. Wide streets were laid off at right angles to each 
other, and spacious squares were surveyed in different parts of the 
town, for public buildings, churches and pleasure grounds. The 
site of the city was well chosen on a beautiful plateau of crescent 
form, commanding 3, view of the river both above and below for 
many miles. 

Morgan's scheme -of colonization was very distasteful to Wilkin- 
son, and accordingly ke took occasion at once to denounce it to 
Miro. In a political view, he said, Morgan's colony would have 
the most pernicious consequences, because the Americans settled 
there, would preserve their old prejudices and be Americans still, 
and that would destroy the noble fabric of which they had laid the 
foundations, and which they were endeavoring to complete. 

Miro became alarmed, and addressed a remonstrance to his 
government against the impolitic concessions of Gardoqui. Imme- 
diately afterward he wrote to Morgan to inform him that the 
conditions of his grant were inadmissible, and therefore, he would 
be under the necessity of rescinding it. But because he had only 
been influenced by an excess of zeal to serve the king, he would 
grant him a concession of one thousand acres for himself, and an 
equal share for each of his sons, and that a fort should be constructed 
on the site of his new city, with a Spanish garrison to protect him 
and his colonists. 

Wilkinson was not the only traitor to his country in that eventful 
day. A considerable population had found its way over the moun- 
tains into the eastern part of Tennessee, as early as the period of 
the revolutionary war. In 1777, the jurisdiction of North Carolina 
was formally extended over the new settlement, under her colonial 
claim to the Mississippi, and the county of Washington was formed, 
comprising the whole State of Tennessee. In the next year, a 
colony of refugees from the tyranny of the British in Carolina 
penetrated the wilderness, and located themselves on the Cumber- 
land, near the site of Nashville. 

After the revolution a large emigration set in from the Southern 



1788. TROUBLES OF NORTH CAROLINA. 507 

States to the settlements on the Holston and the Cumberland. 
The city of Nashville was founded in 1784, and the population 
of the Cumberland river, at the same period, had risen to three 
thousand, while that on the Holston, being both older and nearer 
to the States, was much larger. To accommodate the wants of 
these growing colonies, two judicial districts, consisting of four 
counties, were formed, Washington comprising the settlements in 
eastern, and Cumberland, those in middle Tennessee. 

The jurisdiction of North Carolina proved very inconvenient, 
exercised thus over isolated settlements at a great distance from 
its capital ; and, accordingly the question of separation was early 
agitated. The legislature of North Carolina was willing to afford 
relief to the people of the western districts, and in 1785, proposed 
to cede the territory west of the mountains, at the expiration of 
two years, to the confederation, for the purpose of forming a new 
State. But the people of the districts were harassed by the 
hostility of the Cherokees; were cut off from the protection of 
the parent State ; were deprived of an efficient military organiza- 
tion; and, were, therefore, dissatisfied with the remote period 
designated for their separation. 

To provide for the necessities of their situation, an informal 
convention of the people of Washington district was held, and it 
was resolved to memorialize Congress for an immediate separation 
from North Carolina, and to call a legislative convention to provide 
for the government of the district, until the question of cession 
was decided. The convention met at Jonesborough, declared 
the Washington district independent of North Carolina, organized 
the. "State of Frankland," appointed a corps of judicial and 
executive officers, and sent a delegate to Congress to ask an 
admission into the confederacy. 

But the Congress declined to recognize the new State, thus 
irregularly formed, or to receive its delegate ; and the State of 
North Carolina refused to relinquish her jurisdiction, and prepared 
to enforce the supremacy of her laws. In the meantime, the 
legislative convention of Frankland met, enacted laws, levied taxes, 
and made another application to Congress for its interposition. 

Thus a conflict of jurisdiction was created, the officers of the 
courts of Frankland seized the papers and closed the courts of 
North Carolina, and the officers of that State retaliated in the same 
way on the courts of Frankland. In the meantime, Cocke, the 
delegate of Frankland, appeared before Congress and asked its 
interposition to restore order in the district. That was promptly 



508 TROUBLES IN NORTH CAROLINA. 1788. 

afforded; the authority of North Carolina was maintained, the laws 
of the new State were declared void, and an amnesty for all past 
offenses recommended. 

The new organization was abandoned, and in 1787 the jurisdic- 
tion of the parent State was re-established. But the difficulties of 
the district did not end here. Col. John Sevier had been appointed 
governor of Frankland. Col. Tipton was his personal enemy and 
political rival, and in his absence on an expedition against the 
Indians, procured the passage of an act of outlawry and confisca- 
tion against him. Sevier resisted the execution of the process of 
the court against his property — a contest between the partisans of 
the new and old State ensued. Sevier's party was dispersed, and 
all resistance to the laws of North Carolina was suppressed. 

Sevier himself removed to the frontier and employed himself in 
the defense of the settlements against the Indians. Again he was 
arrested on the charge of treason, taken to Jonesborough and 
imprisoned in irons. But at length, public sentiment pronounced 
in his favor; he was allowed to escape, and in 1789, the act of 
attainder and outlawry against hirn was repealed. 

It was under these circumstances that Sevier entered into a trea- 
sonable intrigue with the Spanish government. On the 12th of Sep- 
tember, 1788, he wrote to Gardoqui to say "that the inhabitants 
of Frankland were unanimous in their vehement desire to form an 
alliance and treaty of commerce with Spain, and to put themselves 
under her protection," and to ask on the faith of the new State a sup- 
ply of arms and money from Spain to enable them to throw off the 
yoke of North Carolina. The people of the Cumberland district, 
partly in sympathy with the State party of Frankland, but especially 
influenced by the desire of enjoying the trade of the Mississippi, 
shared the wish for a Spanish alliance to such a degree that in ful- 
some flattery of the Spanish governor, they changed the name of 
their district to that of Miro. 

To foment this discontent, and to turn this desire of a Spanish 
alliance to the advantage of the Spanish crown, Gardoqui immedi- 
ately dispatched Dr. James White, a delegate to Congress, whom 
he had bought for a bribe of four hundred dollars, to prepare the 
minds of the people of Frankland and Miro for disunion. White 
visited the districts and proceeded to Louisiana. On the 18th of 
April, 1789, he addressed a communication to Miro, '-that Don 
Diego Gardoqui gave me letters for the chief men of the district of 
Frankland with instructions to assure them that if they wished to 
put themselves under the protection of Spain and favor her interests, 



1788. TROUBLES IN NORTH CAROLINA. 509 

they should be protected in their civil and political government in 
the form and manner most agreeable to them, on the following 
conditions : 

"That it shall be absolutely necessary not only in order to hold 
any office, but also any land in Frankland, that an oath of allegi- 
ance be taken to his majesty, the object and purport of which 
should be to defend his government and faithful vassals, on all 
occasions and against all enemies whoever they might be. 

" That the inhabitants of that district shall renounce all submis- 
sion or allegiance, whatever, to any other sovereign or power. 

"They have eagerly accepted these conditions, and the Spanish 
minister has referred me to your favor, patronage and assistance, 
to facilitate my operations. With regard to Cumberland, what I 
have said of Frankland applies to it with equal force and truth." 

Notwithstanding all this, Miro received White coldly. He was 
determined not to share the honor of effecting the dismemberment 
of the confederacy with Gardoqui and his agents ; and he chose 
rather to endanger the success of his policy than to favor the 
schemes of his rival. Accordingly, he replied to White that his 
master was ready to do much for the people of those districts, from 
motives of pure generosity, that therefore he was disposed to grant 
many favors and privileges to those of them who would emigrate 
to Louisiana, and that he was willing to grant to them the trade of 
New Orleans, on payment of a duty of 15 per cent,, which he 
would further reduce in favor of men among them who w^ere 
known to be devoted to the interests of Spain. But he could 
assist or foment no scheme to separate those districts from the 
union, on account of the harmony which existed between the Uni- 
ted States and Spain. If, indeed, they should secure a complete 
independence from the United States, then his majesty would grant 
them out of his royal beneficence, all the help, favor, and advantages 
which might be adapted to their condition, and compatible with 
the interests of the Spanish monarchy. 

Miro's desire to discredit Gardoqui, induced him to write to 
the ministry to disparage the efforts of White in the disaffected 
districts. "The inhabitants of Frankland," said he, "had already 
thrown off the mask before White's arrival among them, and would 
most certainly have had recourse to me, as is proved by John 
Sevier's letters, without the interference of the doctor." Never- 
theless, he was anxious to assist and foment the scheme to sepa- 
rate those districts from the union, and was ready to use even 
White to effect that purpose. "The answer," says he, "which I 



510 SOUTH CAROLINA LAND COMPANY. 1788. 

have given to White, and which he is to show to the principal men 
of Miro and Frankland, is so framed that should it miscarry, it 
will afford no cause or complaint to the United States ; but verbally, 
I have energetically recommended to him to use the most strenuous 
efforts to effect the desired separation." 

At the same time, he wrote to Wilkinson to give him the details 
of the intrigue he was carrying on through White. " Since you 
are the principal actor in our favor," said he, "it is proper that you 
be made acquainted with all this affair, in case that it should be 
deemed useful to induce those districts to act in concert with Ken- 
tucky, when that province shall have achieved her separation from 
the United States." 

"I have just received," he continued, "letters from General 
Daniel Smith, and Col. James Robertson, of the district of Miro, 
informing me that the inhabitants of Miro would, in September, 
send delegates to North Carolina in order to solicit from the legisla- 
ture of that State an act of separation, and that as soon as that should 
be obtained, other delegates would be sent from Cumberland to 
New Orleans with the object of placing that territory under the 
domination of his majesty." 

The spirit of treason was not confined to the people of Tennessee. 
In 1789, a company composed of Alexander Moultrie, Isaac Huger, 
William Snipes, and Col. Washington, was formed at Charleston, 
South Carolina, and purchased from the State of Georgia, a tract of 
country between the Yazoo and the Mississippi, including, it is said, 
fifty -two thousand nine hundred square miles. Wilkinson immedi- 
ately applied for the agency of the company, in order, as he wrote 
Miro, that he might induce them to sue for the Spanish protection, 
and in consequence add their establishment to the domains of his 
majesty. He failed to secure the appointment, however, and 
James O'Fallon received the agency of the company. The substi- 
tution was not material. O'Fallon was as thoroughly a traitor as 
Wilkinson, and his letter to Miro of the 24th of May, 1790, will 
show tha,t he was not easily to be outdone in baseness. 

"The detention," said he, "which I shall probably experience in 
Kentucky, where I have just arrived on my way to New Orleans ; 
the importance of the mission for which I am sent to you, not only 
with regard to the Spanish Empire in general, but also particularly 
with regard to Louisiana and West Florida, as well as in relation 
to the interests in the Yazoo territory, of the South Carolina Com- 
pany, whose general agent I have the honor to be, in virtue of a 
unanimous nomination, under the seal and formal diploma of the 



1788. SOUTH CAROLINA LAND COMPANY. 511 

chief director, and of the other proprietors of an extensive territo- 
rial concession in the vicinity of your government, finally granted 
to them by the State of Georgia; the weighty political bearing of 
my negotiation with yon, and the propriety of your being made 
acquainted with the general design of our plan, before my arrival, 
and my presenting to you my full credentials, with other authentic 
documents, which clothe me with the most extensive and confiden- 
tial powers, and which I shall communicate to you with my char- 
acteristic frankness; the obligations resulting from the public 
situation in which I am, as well as my natural disposition to con- 
tribute to the glory and prosperity of the crow^n which you serve, 
(which disposition is quite notorious at the Spanish Court, through 
the information afforded by its minister at New York, and the 
governor of St. Augustine, who, from abundant experience, can 
testify to it:) — All these motives now prompt me to address you, 
in order to give in advance the following intelligence, which you 
will examine in your moments of leisure. 

"The affair which I have the honor to lay before you is pregnant 
with events of the greatest importance, which must promptly aud 
inevitably be brought forth, if opportunely favored by the court of 
Spain and yourself, and which are such, that, even in the eye of 
the most indifferent, they must assume proportions of the most 
considerable magnitude. This great project was conceived by 
myself, a long time ago. Through my persuasion and influence, 
the members of the General Company, who, in particular, are all 
dissatisfied with the present Federal Government, have, immedi- 
ately and spontaneously, fallen in with my plan, for the execution 
of which, considering that it was my conception, they have ap- 
pointed me their delegate, as one of the twenty proprietors of the 
concession, with plenary powers to complete it, as you will see 
after my arrival. At the same time that this important affair was 
in agitation, and progressing among the most influential members 
of the Legislature of Georgia, the Company was honoring me with 
their entire confidence; and, without their having suspected in the 
beginning what I was aiming at, I insensibly prevailed upon them 
to acquiesce in my political views, (after the obtaining of the con- 
cession,) and led them to consent to be the slaves of Spain,* under 
the appearance of a free and independent State, forming a rampart 
for the adjoining Spanish territories, and establishing with them an 



*Esclavos de la Espana. 



512 o'fallon's letter to miro. 1788. 

eternal, reciprocal alliance, offensive and defensive. This, for a 
beginning, when once secured with the greatest secrecy, will serve, 
I am fully persuaded, as an example to be followed by the settle- 
ments on the western side of the mountains, which will separate 
from the Atlantic portion of the confederacy, because, on account 
of the advantages which they will expect from the privilege of 
tradiDg with our colony, under the protection of Spain, they will 
unite with it in the same manner, and as closely as are the Atlantic 
States with France, receiving from it every assistance in war, and 
relying on its power in the moment of danger. 

"In order to induce the Company to pursue this course, I refused 
to take any share in the enterprise under any other conditions; 
and, in order to confirm their hostility to Congress, which then was 
acting despotically, as well as to the president and his ministers, 
who were opposing their pretensions, I used indirect means, which 
decided them to form the resolution of separating themselves from 
the Union, and of removing with their families, dependents, and 
effects, to their conceded territory, with the determination, if Spain 
favored them, not to subject themselves, nor the numerous colony 
which they will soon form, to the administration of Congress, or 
of Washington. The individuals interested in that concession are 
gentlemen of the greatest influence, power, and talent, among the 
most gifted in the confederacy; and they are sure of having, within 
eighteen months after the date of their first settlements, ten thou- 
sand men established in their territory, and capable of bearing 
arms. All that they desire from the Spanish crown^ for their pro- 
jected establishment, is a secret co-operation, which, in reality, 
will soon ripen into a sincere friendship. I assure you that Spain 
will obtain everything from them in return, except the sacrifice of 
their liberty of conscience, and of their civil government. I affirm 
all this, because I am authorized to do so hy the plenary powers 
which they have given me, both in writing and verbally, as will 
appear by my secret instructions, which I shall communicate to 
you with the utmost sincerity on my arrival. For I intend, in my 
proceedings, to keep aloof from all dissimulation whatever. 

" Whilst the Company was making the most strenuous efforts to 
obtain their concessions, in which two years were secretly employed, 
I was corresponding with Don Diego Gardoqui, in New York, and 
with the governor of East Florida, through my intimate friend, 
Captain Charles Howard, the Secretary of that province. At the 
same time, at the request of the same minister, I was confidentially 
engaged in obtaining for the court of Spain information of the 



1788. o'fallon's letter to miro. 513 

highest importance, in relation to Great Britain and the United 
States, and was also working to procure the emigration often thou- 
sand Irish, American, and German families to the deserts of East 
Florida. In order to bring these affairs to an end, I was preparing 
to follow that minister to Madrid, when, in spite of Congress and 
the President, the Legislature of Georgia, as it were unanimously, 
conceded to the South Carolina Company, the Virginia Company, 
and the Tennessee Company, the territories which they had re- 
spectively sued for in the vicinity of your government : in conse- 
quence of which, these companies found themselves incorporated 
and organized by an act of that legislature, and, by virtue of said 
incorporation and organization, were empowered, under the sanc- 
tion of the new federal constitution and authorities, and against the 
will and wishes of the president, and of some of his ministers, to 
treat and negotiate in relation to the contemplated colonization. 

" In this conjuncture, I fully informed the minister Gardoqui, 
and the governor of St. Augustine, of the circumstances that had 
occurred, and of the intention of a few members of the Company to 
have recourse to Great Britain for their own private views and ben- 
efit. It was in my power to cause that disposition to evaporate, 
and, the better to obtain this result, I abandoned the project of in- 
troducing families into West Florida. I then succeeded in 
persuading them as I wished, and, with a view of conciliating the 
interests of the company with those of Spain, I consented to be 
appointed their general agent, to negotiate with you, as I have 
already expressed it above, and thereby be enabled to treat for the 
establishment of the new colony, combining their interests with 
those of Louisiana, on principles of reciprocal advantage and de- 
fense. 

" These premises being taken for granted, it remains for me to 
inform you that, some time in June next, I intend to depart for 
New Orleans, in order to have frank, sincere, and unreserved con- 
ferences with you on these matters. I will do nothing without 
your approbation and consent, because I aim at nothing else than 
serving the interests of Spain, to which I am hereditarily attached, 
abandoning all other pursuit, more lucrative for my family, in order 
merely to follow the bent of my inclination. I need not say to you 
how much the company and myself rely on your honor, secrecy, 
and good will, on which depends our security, as you may infer 
from what I have so ingeniously related. The company waits only 
for your determination, in order to carry its plan into execution in 
a short time, &c, &c." 



514 MIRO'S DISPATCH TO GOVERNMENT. 1788. 

Miro was uncertain what course to pursue in regard to the 
schemes of 'Fallon and the South Carolina company, and accord- 
ingly he forwarded a long communication to his government, 
presenting the reasons for and against the question of encouraging 
them : 

"O'Fallon's propositions," said he, "require the most serious 
reflection, because it is necessary to weigh the advantages resulting 
from their being accepted, with the danger of permitting such a 
settlement in such close contiguity with the possessions of his 
Majesty, or to speak more to the point, of taking as it were a 
foreign Slate to board with us. I will therefore presume to offer to 
you a few observations, which my very limited experience suggests 
to me, in order that they may serve as materials which may be of 
some use to you in proposing to his majesty what you may deem 
best. 

" The United States have not consented so far to have their limits 
determined in that region, and maintain the right, which in their 
opinion, they derive from their treaty of peace with Great Britain, 
unduly granting them a portion of the banks of the river Mississippi, 
down to the thirty-first degree, which is found at thirty-six miles 
below the fort at Natchez. They labor with incessant ardor to 
gain the Indian nations, because, no doubt, they look upon them 
. as a barrier which now prevents them from taking possession of 
the territory which they claim, while those tribes would help them 
to it if friendly. Should the plan of colonization of the South 
Carolina company be permitted to be carried into execution, all the 
hopes of the United States would vanish, or at least they would 
find it no trifling enterprise to send an army to gain their point. 

" With regard to the territory granted to the Virginia company 
in the Yazoo district, it extends from the thirty-third degree, which 
is the upper limit of the other company, to thirty-four degrees and 
forty minutes, comprehending one hundred and twenty miles along 
its banks by one hundred and twenty in depth. I do not think we 
have a positive right to those lands which are the hunting grounds 
of the Chickasaws, who could with justice oppose the settlement 
contemplated by the Virginia company. As the leaders in tbjs 
company act from the same motives that influence the South Car- 
olina company, what I have said as applicable to the former is 
equally so to the latter, inasmuch as they would both pursue the 
same course. This would also prove true in relation to the Ten- 
nessee company, whose concession runs from the mouth of the 
Tennessee river to about one hundred and twenty miles back, and 



1788- MIRO'S DISPATCH TO GOVERNMENT. 515 

belongs to the territory bought from the Cherokees and Chick- 
asaws." 

But there were, he averred, great difficulties attending the 
encouragement of these companies. There was great danger that 
thej would not adhere to their present intentions, or perhaps they 
they were not sincere in the professions they had made. The 
population they would introduce into the neighborhood of the 
Spanish territory, might not be easily dispossesed if they should 
support the pretensions of the United States, as there was reason to 
fear they might. Besides, it would be perilous to have a powerful 
neighbor so near, who might prepare to conquer the province, 
without its being possible for the Spanish authorities to resist the 
execution of such a purpose. It was, therefore, manifestly easier 
to prevent the establishment intended by the South Carolina com- 
pany, than to correct the evils that might result from it. 

It might be better, neither to concur in or reject the plans of the 
company, but rather to permit them to colonize the country, on 
conditions that they would swear allegiance to the Spanish crown. 
But, even then, there was a difficulty. The emigrants might indeed 
accept any condition for the time, but, perhaps, would violate them 
as soon as they might be able to do so. 

Under all these circumstances he announced the plan he intend- 
ed to pursue, and it was a fitting response to the treason of the 
company. He would treat 'Fallon in such a way as to allow him 
to hope for the success of his mission. But he would take effec- 
tual measures to excite the Indians against the American settlers. 
"I have recommended them," says he, "to remain quiet, and told 
them, that if these people presented themselves with a view to 
settle on their lands, to make no concessions and warn them off, 
but to attack them, in case they refuse to withdraw, and I have 
promised that I would supply them with powder and ball to defend 
their legitimate, rights." 

Thus, at that period, there was a general spirit of disunion along 
the whole border south of the Ohio. Wilkinson and his confede- 
rates were plotting the surrender of Kentucky to Spain. Sevier 
and Robertson, with their party in Tennessee, were vehement in 
their unanimous desire to put that region under the protection of 
the Spanish crown. The land companies of the south-west were 
ready, for the sake of profit, to declare themselves the slaves of 
Spain. In all the settlements and the districts of the south-west, 
at the formation of the federal constitution, there was a general 
hostility to the federal government, and the leading politicians of 



516 MIRO'S TREATMENT OF WILKINSON. 1788. 

that country, acting as it were with a common impulse, were plot- 
ting the dissolution of the Union, and the surrender of their coun- 
try to the domination of Spain. 

It was a magnificent prize they offered to the agents of the 
Spanish crown. To secure the extension of the Spanish authority 
over the whole Mississippi valley was an object well worthy of the 
exertions of Miro and Gardoqui, and one for which they were dis- 
posed to use any means, and to employ any agents to effect. Yet 
they failed to conceal the contempt they felt for the men whom 
they were using to effect their purpose, and the contempt and dis- 
trust they entertained of the crowd of traitors, small and great, 
who were suing for their favor and coveting their bribes, were the 
fitting reward for the treason they were anxious to commit, and 
furnish only another illustration of the maxim that though men 
may rejoice at a treason, they ever hate the traitor. 

Miro was ready to encourage the advances of the South Carolina 
company, and to receive graciously their professions of devotion to 
the interests of his master ; but, at the same time, he was prepared 
to let loose the savages on men he saw were false to their country 
and their race, and could not be true to him. He was ready to 
foment the discontent of the people of Tennessee, who were eager 
to swear allegiance to Spain, but he could not assist them to secure 
their separation from the Union, "on account of the good under- 
standing which exists between his Catholic Majesty and the United 
States." 

But his treatment of Wilkinson is a most exquisite example of 
the traitor's reward. On the 26th of January, 1790, Wilkinson 
wrote to Miro a letter filled with complaints at the failure of his 
plans. The permission to trade with New Orleans, he said, had 
cooled all the ardor of the Kentuckians for a Spanish alliance ; the 
great motive for disunion was thus removed. The politicians who 
had so loudly denounced the Union had received offices, and they 
were grown patriotic. None of them could be relied on, unless 
they were liberally bribed. None of his accomplices were left but 
Sebastian; he himself was suspected, and his movements were 
watched. He abhorred all duplicity, and yet he was obliged to 
dissemble. He therefore desired to resort to some contrivance to 
enable him to declare himself a vassal of Spain, in order that he 
might claim its protection. To all this, Miro returned a fitting 
reply : 

"I much regret that G-en. Washington and Congress suspect your 
connection with me, but it does not appear to me opportune that 



1789. TREATY OF CONFIRMATION AT FORT HARMAR. 517 

you declare yourself a Spaniard, for the reasons which you state. 
I am of the opinion that this idea of yours is not convenient, and 
that, on the contrary, it might have prejudicial results. Therefore, 
continue to dissemble, and to work as you promised, and as I have 
above indicated." 

Nevertheless, he proposed to his government that Wilkinson 
ought to be retained in the service of his majesty, with a pension, 
in order that he might report any hostile movements the people of 
Kentucky might set on foot against the province of Louisiana ; and 
that Sebastian ought to be pensioned, in order that he might enlighten 
them on the conduct of Wilkinson. And this was the end of the 
intrigue that promised such great results, and exhibited so much 
baseness. Wilkinson was bribed as a spy upon the actions of the 
people of Kentucky, and Sebastian was bribed as a spy on the actions 
of Wilkiuson. 

Preparations, as has been stated, had been made early in 1788, for 
1789.] a treaty with the Indians, and during the whole autumn, 
the representatives of the Indian tribes were lingering about the 
Muskingum settlement: but it was not till January 9th of this 
year, that the natives were brought to agree to distinct terms. On 
that day, one treaty was made with the Iroquois* confirming the 
previous one of October, 1784, at Fort Stanwix ; and another with 
the Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, 
and Sacs, confirming and extending the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, 
made in January, 1785. Of the additions the following are 
quoted : 

" It is agreed between the United States and the said nations, 
that the individuals of said nations shall be at liberty to hunt 
within the territory ceded to the United States, without hindrance 
or molestation, so long as they demean themselves peaceably, and 
offer no injury or annoyance to any of the subjects or citizens of 
the said United States. 

" Trade shall be opened with the said nations, and they do hereby 
respectively engage to afford protection to the persons and property 
of such as may be duly licensed to reside among them for the pur- 
pose of trade, and to their agents, factors and servants; but no 
person shall be permitted to reside at their towns, or at their hunt- 
ing camps, as a trader, who is not furnished with a license for that 



* Land Laws, 149. — See also Orey's Museum for April, 1789, p. 415. 



518 TREATY OF CONFIRMATION AT FORT HARMAR. 1789. 

purpose, under the hand and seal of the governor of the territory 
of the United States north-west of the Ohio, for the time being, 
or under the hand and seal of one of his deputies for the manage- 
ment of Indian affairs; to the end that they may not be imposed 
upon in their traffic. 

" And if any person or persons shall intrude themselves without 
such license, they promise to apprehend him or them, and to bring 
them to the said governor, or one of his deputies, for the purpose 
before mentioned, to be dealt with according to law; and that they 
may be defended against persons who might attempt to forge such 
licenses, they further engage to give information to the said gov- 
ernor, or one of his deputies, of the names of all traders residing 
among them, from time to time, and at least once every year. 

" Should any nation of Indians meditate a war against the United 
States, or either of them, and the same shall come to the knowledge 
of the before mentioned nations, or either of them, they do hereby 
engage to give immediate notice thereof to the governor, or, in his 
absence, to the officer commanding the troops of the United States 
at the nearest post. And should any nation, with hostile inten- 
tions against the United States, or either of them attempt to pass 
through their country, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and 
in like manner give information of such attempt to the said gov- 
ernor or commanding officer, as soon as possible, that all causes of 
mistrust and suspicion may be avoided between them and the 
United States : in like manner, the United States shall give notice 
to the said Indian nations, of any harm that may be meditated 
against them, or either of them, that shall come to their knowledge ; 
and do all in their power to hinder and prevent the same, that the 
friendship between them may be uninterrupted.* 

But these treaties, if meant in good faith by those who made 
them, were not respected, and the year of which we now write, saw 
renewed the old frontier troubles in all their barbarism and variety. 
The Wabash Indians especially, who had not been bound by any 
treaty as yet, kept up constant incursions against the Kentucky 
settlers and the emigrants down the Ohio,f and the Kentuckians 
retaliated, striking foes and friends, even " the peaceable Pianke- 
shaws, who prided themselves on their attachment to the United 
States." Nor could the President tate any effectual steps to put 



* See Land Laws, p. 152. 

f Marshall, i. 348, 354. — American State Papers, vol. v., 84, 85. — Carey's Museum. 



1789. WAR ON WABASH INDIANS PROPOSED. 519 

an end to this constant partisan warfare. In the first place, it 
was by no means clear that an attack by the forces of the govern- 
ment upon the Wabash tribes could be justified. Says Wash- 
ington : 

" I would have it observed forcibly, that a war with the Wabash 
Indians ought to be avoided by all means consistently with the 
security of the frontier inhabitants, the security of the troops, and 
the national dignity. In the exercise of the present indiscriminate 
hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to say that a 
war without further measures w r ould be just on the part of the 
United States. But if, after manifestiug clearly to the Indians the 
disposition of the General Government for the preservation of 
peace, and the extension of a just protection to the said Indians, 
they should continue their incursions, the United States will be 
constrained to punish them with severity."* 

But how to punish them was a difficult question, again, even 
supposing punishment necessary. Says General Knox : 

"By the best and latest information it appears that, on the- 
Wabash and its communications, there are from fifteen hundred 
to two thousand warriors. An expedition against them, with a 
view of extirpating them, or destroying their towns, could not be 
undertaken with a probability of success, with less than an army 
of two thousand live hundred men. 

" The regular troops of the United States on the frontiers, are 
less than six hundred: of that number, not more than four 
hundred could be collected from the posts for the purpose of the 
expedition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip one thousand 
nine hundred additional men, with the necessary officers, for six 
months, and to provide everything in the hospital and quarter- 
master's line, would require the sum of two hundred thousand 
dollars, a sum far exceeding the ability of the United States to 
advance, consistently with a due regard to other indispensable 
objects." 

Such, however, were the representations of the governor of the 
new territory, and of the people of Kentucky, that Congress, upon 
the 29th of September, empowered the President to call out the 
militia to protect the frontiers, and he, on the 6th of October, 
authorized Governor St. Clair to draw fifteen hundred men from 
the western counties of Virginia and Pennsylvania, if absolutely 



* American State Papers, v. 13, 97, pp. 84 to 93. 



. 



520 MUSKINGUM SETTLEMENTS INCREASE RAPIDLY. 1789. 

necessary; ordering him, however, to ascertain, if possible, the real 
disposition of the Wabash and Illinois Indians. In order to do 
this, speeches to them were prepared, and messengers sent among 
them, whose observations will be hereafter mentioned. 

Kentucky, especially, felt aggrieved this year by the withdrawal 
of the Virginia scouts and rangers, who had hitherto helped to 
protect her. This was done in July, by the governor, in conse- 
quence of a letter from the federal executive, stating that national 
troops would thenceforward be stationed upon the western streams. 
The governor communicated this letter to the Kentucky conven- 
tion held in July, and that body at once authorized a remonstrance 
against the measure, representing the inadequacy of the federal 
troops, few and scattered as they were, to protect the country, and 
stating the amount of injury received from the savages since the 
first of May.* 

Nor was the old separation sore healed yet. Upon the 29th of 
December, 1788, Virginia had passed her third act to make Ken- 
tucky independent ; but as this law made the district liable for a 
part of the State debt, and also reserved a certain control over the 
lands set apart as army bounties, to the Old Dominion, — it was by 
no means popular; and when, upon the 20th of July, the eighth 
convention came together at Danville, it was only to resolve upon 
a memorial requesting that the obnoxious clauses of the late law 
might be repealed. This, in December, was agreed to by the 
present State, but new proceedings throughout were at the same 
time ordered, and a ninth convention directed to meet in the 
following July. 

North of the Ohio, during this year, there was less trouble from 
the Indians than south of it, especially in the Muskingum country. 
There all prospered: the Eev. Daniel Story, under a resolution of 
the Directors of the Ohio Company, passed some time in 1788, in 
the spring of this year came westward as a teacher of youth and a 
preacher of the Gospel. By November, nine associations, com- 
prising two hundred and fifty persons, had been formed for the 
purpose of settling different points within the purchase ; and, by 
the close of 1790, eight settlements had been made; two at Belpre, 
(belle prairie,) one at Newbury, one at Wolf creek, one at Duck 
creek, one at the mouth of Meigs' creek, one at Anderson's Bottom, 
and one at Big Bottom. 



* Marshall, i. 352. American State Papers, v. 84, &c. 



1T89. SYMMES' CITY PROVES A FAILURE. 521 

Between the Miamies, there was more alarm at this period, but 
no great amount of actual danger. On the 15th of June, news 
reached Judge Symmes that the Wabash Indians threatened his 
settlements, and as yet he had received no troops for their defense, 
except nineteen men from the Falls. Before July, however, Major 
Doughty arrived at the "Slaughter House," and commenced the 
building of Fort Washington on the site of Losantiville. 

Through the influence of the Judge (Symmes,) the detachment 
sent by General Harmar, to erect a fort between the Miami rivers, 
for the protection of the settlers, landed at North Bend. This 
circumstance induced many of the first emigrants to repair to that 
place on account of the expected protection which the garrison 
would afford. On the 14th of June, before Fort Washington was 
commenced, and when the only soldiers in the purchase were at 
North Bend, Symmes writes to Dayton : 

"It is expected, that on the arrival of Governor St. Clair, this 
purchase will be organized into a county ; it is therefore of some 
moment which place shall be made the county seat. Losantiville, at 
present, bids the fairest ; it is a most excellent site for a large town, 
and is at present the most central of any of the inhabited towns; 
but if South Bend might be finished and occupied, that would be 
exactly in the centre, and probably would take the lead of the 
present villages until the city can be made somewhat considerable.* 
This is really a matter of importance to the proprietors, but can 
only be achieved by their exertions and encouragements. The 
lands back of South Bend are not very much broken, after you 
ascend the first hill, and will afford rich supplies for a country 
town. A few troops stationed at South Bend will effect the settle- 
ment of this new village in a very short time." 

The truth is, that neither the proposed city on the Miami, North 
Bend or South Bend, could compete, in point of natural advantages, 
with the plain on which Cincinnati has since arisen; and had Fort 
Washington been built elsewhere, after the close of the Indian war, 
nature would have ensured the rapid growth of that point where 
even the ancient and mysterious dwellers along the Ohio had reared 
the earthen walls of one of their vastest temples. 



* Symmes had already planned and laid out the " City of Cloves," extending from the 
Ohio to the Miami, at North Bend, where those rivers converge to within a mile of each 
other. 

34 



PERIOD V. 
1790—1795. 

The most important events connected with the history of the 
West, in the period from 1790 to 1795, were the Indian wars of 
the north-western territory. In order to understand properly their 
origin and causes, it is necessary to refer to the relations previously 
existing between the Indians and the whites, and the various 
treaties that had been made at different times between them. 

The French, it will be remembered, made no large purchases 
from the western Indians; so that the treaty of Paris, in 1763, 
transferred to England only small grants about the various forts, 
Detroit, Vincennes, Kaskaskia, &c. Then followed Pontiac's war 
and defeat; and then the grant by the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, 
in 1768, of the land south of the Ohio ; and even this grant, it will 
be remembered, was not respected by those who actually hunted 
on the grounds transferred. Next came the war of 1774, Dunmore's 
war, which terminated without any transfer of the Indian posses- 
sions to the whites ; and when, at the close of the Revolution, in 
1783, Britian made over her western claims to the United States, 
she made over nothing more than she had received from France, 
save the title of the Six Nations and the southern savages to a 
portion of the territory south of the Ohio ; as against the Miamies, 
western Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots or Hurons, and the 
tribes still further north and west, she transferred nothing. 

But this, apparently, was not the view taken by the Congress of 
the time; and they, conceiving that they had, under the treaty 
with England, a full right to all the lands thereby ceded, and 
regarding the Indian title as forfeited by the hostilities of the 
Revolution, proceeded, not to buy the lands of the savages, but 
to grant them peace, and dictate their own terms as to boundaries. 

In October, 1784, the United States acquired in this way what- 
ever title the Iroquois possessed to the western country, both north 
and south of the Ohio, by the second treaty of Fort Stanwix, a 
treaty openly and fairly made, but one the validity of which many 
of the Iroquois always disputed. The ground of their objection 
appears to have been, that the treaty was with a part only of the 
Indian nations, whereas the wish of the natives was, that every 



1790. RECAPITULATION OF TREATIES. 523 

act of the States with them, should be as with a confederacy, 
embracing all the tribes bordering upon the great lakes. 

It will be remembered that the instructions given the Indian 
Commissioners in October, 1783, provided for one convention with 
all the tribes; and that this provision was changed in the following 
March, for one by which as many separate conventions were to be 
had, if possible, as there were separate tribes. In pursuance of 
this last plan, the Commissioners, in October, 1784, refused to 
listen to the proposal which is said then to have been made 
for one general congress of the northern tribes, and in opposition 
to Brant, Eed Jacket and other influential chiefs of the Iroquois, 
concluded the treaty of Fort Stanwix. 

Then came the treaty of Fort M'Intosh, in January, 1785, with 
the " Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa and Ottawa nations " — open 
to the objections above recited, but the validity of which was 
never disputed, at least by the Wyandots and Delawares ; although 
the general council of north-western Indians, representing sixteen 
tribes, asserted in 1793, that the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Fort 
M'Intosh and Fort Finney, (mouth of the Great Miami,) were not 
only held with separate tribes, but were obtained by intimida- 
tion, the red-men having been asked to make treaties of peace, and 
forced to make cessions of territory. 

The third treaty made by the United States was with the 
Shawanese at Fort Finney, in January, 1786; which, it will be 
remembered, the Wabash tribes refused to attend. The fourth 
and fifth, which were acts of confirmation, were made at Fort 
Harmar, in 1789, one with the Six Nations, and the other with the 
Wyandots and their associates, namely, the Delawares, Ottawas, 
Chippewas, Pottawattamies, and Sacs. This last, fifth treaty, the 
confederated nations of the lake especially, refused to acknowledge 
as binding; their council using in relation to it, in 1793, these 
words : 

"Brothers: A general council of all the Indian confederacy was 
held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at this place ; 
and that general council was invited by your commissioner, Gov. 
St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of holding a treaty, with 
regard to the lands mentioned by you to have been ceded by the 
treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort Mcintosh. 

"Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters 
which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by the con- 
federate Indians, and Gov. St. Clair, the commissioner of the Uni- 
ted States. These papers prove that your said commissioner in the 



524 RECAPITULATION OF TREATIES. 1790. 

beginning of the year 1789, after having been informed by the 
general council of the preceding fall, that no bargain or sale of any 
part of these Indian lands would be considered as valid or binding, 
unless agreed to by a general council, nevertheless persisted in col- 
lecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and with 
them held a treaty for the cession of an immense country, in which 
they were no more interested, than as a branch of the general con- 
federacy, and who were in no manner authorized to make any 
grant or cession whatever. 

"Brothers : How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy 
peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your commissioner 
was informed, long before he held the treaty of Fort Harmar, that 
the consent of a general council was absolutely necessary to convey 
any part of these lands to the United States."* 

And in 1795, at Greenville, Massas, a Chippewa chieftain, who 
signed the treaty at Fort Harmar, said : 

"Elder Brother: When you yesterday read to us the treaty of 
Muskingum, I understood you clearly; at that treaty we had not 
good interpreters, and we were left partly unacquainted with many 
particulars of it. I was surprised when I heard your voice, through 
a good interpreter, say that we had received presents and compen- 
sation for those lands which were thereby ceded. I tell you now, 
that we, the three fires, never were informed of it. If our uncles, 
the Wyandots, and grandfathers, the Delawares, have received such 
presents, they have kept them to themselves. I always thought 
that we, the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies, were the true 
owners of those lands, but now I find that new masters have under- 
taken to dispose of them; so that, at this day, we do not know to 
whom they, of right, belong. We never received any compensa- 
tion for them. I don't know how it is, but ever since that treaty 
we have become objects of pity, and our fires have been retiring 
from this country. Now, elder brother, you see, we are objects of 
compassion, and have pity on our weakness and misfortunes ; and, 
since you have purchased these lands, we cede them to you ; they 
are yours." 

The Wyandots, however, acknowledged even the transfer made 
on the Muskingum, to be binding: "Brother," said Tarke, who 
signed the treaty foremost among the representatives of that tribe at 
Greenville, and who had also signed the treaty at Fort Harmar — 



* American State Papers, v. pp. 356, 35", 






1790. INDIANS DISPOSED FOR WAR. 525 

"You have proposed to us to build our good work on the treaty 
of Muskingum; that treaty I have always considered as formed 
upon the fairest principles. 

1 -You took pity on us Indians. You did not do as our fathers, 
the British, agreed you should. You might by that agreement 
have taken all our lands; but you pitied us, and let us hold part. 
I always looked upon that treaty to be binding upon the United 
States and us Indians." * 

The truth in reference to this treaty of Fort Harmar seems to 
have been, that the confederated nations, as a whole, did not sanc- 
tion it, and in their council of 1778 could not agree one with 
another in relation to it. Said Brant, before the council met — 

"I have still my doubts whether we will join or not, some being 
no ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons, Chippewas, 
Ottawas, Pottawattamies and Delawares, will join with us in trying 
lenient steps and having a boundary line fixed ; and, rather than 
enter headlong into a destructive war, will give up a small part of 
their country. On the other hand, the Shawanese, Miamies and 
Kickapoos, who are now so much addicted to horse-stealing, that 
it will be a difficult task to break them of it, as that kind of busi- 
ness is their best harvest, will of course declare for war, and not 
giving up any of their country, which, I am afraid, will be the 
means of our separating. They are, I believe, determined not to 
attend the treaty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. 
As the major part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest may 
be brought to, as nothing shall be wanting on my part to convince 
them of their error, "f 

Le Gris, the great chief of the Miamies, in April, 1790, said to 
Gamelin, that the Muskingum treaty was not made by chiefs or 
delegates, but by young men acting without authority, although 
Tarke, the head of the Wyandots, signed and sanctioned it, as well 
as Captain Pipe of the Delawares, while Brant himself was present. 

Thus then stood the relations of the Indians and the United 
States, in 1789. Transfers of territory had been made by the Iro- 
quois, the Wyandots, the Delawares and the Shawanese, which 
were open to scarce any objection; but the Chippewas, Ottawas, 
Kickapoos, Weas, Piankeshaws, Pottawattamies, Eel Kiver Indians, 
Kaskaskias, and above all the Miamies, were not bound by any 
existing agreement to yield the lands north of the Ohio. 



* American State Papers, v. p. 570, 571. f Stone ii. 278. 



526 WASHINGTON DOUBTS THE JUSTICE OF INDIAN WAR. 1790. 

They wished the Ohio to be a perpetual boundary between the 
white and red men of the West, and would not sell a rod of the 
region north of it. So strong was this feeling that their yOung 
men, they said, could not be restrained from warfare upon the 
invading Long Knives, and thence resulted the unceasing attacks 
upon the frontier stations and the emigrants. 

Washington expressed doubts as to the justness of an offensive 
war upon the tribes of the Wabash and Maumee ; and had the 
treaty of Fort Harmar been the sole ground whereon the United 
States could have claimed of the Indians the North-western Terri- 
tory, it may be doubted whether right would have justified the 
steps taken in 1790, 1791, and 1794 ; but the truth was, that before 
that treaty, the Iroquois, Delawares, Wyandots and Shawanese had 
yielded the south of Ohio, the ground on which they had long 
dwelt ; and neither the sale to Putnam and his associates, nor that 
to Symmes, was intended to reach beyond the lands ceded. Of 
this there is proof in the third article of the ordinance of 1787, 
passed the day before the proposition to sell to the Ohio company 
was for the first time debated ; which declares that the lands of the 
Indians shall never be taken from them without their consent. It 
appears evident, therefore, that the United States were fully justified 
in taking possession of the north-west shore of the Ohio, and that 
without reference to the treaty at Fort Harmar, which may have 
been, if the Indians spoke truly, and they were not contradicted 
by the United States commissioners, morally worthless. But it 
also appears that in adopting the measures it did in 1790 and 1791, 
the federal government acted unwisely ; and that it should then, at 
the outset, have done what it did in 1793, after St. Clair's terrible 
defeat, — it should have sent commissioners of the highest character to 
the lake tribes, and in the presence of the British, learned their causes 
of complaint, and offered fair terms of compromise. That such a 
step was wise and just, the government acknowledged by its after- 
action ; and surely no one can question the position that it was 
more likely to have been effective before the savages had twice 
defeated the armies of the confederacy than afterward." 

The north-west territory was organized under the ordinance of 
1787, as has been seen, in 1788, and a corps of officers, consisting of 
Arthur St. Clair, Governor, and Samuel H. Parsons^ James M. 
Varnum, and John Armstrong, Judges, and Winthrop Sargent, 
Secretary. Subsequently, Mr. Armstrong declined the appoint- 
ment, and it was given to John Cleves Symmes. As St. Clair was 



1790. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF ST. CLAIR. 527 

the first governor of the north-western territory, and as his name, 
his services, and his misfortunes are inseparably connected with its 
history, it may be proper to refer to his history. 

He was a native of Scotland, from which country he came to the 
British Colonies of North America in 1755 ; having joined the 
Royal American, or sixtieth British regiment, and served under 
General Amherst, at the taking of Louisburg, in 1758. He carried 
a standard at the storming and capture of Quebec, under General 
Wolfe, in 1759. 

Soon after the peace of 1763, he settled in Ligonier valley, in 
Western Pennsylvania, where he continued to reside until the Rev- 
olutionary war. Being a firm friend of liberty, and the rights of 
the colonies, he received from Congress the commission of colonel, 
and joined the American army with a regiment of seven hundred 
and fifty men. Having been promoted to the rank of Major-Gen- 
eral, he was tried by a court martial, in 1778, for evacuating Ticon- 
deroga and Mount Independence, and unanimously acquitted with 
the highest honors.* 

The late General James Wilkinson, who was a major under St. 
Clair at the time, states in the "Memoir of his own Times," that 
the general said to him, " I know I can save my character by sacri- 
ficing the army, but were I to do so, I should forfeit that which the 
world cannot restore, and which the world cannot take away — my 
own conscience. "f 

He continued in the service with honor until the peace. He was 
rigid, some thought arbitrary, in his government, and, therefore, 
unpopular, but he was scrupulously honest — had no talent for specu- 
lation, and died poor. In a letter to the Hon. W. B. Giles, of Vir- 
ginia, he said : 

tw In the year 1786, I entered into the public service in civil life, 
and was a member of Congress, and President of that body, when 
it was determined to erect a government in the country to the 
West, that had been ceded by Virginia to the United States ; and 
in the year 1788, the office of governor was in a great measure 
forced on me. 

"The losses I had sustained in the Revolutionary war, from the de- 
preciation of the money, and other causes, had been very great; 
and my friends saw in this new government means that might be 
in my pov^r to compensate myself, and to provide handsomely for 



* Dillon's Indiana, 231. f Wilkinson's Memoirs, i, 85, 



528 ST. CLAIR AT LOSANTIVILLE, CINCINNATI. 1790. 

my numerous family. They did not know how little I was quali- 
fied to avail myself of those advantages, if they had existed. I had 
neither taste nor genius for speculation in land ; neither did I think 
it very consistent with the office." 

On entering on the responsible office of Governor of this new 
territory, instructions were received by him from Congress. He 
was authorized and required : 

To examine carefully into the real temper of the Indians. 

To remove, if possible, all causes of controversy with them, so 
that peace and harmony might exist between them and the United 
States. 

To regulate the trade with them. 

To use his best efforts to extinguish the rights of the Indians to 
lands westward to the Mississippi, and northward to the forty-first 
degree of latitude. 

To ascertain, as far as possible, the names of the real head men 
and leading warriors of each tribe, and to attach these men to the 
United States. 

To defeat all combinations among the tribes by conciliatory 
means.* 

About the first of January, 1790, G-overnor St. Clair, with the 
officers of the territory, descended the river from Marietta to Fort 
Washington, at Losantiville. There he organized the county of 
Hamilton, comprising the whole country contiguous to the Ohio, 
from the Hockhocking river to the Great Miami, appointed a corps 
of civil and military officers, and established a Court of Quarter 
Sessions for the administration of justice. At the same time he 
changed the name of the village of Losantiville to Cincinnati, in 
allusion to the society of that name which had recently been formed 
among the officers of the Revolutionary army, and established it as 
the seat of justice for the county of Hamilton. With the impor- 
tance attached to it as the county town, and the head-quarters of 
the army, the village of Cincinnati began at once to improve in 
appearance, and to increase in population ; and it is noticed that in 
the succeeding summer frame houses began to appear, and that 
forty log cabins were erected. 

On the 8th of January, the Governor and Secretary arrived at 
Clarksville, at the falls of the Ohio, on their way from Cincinnati 
to Vincenn.es, to organize the government of that re^bn, and to 



* Billon's Indiana, p. 232. 



1790. ST. CLAIR PROCEEDS TO VINCENNES. 529 

carry into effect the resolution of Congress in regard to the lands 
of the French inhabitants of the Illinois. Thence he dispatched 
a messenger to Major Hamtramck, commanding at Vincennes, with 
speeches to be forwarded by him to the Indians on the Wabash, 
who were then beginning to exhibit a feeling of hostility toward 
the whites. Along with these, he addressed a letter to Hamtramck 
in regard to the scarcity of corn which it was represented existed 
at Vincennes. 

"It is represented to me," said he, "that unless a supply of that 
article can be sent forward, the people must actually starve. Corn 
can be had here in any quantity ; but can the people pay for it? I 
entreat you to inquire into that matter, and if you find they cannot 
do without it, write to the contractor's agent here, to whom I will 
give orders to send forward such quantity as you may find to be 
absolutely necessary. They must pay for what they can of it, but 
they must not be left to perish; and though I have no direct 
authority from the government for this purpose, I must take it 
upon myself." 

Shortly afterward, St. Clair, along with Sargent, proceeded by 
land along an Indian trail to Vincennes, where he organized the 
county of Knox, comprising all the country along the Ohio, from 
the Miami to the Wabash, and established Vincennes as the seat of 
justice. Thence he proceeded to Kaskaskia, and there established 
the county of St. Clair, (so named by Winthrop Sargent, in com- 
pliment to the Governor,*) comprising all the territory from the 
Wabash to the Mississippi. There he issued a proclamation calling 
upon the French inhabitants to exhibit the titles to their lands, in 
order to have them examined, confirmed, and the lands they repre- 
sented surveyed. The requisition was very generally complied 
with, but the people objected, on account of the misfortunes they 
had encountered, to the payment, according to law, of the expense 
of the surveys. 

A memorial presented to St. Clair by Pierre Gibault, the priest 
who had interested himself so much in the American cause at the 
time of the conquest of Illinois, in behalf of himself and eighty- 
seven others, famishes a striking picture of the condition of the 
French inhabitants of Illinois at that period. It sets forth — 

" That by an act of Congress of June 20th, 1788, it was declared 
that the lands heretofore possessed by the said inhabitants, should 



*It is said that St. Clair was indisposed to receive the compliment, and only assented 
to the use of the name of St. Clair county after it had been introduced into the records. 



530 ST. CLAIR ON THE MISSISSIPPI. 1790. 

be surveyed at their expense ; and that this clause appears to them 
neither necessary nor adapted to quiet the minds of the people. 
It does not appear necessary, because from the establishment of the 
colony to this day, they have enjoyed their property and posses- 
sions without disputes or lawsuits on the subject of their limits ; 
that the surveys of them were made at the time the concessions 
were obtained from their ancient kings, lords and commandants; 
and that each of them knew what belonged to him without at- 
tempting an encroachment on his neighbor, or fearing that his 
neighbor would encroach on him. It does not appear adapted to 
pacify them, because, instead of assuring to them the peaceable 
possession of their ancient inheritances, as they have enjoyed it 
till now, that clause obliges them to bear expenses which, in their 
present situation, they are absolutely incapable of paying, and for 
the failure of which they must be deprived of their lands. 

" Your excellency is an eye-witness of the poverty to which the. 
inhabitants are reduced, and of the total want of provisions to 
subsist on. Not knowing where to find a morsel of bread to nourish 
their families, by what means can they support the expense of a 
survey which has not been sought for on their part, and for which, 
it is conceived by them, there is no necessity ? 

" Loaded with misery, and groaning under the weight of misfortune^ 
accumulated since the Virginia troops entered their country, the unhappy 
inhabitants throw themselves under the protection of your excel- 
lency, and take the liberty to solicit you to lay their deplorable 
situation before Congress ; and, as it may be interesting for the 
United States to know exactly the extent and limits of their ancient 
possessions in order to ascertain the lands which are yet at the 
disposal of Congress, it appears to them, in their humble opinion, 
that the expenses of the survey ought more properly to be borne 
by Congress, for whom alone it is useful, than by them who do not 
feel the necessity of it. Besides, this is no object for the United 
States ; but it is great, too great, for a few unhappy beings who, your 
excellency sees yourself, are scarcely able to support their pitiful exis- 
tence." 

While St. Clair was employed in organizing the government, 
and arranging the civil affairs of the territory, Major Hamtramck 
was engaged in the effort to conciliate the tribes on the Wabash. 
Antoine Gamelin, an intelligent French merchant of Vincennes 
was employed to carry the messages of the government to the 
Indians, and to ascertain their disposition and sentiments. Mr. 



1790. ANTOINE gamelin's jouenal. 531 

Gamelin set out on his mission from Yincennes on the 5th of April, 
and visited all the principal villages along the Wabash, and as far 
east as Ke-ki-ong-gay, the Miami village at the junction of the St. 
Joseph and the St. Mary's (Fort Wayne). An extract from his 
journal will show the spirit in which he was received : 

" The first village I arrived at," says Mr. Gamelin, " is called 
Kikapouguoi. The name of the chief of this village is called Les 
Jambes Croches. He and his tribe have a good heart, and accepted 
the speech. The second village is at the river du Vermillion, called 
Piankeshaws. The first chief, and all the warriors, were well 
pleased with the speeches concerning the peace : but they said they 
could not give presently a proper answer, before they consult the 
Miami nation, their eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed 
to the Miami town, Ke-ki-ong-gay, and, on coming back, to let 
them know what reception I got from them. The said head chief 
told me that he thought the nations of the lake had a bad heart, 
and were ill disposed for the Americans : that the speeches would 
not be received, particularly by the Shawanese at Miami town. 
The 11th of April I reached a tribe of Kickapoos. The head chief 
and all the warriors being assembled, I gave them two branches of 
white wampum, with the speeches of his Excellency Arthur St. 
Clair, and those of Major Hamtramck. It must be observed that 
the speeches have been in another hand before me. The messen- 
ger could not proceed further than the Vermillion, on account of 
some private wrangling between the interpreter and some chief 
men of the tribe. 

" Moreover, something in the speech displeased them very much, 
which is included in the third article, which says, ' I do now make 
you the offer of peace : accept it, or reject it, as you please.' These 
words appeared to displease all the tribes to whom the first mes- 
senger was sent. They told me they were menacing ; and finding 
that it might have a bad effect, I took upon myself to exclude them ; 
and, after making some apology, they answered that he and his 
tribe were pleased with my speech, and that I could go up without 
danger, but they could not presently give me an answer, having 
some warriors absent, and without consulting the Ouiatenons, being 
the owners of their lands. 

" They desired me to stop at Quitepiconnse, (Tippecanoe,) that 
they would have the chiefs and warriors of Ouiatenons and those 
of their nation assembled there, and would receive a proper answer. 
They said that they expected by me a draught of milk from the 
great chief, and the commanding officer of the post, for to put the 
old people in good humor; also some powder and ball for the young 



532 ANT0INE GAMELIN'S JOURNAL. 1790. 

men for hunting, and to get some good broth for their women and 
children : that I should know a bearer of speeches should never be 
with empty hands. They promised me to keep their young men 
from stealing, and to send speeches to their nations in the prairies 
for to do the same. 

" The 14th April the Ouiatenons and Kickapoos were assembled. 
After my speech one of the head chiefs got up and told me — ' You, 
Gamelin, my friend, and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in 
our village, and to hear by your mouth the good words of the great 
chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French people ; 
but I see the contrary. jSTone but the Big-Knife is sending speeches 
to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without the con- 
sent of our brethren the Miamies. I invite you to proceed to their 
village and speak to them. There is one thing in your speech I 
do not like: I will not tell of it: even was I drunk, I would per- 
ceive it: but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in 
your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impos- 
sible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British.' Another 
chief got up and said — ' The Americans are very nattering in their 
speeches : many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was 
once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route ; and we always 
came back all naked : and you, G-amelin, you come with speech, 
with empty hands.' Another chief got up and said to his young 
men, ' If we are poor, and dressed in deer skins, it is our own fault 
Our French traders are leaving us and our villages, because 
you plunder them every day ; and it is time for us to have another 
conduct.' Another chief got up and said, 'Know ye that the vil- 
lage of Ouiatenon is the sepulchre of all our ancestors. The chief 
of America invites us to go to him, if we are for peace. He has 
not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois. He 
might come here himself; and we should be glad to see him at our 
village. We confess that we accepted the axe, but it is by the re- 
proach we continually receive from the English and other nations, 
which received the axe first, calling us women : at the present time 
they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they are 
wishing for peace.' They could not give me an answer before 
they received advice from the Miamies, their elder brethren. 

"The 18th April I arrived at the river a L'Anguille, (Eel River.) 
The chief of the village,* and those of war were not present. I 



* This village stood on the north side of Eel river, about six miles above the junction 
of that stream with the Wabash. 



1790. ANTOLNE GAMELIN'S JOURNAL. 533 

explained the speeches to some of the tribe. They said they were 
well pleased ; but they could not give me an answer, their chief 
men being absent. They desired me to stop at their village com- 
ing back ; and they sent with me one of their men for to hear the 
answer of their eldest brethren. 

" The 23d of April I arrived at the Miami town. The next day 
I got the Miami nation, the Shawanese, and Delawares all assem- 
bled. I gave to each nation two branches of wampum, and began 
the speeches, before the French and English traders, being invited 
by the chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be 
glad to have them present, having nothing to say against anybody. 
After the speech I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskin- 
gum, (Fort Harmar,) between his Excellency Governor St. Clair, 
and sundry nations, which displeased them. 

" I told them that the purpose of this present time was not to sub- 
mit them to any condition, but to offer them the peace, which made 
disappear their displeasure. The great chief told me that he was 
pleased with the speech ; that he would soon give me an answer. 
In a private discourse with the great chief, he told me not to mind 
what the Shawanese would tell me, having a bad heart, and being 
the perturbators of all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad 
name, on account of mischief done on the river Ohio ; but he told 
me it was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Shawanese; 
his young men going out only for to hunt. 

u The 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Shawanese, 
invited me to go to his house, and told me, < My friend, by the 
name and consent of the Shawanese and Delawares, I will speak 
to you. We are all sensible of your speech, and pleased with it ; 
but, after consultation, we cannot give an answer without hear- 
ing from our father at Detroit ; and we are determined to give you 
back the two branches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit, to 
see and hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive 
his answer. From all quarters we receive speeches from the Amer- 
icans, and not one is alike. "We suppose that they intend to de- 
ceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum.' 

"The 26th, five Pottawattamies arrived here with two negro men, 
which they sold to English traders. The next day I went to the 
great chief of the Miamies, called Le Gris. His chief warrior was 
present. I told him how I had been served by the Shawanese. 
He answered me that he had heard of it: that the said nations be- 
haved contrary to his intentions. He desired me not to mind those 
strangers and that he would soon give me a positive answer. 



534 ANT0INE GAMELIN'S JOURNAL 1790. 

" The 28th April, the great chief desired me to call at the French 
trader's and receive his answer. < Don't take bad,' said he, 'of 
what I am to tell yon. You may go back when you please. We 
cannot give you a positive answer. We must send your speeches 
to all our neighbors, and to the Lake nations. We cannot give a 
definitive answer without consulting the commandant at Detroit.' 
And he desired me to render him the two branches of wampum 
refused by the Shawanese; also, a copy of speeches in writing. 
He promised me that, in thirty nights, he would send an answer 
to Post Yincennes, by a young man of each nation. 

u He was well pleased with the speeches, and said to be worthy 
of attention, and should be communicated to all their confederates, 
having resolved among them not to do anything without an unanimous 
consent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him the two 
branches of wampum, and a copy of the speech. Afterward, he 
told me that the Five Nations, so called, or Iroquois, were training 
something ; that iive of them, and three Wyandots, were in this 
village with branches of wampum. He could not tell me presently 
their purpose ; but he said I would know of it very soon. 

" The same day, Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanese, invited me 
to his house for supper ; and, before the other chiefs, told me that, 
after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go 
myself to Detroit, for to see the commandant, who would get all 
his children assembled for to hear my speech. I told them I 
would not answer them in the night ; that I was not ashamed to 
speak before the sun. 

" The 29th April, I got them all assembled. I told them that I 
was not to go to Detroit ; that the speeches were directed to the 
nations of the river Wabash and the Miami; and that, for to prove 
the sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Governor St. Clair, I 
have willingly given a copy of the speeches, to be shown to the 
commandant of Detroit ; and, according to a letter wrote by the 
commandant of Detroit to the Miamies, Shawanese, and Dela- 
wares, mentioning to you to be peaceable with the Americans, I 
would go to him very willingly, if it was in my directions, being 
sensible of his sentiments. I told them I had nothing to say to 
the commandant; neither him to me. You must immediately 
resolve, if you intend to take me to Detroit, or else I am to go back 
as soon as possible. 

"Blue Jacket got up and told me, 'My friend, we are well 

j pleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you to 

go to Detroit: it is only a proposal, thinking it for the best. Our 



1790. ANTOINE (MMELIN'S JOURNAL. 535 

answer is the same as the Miamies. We will send, ia thirty 
nights, a full and positive answer, by a young man of each nation, 
by writing to Post Vincennes.' In the evening, Blue Jacket, chief 
of the Shawanese, having taken me to supper with him, told me, 
in a private manner, that the Shawanee nation was in doubt of 
the sincerity of the Big Knives, so called, having been already 
deceived by them. That they had first destroyed their lands, put 
out their lire, and sent away their young men, being a hunting, 
without a mouthful of meat : also, had taken away their women ; 
wherefore, many of them would, with great deal of pain, forget 
these affronts. Moreover, that some other nations were appre- 
hending that offers of peace would, may be, tend to take away, by 
degrees, their lands ; and would serve them as they did before ; a 
certain proof that they intend to encroach on our lands, is their 
new settlement on the Ohio. 

" If they don't keep this side (of the Ohio) clear, it will never 
be a proper reconcilement with the nations Shawanese, Iroquois, 
Wyandots, and perhaps many others. Le Gris, chief of the 
Miamies, asked me, in a private discourse, what chief had made a 
treaty with the Americans at Muskingum, (Fort Harmar.) I 
answered him that their names were mentioned in the treaty. He 
told me he had heard of it some time ago ; but they are not chiefs, 
neither delegates, who made that treaty : they are only young men, 
who, without authority and instructions from their chiefs, have 
concluded that treaty, which will not be approved. They went to 
the treaty clandestinely, and they intend to make mention of it in 
the next council to be held. 

" The 2d of May, I came back to the river a l'Anguille. One of 
the chief men of the tribe being witness of the council at Miami 
town, repeated the whole to them ; and, whereas, the first chief 
was absent, they said they could not for present time give answer ; 
but they were willing to join their speech to those of their eldest 
brethren. 

" 'To give you proof of an open heart, we let you know that one 
of our chiefs is gone to war on the Americans; but it was before 
we heard of you; for certain they would not have been gone thither/ 
They also told me that a few days after I passed their village, 
seventy warriors, Chippewas and Ottawas from Michilimackinack. 
arrived there ; some of them were Pottawattamies, who, meeting in 
their route, the Chippewas and Ottawas joined them. 'We told 
them what we heard by you; that your speech was fair and true. 
We could not stop them from going to war. The Pottawattamies 



536 ANT0INE GAMELIN'S JOURNAL. 1790. 

told us that, as the Chippewas and Ottawas were more numerous 
than them, they were forced to follow them.' 

"The 3d of May I got to the Weas. They told me that they 
were waiting for an answer from their eldest brethren. 'We approve 
very much our brethren for not to give a definitive answer, with- 
out informing of it all the Lake nations; that Detroit was the 
place where the fire was lighted; then it ought first to be put oat 
there ; that the English commandant is their father, since he threw 
down our French father: they could do nothing without his 
approbation.' 

" The 4th of May I arrived at the village of the Kickapoos. The 
chief, presenting me two branches of wampum, black and white, 
said, ' My son, we cannot stop our young men from going to war. 
Every day some set off clandestinely for that purpose. After such 
behavior from our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great 
chief at the Illinois and of the Post Vincennes, that we are busy 
about some good affairs for the reconcilement; but be persuaded 
that we will speak to them continually concerning the peace; and 
that, when our eldest brethren will have sent their answer, we will 
join ours to it.' 

"The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion. I found nobody but 
two chiefs ; all the rest were gone a hunting. They told me they 
had nothing else to say but what I was told going up." 

On the 8th of May, Gramelin returned to Fort Knox, and on the 
11th, some traders arrived from the Upper Wabash, bringing the 
intelligence that war parties from the north had joined the Wabash 
Indians, that the whole force of the savages had gone to make an 
attack on the settlements, and that three days after G-amelin left 
the Miamies, an American captive had been burned in their 
village. 

These rumors, together with the report of Gamelin, were con- 
veyed to St. Clair at Kaskaskia ; and the threatening state of affairs 
they indicated, induced him to leave the further regulation of the 
affairs of St. Clair county in the hands of Winthrop Sargent, and 
proceed immediately to Fort Washington, to provide for the de- 
fense of the frontier. 

In the meanwhile, straggling parties of Indians were carrying on 
a predatory war along the whole line of the Ohio, against the 
exposed settlers, and especially against the emigrants, great num- 
bers of whom were descending the river at that season in boats, to 
the new settlements.. Under these circumstances, it was deter- 
mined by the people of Kentucky to make an immediate attack on 



1790. SCOTT AND HARMAR AT SCIOTO. 537 

the Indians on the Scioto, and General "Wilkinson wrote on the 
7th of April to General Harmar, to co-operate in the expedition. 

"I write to you," said he, "at the public request, on a subject 
deeply interesting to Kentucky, to our national honor, and to hu- 
manity. For more than a month past, a party of savages has occupied 
the north-western bank of the Ohio, a few miles above the mouth 
of the Scioto, from whence they make attacks upon every boat that 
passes, to the destruction of much property, the loss of many lives, 
and the great annoyance of all intercourse to the northward. By 
very recent accounts, we are apprised that they still continue in 
force at that point, and that their last attack was made against five 
boats, one of which they captured. It is the general, and I con- 
ceive a well founded opinion, that if this party is not dislodged 
and dispersed, the navigation of the Ohio must cease. In a case so 
very critical, the people of this district conceive themselves justi- 
fied in appealing to arms, because their dearest interests, and the 
the lives of their brethren are at hazard; but being extremely un- 
willing to proceed, except in a legal, regular, and authorized way, 
they call upon you for advice, succor, and assistance, in the hope 
and the expectation that you will be able to co-operate with a de- 
tachment of the troops under your command, and carry an imme- 
diate expedition against the before mentioned party of savages 
from Limestone, where it is proposed to rendezvous a body of 
militia volunteers." 

Accordingly, on the 18th of April, General Harmar, with one 
hundred regular troops, and General Scott, with two hundred and 
thirty Kentucky volunteers, marched from Limestone, by a cir- 
cuitous route, to the Scioto, and thence proceeded to its mouth, in 
order to intercept some of the hostile bands. Only four Indians 
were discovered, who were killed by a party of the militia. Har- 
mar complained that his endeavors were so unsuccessful. "Every 
exertion in my power," said he, "was made without effect, as the 
villains had retreated. Wolves might as well have been pursued." 

The hostility of the Indians at this period, and the great uneasi- 
ness they had manifested during the preceding years, are generally 
and justly attributed to the intrigues of the British agents in the 
north-west; and it therefore may be proper here to refer more par- 
ticularly to the motives and ends of their policy, and the means by 
which they sought to effect it. 

Most of the tribes adhered to England during the Revolutionary 
struggle. When the war ceased, however, England made no pro- 
35 



538 INDIAN HOSTILITIES THREATENED. 1790. 

vision for them, and transferred the North-West to the United 
States, without any stipulation as to the rights of the natives. The 
United States, regarding the lands of the hostile tribes as conquered 
and forfeited, proceeded to give peace to the savages, and to grant 
them portions of their own lands. This produced discontent, and 
led to the formation of the confederacy headed by Brant.* To 
assist the purposes of this union, it was very desirable that the 
British should still hold the posts along the lakes, and supply the 
red men with all needful things. 

The forts they claimed a right to hold, because the Americana 
disregarded the treaty of 1783 ; the trade with the Indians, even 
though the latter might be at war with the United States, they 
regarded as perfectly fair and just. Having thus a sort of legal 
right to the position they occupied, the British did, undoubtedly 
and purpose^, aid and abet the Indians hostile to the United States. 
In 1785, after the formation of his confederacy, Brant went to 
England, and his arrival was thus announced in the London 
prints: 

" This extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the 
late grand Congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nations in 
America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct and chief 
command in the war which they now meditate against the United 
States of America. He took his departure for England imme- 
diately as that assembly broke up ; and it is conjectured that his 
embassy to the British court is of great importance. 

" This country owes much to the services of Colonel Brant 
during the late war in America. He was educated at Philadel- 
phia; is a very shrewd, intelligent person, possesses great courage 
and abilities as a warrior, and is inviolably attached to the British 
nation." 

On the 4th of January, 1786, he visited Lord Sidney, the Colo- 
nial Secretary, and after plainly and boldly stating the trouble of 
the Indians at the forgetfulness of Britain — the encroachments of 
the Americans — and their fear of serious consequences, he closed 
with these wcrds : 

u This we shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as dearly as 
we love our lands. But should it, contrary to our w T ishes, happen, 
we desire to know whether we are to be considered as his majesty's 
faithful allies, and have that support and countenance such as old 
and true friends expect." 

* Heckewelder's Narrative, 379. Stone's Life of Brant, ii., 247, 240. 



1790. INDIAN HOSTILITIES THREATENED. 589 

The English minister returned a perfectly non-committal answer; 
and when the Mohawk chieftain, upon his return, met the confede- 
rated natives in November, 1786, he could give them no distinct 
assurances of aid from England. But while all definite promises 
were avoided, men situated as John Johnson, the Indian superin- 
tendent, did not hesitate to write to him — 

" Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in jour mind that it will 
be for jour interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt the 
posts. It is for jour sakes, chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold 
them. If you become indifferent about them, they may, perhaps, 
be given up; what security would you then have? 

" You would be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls 
aloud for revenge ; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us 
to hold them, and encourage the new settlements, already conside- 
rable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find 
they cannot live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to 
come in. This increase of his majesty's subjects will serve as a 
protection for you, should the subjects of the States, by endeavor- 
ing to make further encroachments on you, disturb your quiet." 

This letter was written in March, 1787, and two months after- 
ward, Major Matthews, who had been in the suite of the Governor 
of Canada, Lord Dorchester, after being appointed to command 
at Detroit, speaks still more explicitly, and in the Governor's 
name also: 

"His lordship was sorry to learn," he says, "that while the 
Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for war, 
some of the Six Nations had sent deputies to Albany to treat with 
the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, 
granting permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to 
Niagara; but that, notwithstanding these things, the Indians should 
have their presents, as they are marks of the king's approbation of 
their former conduct. 

"In future, his lordship wishes them to act as is best for their 
interest. He cannot begin a war with the Americans because 
some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts 
of the Indian country; but they must see it is his lordship's inten- 
tion to defend the posts, and that while these are preserved, the 
Indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the 
Americaus' greater difficulty in taking possession of their lands. 
But should they once become masters of the posts, they will 
surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little 
trouble. 



540 BRITISH ENCOURAGE INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 1790. 

"From a consideration of all which, it therefore remains with 
the Indians to decide what is most for their own interest, and to 
let his lordship know their determination, that he may take his 
measures accordingly. But, whatever their resolution is, it should 
be taken as by one and the same people, by which means they will 
be respected, and become strong; but if they divide, and act one 
part against the other, they will become weak, and help to destroy 
each other. 

" This is the substance of what his lordship desired me to tell 
you, and I request you will give his sentiments that mature con- 
sideration which their justice, generosity, and desire to promote 
the welfare and happiness of the Indians, must appear to all the 
world to merit. 

"In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the English 
are not very anxious about the defense of the posts. You will soon 
be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart, provided that it 
continues to be the wish of the Indians, and that they remain firm 
in doing their part of the business, by preventing the Americans 
from coming into their country, and consequently from marching 
to the posts. 

"On the other hand, if the Indians think it more for their 
interest that the Americans should have possession of the posts, 
and be established in their country, they ought to declare it, that 
the English need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary 
expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object of 
which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have 
suffered with them. It is well known that no encroachments ever 
have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands or 
property of the Indians in consequence of possessing the posts; 
how far that will be the case, if ever the Americans get into them, 
may very easily be imagined, from their hostile perseverance, even 
without that advantage, in driving the Indians off their lands and 
taking possession of them." * 

These assurances on the part of the British, and the delay of 
Congress in replying to the address of the confederated nations, 
dated December, 1786, led to the general council of 1788 ; but the 
divisions in that body, added to the uncertain support of the 
English government, at length caused Brant for a time to give up 
his interest to the efforts of the western natives, among whom the 



* See Stone's Brant, iii. 271. 



1790. INDIAN NATIONS UNITS AGAINST AMERICANS. 541 

Miamis thenceforth took the lead; although, as the extracts given 
from Gamelin's journal show, a true spirit of union did not, even 
in 1790, prevail among the various tribes. Indeed, some of the 
Delawares and Miamies so far quarreled, that the former left the 
Miami country, and settled in Upper Louisiana. At that time, 
however, the British influence over the Miamis and their fellows, 
was in no degree lessened, as is plain from the entire reference of 
their affairs, when Gamelin went to them. 

"You invite us," said one of the war chiefs to Gamelin, "to stop 
our young men. It is impossible to do it, being constantly encour- 
aged by the British." 

"We confess," said another Indian, "that we accepted the axe, 
but it is by the reproach we continually receive from the English 
and other nations, which received the axe first, calling us women ; 
at the present time, they invite our young men to war ; as to the 
old people, they are wishing for peace." 

Every peaceful message from the officers of the crown was 
stopped on its way to the excited children of the forest; but every 
word of a hostile character, exaggerated and added to. 

McKee, Elliot and Girty possessed great power over the Indians 
of the north-west, and perhaps more than any other parties con- 
tributed to keep alive their attachment to the British, and their 
hostility to the Americans. Girty has been already referred to. 
Alexander McKee was, before the revolution, an Indian trader, and 
in 1773 was living among the Shawanese on Paint creek, in Ohio. 
Early in 1776, he received an invitation from Col. Butler, then the 
Indian agent at Niagara, to visit him with a view to his employ- 
ment as a British emissary among the Indians. In consequence of 
this, he fell under the suspicion of the American settlers, and was 
compelled to give to the revolutionary committee of "West Augusta 
a parole of honor, that he would have nothing to do with the 
Indians on account of Great Britain ; and that parole was afterward, 
it appears, accepted by Congress. Early in 1778, however, he 
broke his parole, escaped from Pittsburgh, and joined the British 
in the north. He received a colonel's commission in the British 
service, and became a leader among the Indians, among whom he 
continued to reside until his death. Matthew Elliott was also a 
trader among the Indians, and was taken prisoner at Waketameki, 
with a cargo of goods, in 1776, and carried to Detroit. There he 
was released on condition that he would join the British and 
receive a captain's commission in the service. Thence he returned 



542 MOVEMENTS OF BRANT AND M'KEE. 1790, 

to Pittsburgh, probably as a spy, deserted from that place along 
with Girty and McKee to the enemy, and served during the war 
mainly as a leader of the hostile Indians. After the revolution he 
settled and carried on farming and trade with the Indians at 
the mouth of the Detroit river. 

It is hard to say hoic far the British agents aided the savages, 
in 1790 and 1791. The following is from a certificate by Thomas 
Rhea, taken by the Indians in May, 1781, and who escaped in 
June. He is stated to have been untrustworthy, but his account 
is in part confirmed by other evidence. 

" At this place, the Miami, were Colonels Brant and McKee, 
with his son Thomas ; and Captains Bunbury and Silvie, of the 
British troops. These officers, &c, were all encamped on the south 
side of the Miami or Ottawa river, at the rapids above Lake Erie, 
about eighteen miles ; they had clever houses, built chiefly by the 
Pottawattamies and other Indians ; in these they had stores of goods, 
with arms, ammunition and provision, which they issued to the 
Indians in great abundance, viz : corn, pork, peas, &c. 

"The Indians came to this place in parties of one, two, three, 
four and five hundred at a time, from different quarters, and recei- 
ved from Mr. McKee and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, 
ammunition, provisions, &c, and set out immediately for the upper 
Miami towns, where they understood the forces of the United States 
were bending their course, and in order to supply the Indians from 
other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded with the above- 
mentioned articles, were sent up the Miami river, wrought by 
French Canadians. 

"About the last of May, Captain Silvie purchased me from the 
Indians, and I staid with him at this place till the 4th of June, (the 
king's birth-day,) when I was sent to Detroit. Previous to leaving 
the Miami river, I saw one Mr. Dick, who, with his wife, was taken 
prisoner near Pittsburgh, in the Spring, I believe, by the Wyan- 
dots. Mr. McKee was about to purchase Mr. Dick from the Indians, 
but found it difficult. Mrs. Dick was separated from him, and left 
at a village at some distance from this place. I also saw a young 
boy, named Brittle, (Brickell,) who was taken in the spring from a 
mill, (Captain O'Hara's,) near Pittsburgh, his hair was cut, and he 
was dressed and armed for war; could not get speaking to him. 

" About the 5th of June, in the Detroit river, I met from sixty 
to one hundred canoes, in three parties, containing a large party of 
Indians, who appeared to be very wild and uncivilized; they were 
dressed chiefly in buffalo and other skin blankets, with otter skin 



1790. BRITISH AGENTS URGE INDIANS TO WAR. 543 

and other fur breech cloths, armed with bows and arrows and 
spears ; they had no guns, and seemed to set no store by them, or 
know little of their use, nor had they any inclination to receive 
them, though offered to them. They said they were three moons 
on their way. The other Indians called them Manitocs. 

"About this time there w T as a field day of the troops at Detroit, 
which I think is from five to six hundred in number; the next day 
a field day of the French militia took place, and one hundred and 
fifty of the Canadians, with some others, turned out volunteers to 
join the Indians, and were to set off on the 8th for the Miami vil- 
lage, with their own horses, after being plentifully supplied with 
arms and ammunition, clothing and provisions, &c, to fit them for 
the march. 

"While I was at the Miami or Ottawa river, as they call it, I 
had mentioned to Colonel McKee and other officers, that I had seen 
Colonel Proctor on his way to Fort Franklin ; that I understood 
that he was on his way to the Miami or Sandusky, with some of 
the Senecas, and that he expected the Cornplanter would accom- 
pany him, in order to settle matters with the hostile nations ; and 
that he expected to get shipping at Fort Erie, to bring him and 
those people to the Miami or Sandusky, &c. That the officers, in 
their conversation with each other, said, if they were at Fort Erie, 
he should get no shipping there, &c. That the Mohawks and 
other Indians, that could speak English, declare that if he, meaning 
Colonel Proctor, or any other Yankee messenger, came there, they 
should never carry messages back. This was frequently expressed 
by the Indians; and Simon Girty and a certain Pat Hill, declared 
Proctor should not return if he had a hundred Senecas with him; 
and many other such threats were used, and every movement, 
appearance and declaration, seemed hostile to the United States. 
And I understood that Colonel McKee and the other officers, 
intended only to stay at the Miami till they had furnished the war 
parties of Indians with the necessaries mentioned above, to fit them 
for war, and then would return to Detroit. That Elliott had 
returned to Detroit, and Simon Girty, and that Girty declared he 
would go and join the Indians, and that Captain Elliott told him 
he was going the next day, with a boat load of goods for the Indians 
and that Girty might have a passage with him. That on the 7th 
of June the ship Dunmore sailed for Fort Erie, in which I got a 
passage. We arrived there in four days. 

"About the 12th of June I saw taken into this vessel, a number 
of cannon, eighteen pounders, with other military stores, and better 



544 ST. CLAIR MEDITATES A CAMPAIGN. 1790. 

than two companies of artillery troops destined, as I understood, 
for Detroit and the upper posts ; some of the artillery-men had to 
remain behind, for want of room in the vessel. I have just recol- 
lected that, while I was at the Ottawa river, I saw a party of war- 
riors come in with the arms, accoutrements, clothing, &c, of a 
sergeant, corporal, and, they said, twelve men, whom they had 
killed in some of the lower posts on the Ohio ; that a man of the 
Indian department offered me a coat, which had a number of bullet 
and other holes in it, and was all bloody, which I refused to take, 
and Colonel McKee then ordered me clothes out of the Indian 
store."* 

"When Governor St. Clair returned to Fort "Washington, he de- 
termined, on consultation with General Harmar, to send an 
expedition against the towns on the Maumee. Accordingly, on the 
15th of July he addressed circular letters, in accordance with the 
authority vested in him by the president, to the militia officers of 
Western Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky, calling on them 
for militia, to co-operate with the federal troops in the campaign. 
But in order to prevent any misunderstanding of the purposes of 
the expedition on the part of the British, he addressed, in obedi- 
ence to the instructions of the president, the following letter, on 
the 19th of September, from Fort Harmar, to the commandant at 
Detroit. 

" Sir : — As it is not improbable that an account of the military 
preparations going forward in this quarter of the country may 
reach you, and give you some uneasiness, while the object to which 
they are to be directed is not perfectly known to you, I am com- 
manded by the President of the United States to give you the 
fullest assurances of the pacific disposition entertained towards 
Great Britain and all her possessions ; and to inform you explicitly 
that the expedition about to be undertaken, is not intended against 
the post you have the honor to command, nor any other place at pres- 
ent in the possession of the troops of his Britannic Majesty ; but is on 
foot with the sole design of humbling and chastising some of the sav- 
age tribes, whose depredations are become intolerable, and whose 
cruelties have of late become an outrage, not on the people of 
America only, but on humanity ; which I now do in the most une- 
quivocal manner. After this candid explanation, sir, there is every 



* American State Papers, v. 196. 



1790. ST. CLAIR CALLS OUT WESTERN MILITIA. 545 

reason to expect, both from your own personal character, and from 
the regard you have for that of your nation, that those tribes will 
meet with neither countenance nor assistance from any under your 
command, and that you will do what in your power lies, to restrain 
the trading people, from whose instigations there is too good rea- 
sons to believe, much of the injuries committed by the savages has 
proceeded. I have forwarded this letter by a private gentleman, in 
preference to that of an officer, by whom you might have expected 
a communication of this kind, that every suspicion of the purity 
of the views of the United States might be obviated." 

According to the plan of the campaign, three hundred of the 
militia were to rendezvous at Fort Steuben, (Jeffersonville,) march 
thence to Fort Knox at Yincennes, and join Major Hamtramck in 
an expedition up the "Wabash, from that point; seven hundred 
were ordered to rendezvous at Fort Washington, and &ve hundred 
below Wheeling, to join the regular army on the expedition to the 
Maumee towns. Immediately upon the arrival of the militia at 
Fort Washington, they were mustered into service, and organized 
for the campaign. 

"The Kentuckians composed three battalions, under the Majors 
Hall, M'Mullen, and Bay, with Lieutenant Colonel-commandant 
Trotter at their head. The Pennsylvanians were formed into one 
battalion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Trubley, and Major Paul, the 
whole to be commanded by Colonel John Hardin, subject to the 
orders of General Harmar. 

" The 30th, the general having got forward all the supplies that he 
expected, he moved out with the federal troops, formed into two 
small battalions, under the immediate command of Major Wyllys, 
and Major Doughty, together with Captain Ferguson's company of 
artillery, and three pieces of ordnance. 

" On the 3d of October, General Harmar joined the advance 
troops early in the morning ; the remaining part of the day was 
spent in forming the line of march, the order of encampment and 
battle, and explaining the same to the militia field officers. Gen. 
Harmar's orders will show the several formations. 

" On the 4th, the army took up the order of march as is described 
in the orders. On the 5th, a reinforcement of horsemen and 
mounted infantry joined from Kentucky. The dragoons were 
formed into two troops ; the mounted riflemen made a company, 
and this small battalion of light troops were put under the com- 
mand of Major Fontaine." 

The whole of General Harmar's command, then, consisted of 



546 harmar's expedition. 1790. 

three battalions of Kentucky militia, one battalion of Pennsylvania 
militia, one battalion of Kentucky mounted riflemen, amounting 
to eleven hundred and thirty-three men; and two battalions of 
regulars, amounting to three hundred and twenty men. The total 
force of the expedition consisted therefore of fourteen hundred and 
fifty-three men. 

The militia were in great measure unfit for service, as may be 
inferred from the evidence of Major Ferguson: 

" They were very illy equipped, being almost destitute of camp 
kettles and axes; nor could a supply of these essential articles be 
procured. Their arms were, generally, very bad, and unfit for 
service ; as I was the commanding officer of artillery, they came 
under my inspection, in making what repairs the time would per- 
mit; and as a specimen of their badness, I would inform the court, 
that a rifle was brought to be repaired without a lock, and another 
without a stock. 

" I often asked the owners what induced them to think that those 
guns could be repaired at that time? And they gave me for 
answer, that they were told in Kentucky that all repairs would be 
made at Fort Washington. Many of the officers told me, that they 
had no idea of there being half the number of bad arms in the 
whole district of Kentucky as was then in the hands of their 
men. 

"As soon as the principal part of the Kentucky militia arrived, 
the general began to organize them ; in this he had many difficul- 
ties to encounter. Colonel Trotter aspired to the command, 
although Colonel Hardin was the eldest officer, and in this he was 
encouraged both by men and officers, who openly declared, unless 
Colonel Trotter commanded them, they would return home. After 
two or three days the business was settled, and they [i. e. the Ken- 
tucky men] were formed into three battalions, under the command 
of Colonel Trotter, and Colonel Hardin had the command of all 
the militia (both Pennsylvania and Virginia). 

"As soon as they were arranged, they were mustered, and, on 
the 26th, marched and encamped about ten miles from Fort Wash- 
ington. The last of the Pennsylvania militia arrived on the 25th 
September. They were equipped nearly as the Kentucky militia, 
but were worse armed; several were without any. The general 
ordered all the arms in store to be delivered to those who had none, 
and to those whose guns could not be repaired. 

" Amongst the militia were a great many hardly able to bear 
arms, such as old, infirm men, and young boys ; they were not 






1790. harmar's expedition. 547 

such as might be expected from a frontier country, that is, the 
smart, active woodsman, well accustomed to arms, eager and alert 
to revenge the injuries done them and their connections. EY>, there 
were a great number of them substitutes, who probably had never 
fired a gun. Major Paul, of Pennsylvania, told me, that many of 
his men were so awkward, that they could not take their gun locks 
off to oil them, and put them on again, nor could they put in their 
flints so as to be useful ; and even of such materials, the numbers 
came far short of what was ordered, as may be seen by the 
returns."* 

Trouble had been anticipated from the aversion of the frontier 
men to act with regular troops; General Harmar had been warned 
on the subject by the Secretary of War; every pains had been 
taken to avoid the evils apprehended, and when, upon the 30th 
September, Harmar left Fort Washington, every step seemed to 
have been taken which experience or judgment could suggest to 
secure the success of the expedition. The same seems to have been 
true of the march, since the Court of Inquiry, held in 1791, ap- 
proved every arrangement of the campaign. 

On the 13th of October, the army being then thirty or thirty- 
five miles from the Miami villages, it was determined, in conse- 
quence of information given by a captured Indian, to send forward 
Colonel John Hardin, with a detachment of six hundred militia 
men, and one company of regulars, to surprise the enemy, and 
keep them in their forts until the main body could come up with 
the artillery. 

On the 14th this party marched forward, and upon the next day 
about three o'clock reached the villages, but they were deserted. 
On the morning of the 17th, the main army arrived, and the work 
of destruction commenced; by the 21st, the chief town, &ve other 
villages, and nearly twenty thousand bushels of corn in ears, had 
been destroyed. When Harmar reached the Maumec towns and 
found no enemy, he thought of pushing forward to attack the 
Wea and other Indian settlements upon the Wabash, but was 
prevented by the loss both of pack horses and cavalry horses, a 
great number of which the Indians seem to have stolen, in conse- 
quence of the willful carelessness of the owners. 

The Wabash plan being dropped, Colonel Trotter was dispatched 
with three hundred men to scour the woods in search of an enemy, 



* American State Papers, xii., 20. 



548 harmar's expedition. 1790. 

as the tracks of women and children had been seen near by. No 
better idea of the ntter want of discipline in the army can be 
given, than by some extracts from the evidence of Lieutenant 
(afterwards Captain) Armstrong ; this gentleman was with Trotter 
during the 18th of October, and also with Hardin, who, on the 
19th, took the command, General Harmar being much dissatisfied 
with Trotter's ineffective Indian chase of the previous day. 

"After we had proceeded about a mile, "says Armstrong," the 
cavalry gave chase to an Indian, who was mounted ; him they over- 
took and killed. Before they returned to the column a second 
appeared, on which the four field officers left their commands and 
pursued, leaving the troops near half an hour without any direc- 
tions whatever. The cavalry came across the second Indian, and, 
after he had wounded one of their party, killed him also. 

" "When the infantry came up to this place they immediately fell 
into confusion, upon which I gained permission to leave them 
some distance on the road, where I formed an ambuscade. After I 
had been some time at my station, a fellow on horseback came to 
me, who had lost the party in pursuit of the first Indian ; he was 
much frightened, and said he had been pursued by fifty mounted 
Indians. On my telling this story to Colonel Trotter, notwith- 
standing my observations to him, he changed his route, and 
marched in various directions until night, when he returned to 
camp. 

" On our arrival in camp, General Harmar sent for me, and after 
asking me many questions, ordered one subaltern and twenty 
militia to join my command. With these I reached the river St. 
Joseph about ten at night, and with a guide proceeded to an 
Indian town, about two miles distant, where I continued with my 
party until the morning of the 19th. About nine o'clock I joined 
the remainder of the detachment under Colonel Hardin. "We 
marched on the route Colonel Trotter had pursued the day before, 
and after passing a morass about live miles distant, we came to 
where the enemy had encamped the day before. Here we made a 
short halt, and the commanding officer disposed of the parties at a 
distance from each other ; after a halt of half an hour, we were 
ordered to move on, and Captain Faulkner's company was left on 
the ground ; the Colonel having neglected giving him orders to 
move on. 

" After we had proceeded about three miles, we fell in with two 
Indians on foot, who threw off their packs, and the brush being 
thick, made their escape. I then asked Colonel Hardin where 



1790. harmar's expedition. 549 

Captain Faulkner was ? He said he was lost, and then sent Major 
Fontaine with part of the cavalry in search of him, and moved on 
with the remainder of the troops. Some time after, I informed 
Colonel Hardin a gun had been fired in our front, which might be 
considered as an alarm gun, and that I saw where a horse had come 
down the road, and returned again; but the Colonel still moved 
on, giving no orders, nor making any arrangements for an attack. 

"Some time after, I discovered the enemy's fires at a distance, 
and informed the Colonel, who replied that they would not fight, 
and rode in front of the advance, until fired on from behind the 
fires; when he, the Colonel, retreated, and with him all the militia 
except nine, who continued with me, and were instantly killed, 
with twenty-four of the federal troops. Seeing my last man fall, 
and being surrounded by the savages, I threw myself into a thicket, 
and remained there three hours in day-light. During that time I 
had an opportunity of seeing the enemy pass and re-pass, and con- 
ceived their numbers did not amount to one hundred men ; some 
were mounted, others armed with rifles, and the advance with 
tomahawks only. 

"lam of opinion that had Colonel Trotter proceeded, on the 
18th, agreeably to his orders, having killed the enemy's sentinels, 
he would have surprised their camp, and with ease defeated them; 
or had Colonel Hardin arranged his troops, or made any military 
disposition, on the 19th, that he would have gained a victory. Our 
defeat I therefore ascribe to two causes : the unoffi cer-like conduct 
of Colonel Hardin, (who, I believe, was a brave man,) and the 
cowardly behavior of the militia ; many of them threw down their 
arms, loaded, and I believe that none, except the party under my 
command, fired a gun." 

At this time, probably, the jealousy between the regulars and 
militia, which had been anticipated, and which had threatened 
trouble at Fort "Washington, began effectually to work mischief; 
the regular troops disliked to be commanded by Trotter and Hardin, 
the army officers despised the militia, and the militia, hating 
them, were impatient under the control of Harmar and his staff. 
Again, the rivalry between Trotter and Hardin was calculated to 
make the elements of discord and disobedience yet more wide 
spread, so that all true confidence between the officers and men was 
destroyed, and with it, of necessity, all true strength. 

But though the troops had been disappointed and defeated, the 
houses and crops had been burned and wasted, and upon the 21st 
of October the army commenced its homeward march. But Har- 



550 harmae's expedition. 1790. 

din was not easy under his defeat, and the night of the 21st being 
favorable, he proposed to Harmar to send back a detachment to 
the site of the villages just destroyed, supposing the savages would 
have already returned thither. The General was not very willing 
to try further experiments, but Hardin urged him, and at last 
obtained an order for three hundred and forty militia, of which 
forty were mounted, and sixty regular troops; the former under 
Hardin himself, the latter under Major Wyllys. How they fared, 
shall be told by Captain Asheton, an actor in the affray: 

" The detachment marched in three columns, the federal troops 
in the centre, at the head of which I was posted, with Major 
Wyllys and Colonel Hardin in. my front; the militia formed the 
columns to the right and left. From delays, occasioned by the 
militia's halting, we did not reach the banks of the Omee [Maumee] 
till sometime after sunrise. The spies then discovered the enemy, 
and reported to Major Wyllys, who halted the federal troops, and 
moved the militia on some distance in front, where he gave his 
orders and plan of attack to the several commanding officers of 
corps. Those orders were not communicated to me. Major 
Wyllys reserved the command of the federal troops to himself. 

"Major Hall with his battalion, was directed to take a circuitous 
route around the bend of the Omee river, cross the Pickaway fork, 
(or St. Mary's) which brought him directly in the rear of the enemy, 
and there wait until the attack should commence with Major 
McMullen's battalion, Major Fontaine's cavalry, and Major Wyllys 
with the federal troops, who all crossed the Omee at, aud near, 
the common fording place.* After the attack commenced, the 
troops were- by no means to separate, but were to embody, or the 
battalions to support each other, as circumstances required. 

"From this disposition, it appeared evident that it was the inten- 
tion of Major Wyllys to surround the enemy, and that if Colonel 
Hall, who had gained his ground undiscovered, had not wantonly 
disobeyed his orders, by tiring on a single Indian, the surprise 
must have been complete. The Indians then fled with precipita- 
tion, the battalions of militia pursuing in different directions. 

"Major Fontaine made a charge upon a small party of savages — 
he fell the first fire, and his troops dispersed. The federal troops, 
who were then left unsupported, became an easy sacrifice to much 
the largest party of Indians that had been seen that day. It was 



* The theatre of these operations was in the vicinity of the flourishing city of Fort 
Wayne, Indiana. 



1790. harmar's expedition. 551 

my opinion that the misfortunes of that day were owing to the 
separation of the troops, and disobedience of orders. 

"After the federal troops were defeated, and the firing in all 
quarters nearly ceased, Colonel Hall and Major McMullen, with 
their battalions, met in the town, and after discharging, cleaning 
and fresh loading their arms, which took up about half an hour, 
proceeded to join the army unmolested. I am convinced that the 
detachment, if it had been kept embodied, was sufficient to have 
answered the fullest expectations of the General, and needed no 
support; but I was informed a battalion under Major Kay was 
ordered out for that purpose."* 

When Hardin returned to camp after this skirmish, he wished 
the General either to send another party, or take the whole army 
to the battle ground, but Harmar would not favor either plan. He 
did not wish, he said, to divide his troops; he had little food for 
his horses; and he thought the Indians had received "a very good 
scourging;" upon the next morning, accordingly, the army took 
up its line of march for Fort Washington, in a regular, soldier-like 
way. Two men, says Hardin, wished to have another tussle with 
the Miamies — of the whole army, only two ! Before reaching Fort 
"Washington, however, new trouble occurred. 

"At old Chillicothe, on Little Miami," says Colonel Hardin, "a 
number of the militia, contrary to orders, fired off their guns. I 
endeavored to put a stop to such disorderly behavior, and com- 
manded that those offenders that could be taken should be punished 
agreeably to general orders; and having caught a soldier myself in 
the very act of firing his gun, ordered a file of men to take him 
immediately and carry him to the six-pounder, and for the drum- 
mer to tie him up and give him six lashes; I was shortly after met 
by Colonel Trottor and Major McMullen, and a number of militia 
soldiers who, in an abrupt manner, asked me by what authority I 
ordered that soldier whipped ; I replied in support of general 
orders, on which a very warm dispute ensued between Colonel 
Trotter, Major McMullen and myself. 

"The geueral being informed of what had happened, came for- 
ward and gave Colonel Trotter and Major McMullen a very severe 
reprimand, ordered the federal troops to parade, and the drummer 
to do his duty, swearing he would risk his life in support of his 



* See American State Papers, xii. 28. See account in Cist'a Cincinnati Miscellany. 



552 harmar's expedition. 1790. 

orders; the man received the number of lashes ordered, and 
several that were confined were set at liberty; numbers of the militia 
seemed much pleased with what was done. This intended mutiny 
being soon quashed, the army proceeded in good order to Fort 
"Washington. 

" When the army arrived at the mouth of Licking, the general 
informed me he had determined to arrest some of the militia offi- 
cers for their bad conduct, and send them home with disgrace; but 
I opposed his intention, alleging that it would be a disgrace to the 
whole militia ; that he would perhaps stand in need of their assist- 
ance on some future occasion, and it would sour their minds and 
cause them to turn out with reluctance; and that his discharging 
them generally with honor, perhaps, would answer a better pur- 
pose; the general readily indulged my request."* 

To this last act, which 4 caused much discontent among the fron- 
tier men ; to the two defeats of the 19th and 22d of October, (for 
such they were;) and to the want of any efficiency on the part of 
Harmar, who, though guilty of no breach of military care or com- 
mon skill, acted woman-like, compared with such men as Clark 
and Wayne, must be ascribed the great unpopularity of this cam- 
paign. The army, as a whole, effected all that the popular expedi- 
tions of Clark, in 1782, and of Scott and Wilkinson, in 1799, did: 
the annihilation of towns and corn, and was by Harmar and St. 
Clair considered very successful, but in reality, in the view of the 
Indians, it was an utter failure and defeat. Their account of it 
was this : 

" There have been two engagements about the Miami towns, be- 
tween the Americans and the Indians, in which it is said the 
former had about &ve hundred men killed, and that the rest have 
retreated. The loss was only fifteen or twenty on the side of 
the Indians. The Shawanese, Miamies, and Pottawattamies, 
were, I understand, the principal tribes who were engaged; 
but I do not learn that any of the nations have refused their alli- 
ance or assistance, and it is confidently reported that they are now 
marching against the frontiers on the Ohio." 

Nor was the report of the invasion of the settlements on the 
Ohio shore far from the truth, as may be seen from the following 
letter: 

"On the evening of the 2d January, 1791," says Rufus Put- 



* American State Papers, xii. 35. 






1791. LETTER FROM RUFUS PUTNAM. 553 

nam, writing to the president, " between sunset and daylight-in, 
the Indians surprised a new settlement of our people, at a place on 
the Muskingum, called the Big Bottom, nearly forty miles up the 
river, in which disaster eleven men, one woman, and two children, 
were killed ; three men are missing, and four others made their 
escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was partial before the campaign 
of last year, is, in all probability, become general. I think there 
is no reason to suppose that we are the only people on whom the 
savages will wreak their vengeance, or that the number of hostile 
Indians have not increased since the late expedition. 

"Our situation is truly critical ; the governor and secretary both 
being absent, no assistance from Virginia or Pennsylvania can be 
had. The garrison at Fort Harmar, consisting at this time of little 
more than twenty men, can afford no protection to our settlements, 
and the whole number of men in all our settlements, capable of 
bearing arms, including all civil and military officers, do not exceed 
two hundred and eighty-seven, and these, many of them, badly 
armed. 

" We are in the utmost danger of being swallowed up, should 
the enemy push the war with vigor during the winter; this, I be- 
lieve, will fully appear, by taking a short view of our several set- 
tlements, and I hope justify the extraordinary measures we have 
adopted, for want of a legal authority in the territory, to apply for 
aid in the business. The situation of our people is nearly as 
follows : 

"At Marietta are about eighty houses, in the distance of one 
mile, with scattering houses about three miles up the Ohio. A set 
of mills at Duck creek, four miles distant, and another mill two 
miles up the Muskingum. Twenty-two miles up this river is a set- 
tlement, consisting of about twenty families ; about two miles from 
them, on Wolf creek, are five families and a set of mills. 

"Down the Ohio, and opposite the Little Kanawha, commences 
the settlement called Belle Prairie, which extends down the river, 
with little interruption, about twelve miles, and contains between 
thirty and forty houses. Before the late disaster, we had several 
other settlements, which are already broken up. I have taken the 
liberty to enclose the proceedings of the Ohio company, and jus- 
tices of the sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the great- 
est deference, to observe, that, unless government speedily sends a 
body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people. 

" The removal of the women and children, etc., will reduce many 
of the poorer sort to the greatest straits ; but if we add to this the 
36 



554 ANOTHER CAMPAIGN PROJECTED. 179 1. 

destruction of their corn, forage, and cattle, by the enemy, which 
is very probable to ensue, I know of no way they can be supported ; 
but, if this should not happen, where these people are to raise 
bread another year, is not easy to conjecture, and most of them 
have nothing left to buy with. 

"But my fears do not stop here; we are a people so far detached 
from all others, in point of situation, that we can hope for no timely 
relief, in case of emergency, from any of our neighbors ; and among 
the number that compose our present military strength, almost 
one-half are young men, hired into the country, intending to settle 
by and by ; these, under present circumstances, will probably leave 
us soon, unless prospects should brighten; and, as to new settlers, 
we can expect none in our present situation ; so that, instead of 
increasing in strength, we are likely to diminish daily; and, if we 
do not fall a prey to the savages, we shall be so reduced and dis- 
couraged as to give up the settlement, unless government shall give 
us timely protection. It has been a mystery with some, why the 
troops have been withdrawn from this quarter, and collected at the 
Miami ; that settlement is, I believe, within three or four days' 
march of a very populous part of Kentucky, from whence, in a few 
days, they might be reinforced with several thousand men, where- 
as, we are not within two hundred miles of any settlement that can 
probably more than protect themselves."* 

The spirit thus manifested by the tribes which had just been at- 
tacked, and the general feeling along the frontier in relation to 
Harmar's expedition, made the United States government sensible 
that their first step in the conduct of backwoods warfare, had been 
a failure, and that prompt and strong measures, calculated either to 
win or force a state of peace, must be adopted. The plan which 
was resorted to was a three-fold one: 

To send a messenger to the western Indians with offers of peace, 
to be accompanied by some of the Iroquois chieftains favorable to 
America; 

At the same time to organize expeditions in the West, to strike 
the Wea, Miami, and Shawanese towns, in case it should be clear 
the peace messenger would fail in his mission ; and 

To prepare a grand and overwhelming force with which to 
take possession of the country of the enemies, and build forts in 
their midst. 



*See American State Papers, v, 121. 



1791. BRITISH VIEWS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 555 

The person selected to convey the messages of peace was Colonel 
Thomas Proctor, who received his commission upon the 10th or 
11th of March, 1791, and upon the 12th left Philadelphia for the 
settlement of Cornplanter, Captain O'Beel, or O'Biel, the chief 
warrior of the Senecas, and the firm friend of Washington and the 
Union. This chief, with others of similar sentiments, had been in 
Philadelphia in the previous December, and had promised to use 
all their influence to secure peace.* To them Proctor was sent, in 
the hope that they would go with him westward, and be the means 
of preventing further bloodshed. In this hope, however, Washing- 
ton and Knox were disappointed ; for, when, with great difficulty, 
the American messenger had prevailed upon certain of the Iro- 
quois to accompany him, provided a water passage could be had, 
the British commandant at Niagara would not allow an English. 
vessel to be hired to convey the ambassadors up Lake Erie ; and as 
no other could be obtained, the whole enterprise failed. 

But in order to understand the difficulties which Proctor met 
with, the views of the British, and of those Indians who remained 
firm to the British at this period, mu3t be considered. After 
Harmar's campaign, the tribes of the north-west sent a deputation 
to Lord Dorchester, to learn what aid England would give them in 
the contest now fairly opened. What answer, precisely, was given 
by the Governor, we do not know, but his wishes seemed to have 
been that peace might be restored and preserved. Colonel Gordon, 
the British commandant at Niagara, who afterwards stopped Proc- 
tor, was also an advocate of peace, and on the 4th of March wrote 
to Brant in these w 7 ords: 

"I hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the meet- 
ing of the chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighborhood, to use 
your endeavors to heal the wounds between the Indians and Ameri- 
cans. I dare say the States wish, to make peace on terms which 
will secure to the Indians their present possessions in the Miami 
country, provided the young men are restrained from committing 
depredations in future." 

It is evident, from their whole course of procedure, that the 
British, authorities did their utmost to prevent American settle- 
ments from being made in the North- Western territory. They 
wished to have their Indian allies continue in possession ; this was 
their chief motive for retaining the western posts. 



♦American State Papers, t. 140-145. Cornplanter, like Brant, was a half-breed. 



556 REASONS OF INDIAN DISSATISFACTION. 1791. 

Brant himself, on the 7th of March, writing to M'Kee, the agent 
among the Miamies, says : 

"I have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen 
who have lately been in Philadelphia, by which it appears the 
Americans secretly wish to accommodate the matter, which I 
should, by all means, advise, if it could be effected upon honorable 
and liberal terms, and a peace become general." 

With these views prevailing, why did Brant, Gordon, and the 
other officers of Britain do so little afterward to preserve pacific 
relations ? First, it would seem that the Mohawk chieftain was 
offended by the favor shown Cornplanter, his deadly foe,* and by 
the attempt of the Americans to divide the Iroquois ; and in regard 
to the latter point, at least, the British sympathized with him. 
Secondly, it is clear that the representatives of England in Canada 
were offended at the entire disregard shown by the American gov- 
ernment of their influence over the savages of the north-west. 

Those tribes were closely connected with the British agents, and 
under their control, and Lord Dorchester, Colonel Gordon and 
Brant looked for an appeal to them as mediators in the quarrel 
about to burst forth, or, at any rate, for an acceptance by the 
Americans of their mediation, if asked by the Indians ; an accept- 
ance of the kind given in 1793, after St. Clair's defeat, and which 
was not, of course, dishonorable or degrading. Thirdly, both the 
Indians and English were puzzled and excited by the seeming want 
of good faith on the part of the States, which, at the same moment, 
almost, commissioned Scott to war upon the Wabash Indians, 
Proctor to treat of peace with them, St Clair to invade and take 
possession of their lands on the Maumee, and Pickering to hold a 
council with their brethren for burying the fatal hatchet, and 
quenching the destructive brand. 

"From the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans," says 
Colonel Gordon to Brant, upon the 11th of June, " I am perfectly 
at a loss to understand their full intentions. Whilst they are assem- 
bling councils at different quarters, with the avowed purpose of 
bringing about a peace, the Six Nations have received a speech 
from General St. Clair, elated at Pittsburgh, 23d April, inviting 
them to take up the hatchet against their brothers, the western 
nations. 

" Can any thing be more inconsistent, or can they possibly 



* American State Papers, v. 107; stated by Gen. Knox. 



1791. brant's friendship is sought. 557 

believe the Indians are to be duped by such shallow artifices ? 
•This, far from being the case; the Indians at Buffalo creek saw 
the business in its proper light, aud treated the invitatiou with the 
contempt it deserved. It must strike you very forcibly, that in all 
the proceedings of the different commisioners from the American 
States, they have cautiously avoided applying for our interference, 
as a measure they affect to think perfectly uunecessary ; wishing to 
impress the Indians with the ideas of their own consequence, and 
of the little influence they would willingly believe we are pos- 
sessed of. 

" This, my good friend, is not the way to proceed. Had they, 
before matters were pushed to extremity, requested the assistance 
of the British government to bring about a peace on equitable 
terms, I am convinced the measure would have been fully accom- 
plished long before this time. 

" I would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the propriety 
of adopting this mode of proceeding ; and that peace, an object so 
much to be desired, will at length be permanently settled. 

" I am the most sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by 
your being on the spot, and that you will call forth the exertion of 
your influence and abilities on the occasion." 

The Americans also were desirous to enlist Brant as a peace- 
maker, and Governor Clinton, of New York, was written to by 
General Knox, in the hope that he might influence the Mohawk 
leader ; but the chieftain was beyond his reach, in the far west, 
among the tribes who were likely to be foremost in the contest ; 
nor could any learn whether he went thither as a peace-maker or 
promoter of war. 

Early in May, the United States Government was informed that 
he had revived his plan of a great Indian confederacy ; and about 
the 19th of that month, Proctor, at Buffalo, heard from the West 
that Brant was there, not to pacify, but to inflame the Miamies and 
their allies ; but yet, as the chiefs of the Six Nations represented 
his purpose to be that of a messenger sent to learn the feelings of 
the western tribes, and asked Proctor again and again to wait his 
return, the impression produced upon the American Government 
was that he had nothing in view but the cessation of hostilities.* 

Before Proctor, after the failure of his mission, left Buffalo 
creek, which he did upon the 21st of May, measures had been 



* American State Papers, v. 117; also, 161, 168, 181. 



558 proctor's mission a failure. 1791. 

taken to secure a council of the Six Nations on the 16th of June, 
at the Painted Post, near the junction of the Coshocton and Tioga 
rivers. The purpose of this council was to secure the neutrality of 
the Iroquois by presents and fine words ; and the plan appears to 
have succeeded. " Treaty," says Knox, writing to St. Clair, on the 
4th of August, " closed on the 15th, (of July,) and the Indians 
returned satisfied. Colonel Pickering did not attempt to persuade 
any of them to join our army, as lie found such a proposal would 
be very disagreeable to them."* 

It had been calculated when Proctor left Philadelphia upon the 
12th of March, that he would either succeed or distinctly fail in 
his enterprise, in time to reach Fort Washington by the 5th of 
May. This expectation, as has been seen, was entirely defeated, 
as he was so delayed that he did not reach Buffalo creek until the 
27th of April, and did not make his first application for a vessel to 
cross Lake Erie until May 5th. But upon the above calculation, 
mistaken as it proved, were based the arrangements of the United 
States for carrying into effect the second part of the plan for the 
campaign, — "the desultory operations " (as they were termed) for 
annoying the enemy in case Proctor failed. These operations 
were to be carried out by the backwoodsmen under their own 
commanders. 

The depredations of the Indians on the Ohio after Harmar's 
expedition, produced great alarm in Western Virginia, and the 
delegates of several of the western counties of that State, sent a 
memorial to the governor, in which they say : 

" The defenseless condition of those counties, forming a line of 
nearly four hundred miles along the Ohio river, exposed to the 
hostile invasion of their Indian enemies, destitute of every kind of 
support, is truly alarming ; for notwithstanding all the regulations 
of the General Government in that country, we have reason to 
lament that they have been hitherto ineffectual for our protection ; 
nor, indeed, could it happen otherwise : for the garrisons kept by 
the continental troops on the Ohio river, if they are of any use, it 
must be to the Kentucky settlements ; as they immediately cover 
that country. To us they can be of no service, being from two to 
four hundred miles below our frontier settlements. 

" We further beg leave to observe that we have reason to fear 
that the consequences of the defeat of our army by the Indians, on 



* American State Pacers, t. 181. 



1791. GENEKAL CHARLES SCOTT'S EXPEDITION. 559 

the late expedition, will be severely felt on our frontiers : as there 
is no doubt but that the Indians will, in their turn, (being flushed 
with victory,) invade our settlements, and exercise all their horrid 
murder upon the inhabitants thereof, whenever the weather will 
permit them to travel. Then is it not better to support us where 
we are, be the expense what it may, than to oblige such a number 
of your brave citizens, who have so long supported, and still con- 
tinue to support, a dangerous frontier, (although thousands of their 
relatives in the flesh have, in the prosecution thereof, fallen a 
sacrifice to savage inventions) to quit the country, after all they 
have done and suffered, when you know that a frontier must be 
supported somewhere." 

In consequence of these representations, the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia passed a resolution on the 20th of December, authorizing the 
governor to make provision for the protection of the frontier, till 
the General Government should take efficient measures to effect 
that object. Governor Randolph immediately dispatched orders 
to the commanding officers of the western counties, for the enlist- 
ment, before the 1st of March, of several companies of rangers, 
for the defense of the frontier, and appointed Charles Scott briga- 
dier-general of the militia of Kentucky, with orders to raise a 
volunteer force for the protection of that district. These proceed- 
ings were reported to Congress, and that body, early in January, 
established a local Board of War for the district of Kentucky, 
composed of General Scott, Harry Innis, John Brown, Benjamin 
Logan, and Isaac Shelby, with discretionary powers to provide for 
the defense of the settlements and the prosecution of the war. 

On the 3d of March, Congress passed an ■" Act for the raising 
and adding another regiment to the military establishment of the 
United States, and for making further provision for the protection 
of the frontiers." - In the execution of the provisions of that act, 
the President immediately appointed Governor St. Clair com- 
mander-in-chief of the army in the North- West, and authorized 
him to raise an army of three thousand men, to be employed 
against the hostile Indians in that territory. 

It was considered necessary, however, to make an immediate 
attack on the Wabash Indians ; and accordingly orders were sent 
to General Scott, to raise, under the direction of the Kentucky 
Board of War, a volunteer force of about seven hundred and fifty 
men, and lead an expedition against the Wea towns on the 
Wabash. The time of rendezvous was fixed on the 10th of May, 
but the march was postponed for a few days, to await the return of 



560 GENERAL CHARLES SCOTT'S EXPEDITION. 1791. 

Proctor. No intelligence, however, was received from him ; the 
hostility of the Indians was becoming more apparent, and, on the 
23d of May, General Scott with a force of eight hundred mounted 
men crossed the Ohio, at the mouth of the Kentucky, and com- 
menced his march to Ouiatenon, where he arrived on the 1st of 
June. 

"I immediately detached Colonel John Hardin," says Scott in 
his report, " with sixty mounted infantry, and a troop of light horse 
under Captain McCoy, to attack the villages to the left, and moved 
on briskly with my main body, in order of battle, toward the town, 
the smoke of which was discernible. My guides were deceived 
with respect to the situation of the town ; for, instead of standing 
at the edge of the plain through which I marched, I found it on 
the low ground bordering on the Wabash : on turning the point of 
woods, one bouse presented in my front. Captain Price was 
ordered to assault that with forty men. He executed the command 
with great gallantry, and killed two warriors. 

" When I gained the summit of the eminence which overlooks 
the villages on the banks of the Wabash, I discovered the enemy 
in great confusion, endeavoring to make their escape over the river 
in canoes. I instantly ordered Lieutenant Colonel-commandant 
Wilkinson to rush forward with the first battalion. 

" The order was executed with promptitude, and this detach- 
ment gained the bank of the river just as the rear of the enemy 
had embarked; and, regardless of a brisk fire kept up from a 
Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they, in a few minutes, by a 
well-directed fire from their rifles, destroyed all the savages with 
which Hve canoes were crowded. To my great mortification, the 
Wabash was many feet beyond fording at this place : I therefore 
detached Col. Wilkinson to a ford two miles above, which my 
guides informed me was more practicable. 

" The enemy still kept possession of Kickapoo town : I deter- 
mined to dislodge them; and for that purpose ordered Captains 
King's and Logsdone's companies to march down the river below 
the town, and cross, under the conduct of Major Barboe. Several 
of the men swam the river, and others passed in a small canoe. 
This movement was unobserved ; and my men had taken post on 
the bank before they were discovered by the enemy, who imme- 
diately abandoned the village. 

"About this time word was brought to me that Colonel Hardin 
was encumbered with prisoners, and had discovered a stronger vil- 
lage further to my left than those I had observed, which he was 



1791. GENERAL CHARLES SCOTT'S EXPEDITION. 561 

proceeding to attack. I immediately detached Captain Brown 
with his company, to support the colonel : but the distance being 
six miles, before the captain arrived the business was done, and 
Colonel Hardin joined me a little before sun-set, having killed six 
warriors, and taken fifty-two prisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior 
who discovered me in the morning, had gained the main town, and 
given the alarm, a short time before me ; but the villages to my 
left were uninformed of my approach, and had no retreat. 

" The next morning I determined to detach my Lieutenant 
Colonel-commandant, with &ve hundred men, to destroy the im- 
portant town of Keth-tip-e-ca-nunk, (Tippecanoe,) eighteen miles 
from my camp, on the west side of the Wabash ; but, on examina- 
tion, I discovered my men and horses to be so crippled and worn 
down by a long, laborious march, and the active exertions of the 
preceding day, that three hundred and sixty men only could be 
found in a capacity to undertake the enterprise, and they prepared 
to march on foot. 

" Colonel Wilkinson marched with this detachment at half after 
five in the evening, and returned to my camp the next day at one 
o'clock, having marched thirty-six miles in twelve hours, and de- 
stroyed the most important settlement of the enemy m that quarter 
of the federal territory. 

" Many of the inhabitants of the village (Ouiatenon) were French, 
and lived in a state of civilization. By the books, letters, and other 
documents found there, it is evident that place was in close con- 
nection with, and dependent on, Detroit. A large quantity of 
corn, a variety of household goods, peltry, and other articles, were 
burned with this village, which consisted of about seventy houses, 
many of them well finished."* 

The theatre of this event is thus described in the Indiana Ga- 
zetteer, published at Indianapolis, 1850 : 

" Weaf prairie, or Wea plains, covers more than a township of 
excellent land, just below the mouth of Wea creek. On the oppo- 
site side of Wabash river was the Indian town Ouiatenon, and the 
site of a Jesuit mission once flourishing. Here, too, were the most 
extensive improvements probably ever made by Indians within the 
limits of this State, of which scarce a trace now remains. 



* American State Papers, v. 131. 

f Wah-wee-ah- tenon was the original Indian name of the settlement, made classic 
(Ouiatenon) by the Jesuits. 



562 COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 1791. 

" For richness of soil and beauty of natural situation no place 
in the State, or perhaps in the "West, can compare with the Wea 
plains." 

A few miles above this ancient post is located the nourishing 
city of La Fayette. 

On the recommendation of Governor St. Clair, the Kentucky 
Board of War resolved to send another expedition under Colonel 
Wilkinson to destroy the towns on Eel river. The volunteers 
raised for the service, were ordered to rendezvous at Fort Wash- 
ington, on the 20th of July, armed and mounted, with provisions 
for thirty days; and on the 1st of August, Wilkinson, with five 
hundred and twenty-five men, commenced his march against the 
hostile towns. His report, made on the 24th of August, to Gover- 
nor St. Clair, is a sufficient history of the expedition: 

" Having carried into complete effect the enterprise which you 
were pleased to direct against L'Anguille, (a village on Eel river,) 
and having done the savages every other damage on the Wabash, 
to which I conceived my force adequate, I embrace the first 
moments recess from active duty, to detail to your excellency the 
operations of the expedition entrusted to my conduct. 

"I left the neighborhood of Fort Washington on the 1st inst., at 
one o'clock, and agreeably to my original plan, feinted boldly at the 
Miami villages, by the most direct course the nature of the ground 
over which I had to march would permit. I persevered in this 
plan until the morning of the 4th inst., and thereby avoided the 
hunting ground of the enemy, and the paths which lead direct from 
White river to the Wabash, leaving the head waters of the first to 
my left; I then, being about seventy miles advanced of Fort Wash- 
ington, turned north-west. 

" I made no discovery until the 5th, about nine o'clock, A. M., 
when I crossed three much frequented paths within two miles of 
each other, and all bearing east of north; my guides were urgent 
for me to follow these paths, which betrayed their ignorance of the 
country, and convinced me that I had to depend on my own 
judgment only. In the afternoon of that day, I was obliged to 
cross a deep bog, which injured several of my horses exceedingly, 
and a few miles beyond I struck a path bearing north by west, 
marked by the recent footsteps of five or six savages. 

" My guides renewed their application to me to follow this path, 
but I pursued my course which had been UST. 60 W. since two 
o'clock. 

" I had not got clear of my encampment next morning, before 



1791. * COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 563 

my advance reported an impassable bog in our front, extending 
several miles on either hand ; and the guides asserted that the 
whole country to the Wabash was cut by such bogs, and that it 
would be impossible for me to proceed unless I followed the 
Indian paths, which avoided these bogs, or led through them at 
places where they were least difficult. Although I paid little 
regard to this information, as delay was dangerous, and every 
thing depended on the preservation of my horses, I determined to 
turn to the right, and fall into the path I had passed the evening 
before, which varied in its course from N". by W. to NE. The 
country now had become pondy in every direction ; I therefore 
resolved to pursue this path until noon, in the hope that it would 
conduct me to better ground, or to some devious trace which 
might lead to the object sought. 

" At seven o'clock I crossed an east branch of Calumet* river, 
about forty yards wide, and about noon my advance guard fired on 
a small party of warriors, and took a prisoner; the rest ran off to 
the eastward. I halted about a mile beyond the spot where this 
affair happened, and on examining the prisoner found him to be a 
Delaware, living near the site of the late Miami village, which he 
informed me was about thirty miles distant; I immediately retro- 
graded four miles, and filed off by the right over some rising 
ground which I had observed between the east branch of Calumet 
river and a creek four or five miles in advance of it, taking my 
course N. 60 W. 

"This measure fortunately extricated me from the bogs and 
ponds, and soon placed me on firm ground ; late in the afternoon 
I crossed one path running from £T. to S. and shortly after fell 
into another varying from NW. to E". by W. I pursued this 
path about two miles, when I encamped — but finding it still 
inclined northward, I determined to abandon it in the morning. 

"I resumed my march on the 6th at four o'clock; the Calumet 
being to the westward of me, I was fearful I should strike the 
Wabash too high up, and perhaps fall in with the small town, 
which you mentioned to me, at the mouth of the former river. I 
therefore steered a due west course, and six o'clock, A. M,, crossed 
a road, much used both by horse and foot, bearing due north. 

"I now knew that I was near a Shawanese village, generally 
supposed to be on the waters of White river, but actually on those 



* At present not known by that name. 



564 COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 1791. 

of the Calumet, and was sensible that every thing depended on the 
celerity and silence of my movements, as my real object had become 
manifest. I therefore pushed my march vigorously, leaving an 
officer and twenty men in ambush, to watch the road, in order to 
intercept or beat off any party of the enemy which might casually 
be passing that way, and thereby prevent as long as possible, the 
discovery of my real intentions. 

"At eight o'clock I crossed Calumet river, now eighty yards 
wide, and running down NHFW> and pursuing my course, I crossed 
one path near the western bank of the river, taking the same 
course, and at six miles distance, another bearing to the NE. I 
was now sensible from my reckoning compared with my own 
observations, during the late expedition under General Scott, and 
the information received from your excellency and others, that I 
could not be very far distant from L'Anguille. The party left at 
the road soon fell in with four warriors encamped half a mile from 
the right of my line of march, killed one and drove off the others to 
the northward. My situation had now become extremely critical, 
the whole country to the north being in alarm, which made me 
greatly anxious to continue my march during the night; but I had 
no path to direct me, and it was impossible to keep my course, or 
for horsemen to march through a thick swampy country, in utter 
darkness. I quitted my camp on the 7th as soon as I could see 
my way, crossed one path at three miles distance bearing NE. 
and at seven miles I fell into another very much used, bearing 
~NW. by 1ST. which I at once adopted, as the direct route to my 
object and pushed forward with the utmost dispatch. 

" I halted at twelve o'clock to refresh the horses and examine 
the men's arms and ammunition ; marched again at half after one, 
and at fifteen minutes before five I struck the Wabash, at one and 
a half leagues above the mouth of Eel river, being the very spot 
for which I had aimed from the commencement of my march. I 
crossed the river, and following the path a K by E course; at the 
distance of two and a half miles my reconnoitering party announced 
Eel river in front, and the town on the opposite bank. I dismoun- 
ted, ran forward and examined the situation of the town as far as 
was practicable, without exposing myself; but the whole face of the 
country from the Wabash to the margin of Eel river, being a 
continued thicket of brambles, black jacks, weeds and shrubs of 
different kinds, it was impossible for me to get a satisfactory view 
without endangering a discovery. 

" I immediately determined to post two companies near the bank 



1791. COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 565 

of the river opposite to the town, and above the ground I then 
occupied, to make a detour with Major Caldwell, and the second 
battalion, until I fell into the Miami trace, and by that route to 
cross the river above and gain the rear of the town, and to leave 
directions with Major M'Dowell, who commanded the first bat- 
talion, to lie perdue until I commenced the attack ; then to dash 
through the river with his corps advanced, and assault the houses 
in front and upon the left. In the moment that I was about to put 
this arrangement into execution, word was brought me that the 
enemy had taken the alarm and were flying. I instantly ordered 
a general charge, which was obeyed with alacrity, the men forcing 
their way over every obstacle plunged through the river with vast 
intrepidity. The enemy was unable to make the smallest resist- 
ance. 

"Six warriors and, in the hurry and confusion of the charge, two 
squaws and a child were killed, thirty-four prisoners were taken and 
an unfortunate captive released — with the loss of two men killed 
and one wounded. I found this town scattered along Eel river 
for full three miles, on an uneven scrubby oak barren, intersected 
alternately by bogs almost impassable, and impervious thickets of 
plum, hazel and black jack. Notwithstanding these difficulties, 
if I may credit the report of the prisoners, very few who were in 
the town escaped ; expecting a second expedition, their goods were 
generally packed up or buried. 

44 Sixty warriors had crossed the Wabash to watch the paths 
leading from the Ohio ; the head chief with all the prisoners, and a 
number of families, were out digging a root which they substitute 
in the place of the potatoe, and about one hour before my arrival 
all the warriors, except eight, had mounted their horses and rode 
up the river to a French store to purchase ammunition. This am- 
munition had arrived from the Miami village that very day, and 
the squaws informed me was stored about two miles from the 
town. 

"I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it, but he failed to make 
any discovery, although he scoured the country for seven or eight 
miles up the river. I encamped in the town that night, and the 
next morning cut up the corn scarcely in the milk, burnt the cab- 
ins, and mounted my young warriors, squaws and children in the 
best manner in my power, and leaving two infirm squaws and a 
child with a short talk, (a copy of which I have the honor to enclose 
you,) I commenced my march for the Kickapoo town in the prairie. 
I felt my prisoners a vast incumbrance, but I was not in force to 



566 COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 1791. 

justify a detachment, having barely five hundred and twenty- three 
rank and file, and being then in the bosom of the Ouiatenon 
country, one hundred and eighty miles removed from succor and 
not more than one and a half days forced march from the Potta- 
wattamies, Shawanese and Delawares. 

"Not being able to discover any path in the direct course to the 
Kickapoo towns, I marched by the road leading to Tippecanoe, in 
the hope of finding some diverging trace which might favor my 
design. I encamped that evening about six miles from Kenapa- 
comaqua, the Indian name for the town I had destroyed, and 
marched next morning at four o'clock. My course continued west 
till nine o'clock when I turned to the north-west on a small hunt- 
ing path, and at a short distance I launched into the boundless 
prairies of the west with the intention to pursue that course until 
I could strike a road which leads from the Pottawattamies of Lake 
Michigan immediately to the town I sought. 

" With this view I pushed forward, through bog after bog, to the 
saddle skirts in mud and water, and after persevering for eight 
hours I found myself environed on all sides with morasses which 
forbade my advancing and at the same time rendered it difficult 
for me to extricate my little army. The way by which we had 
entered was so much beat and softened by the horses that it was 
almost impossible to return by that route, and my guides pronoun- 
ced the morass in front impassable. A chain of thin groves 
extending in the direction of the Wabash at this time presented to 
my left; it was necessary I should gain these groves, and for this 
purpose I dismounted, went forward, and leading my horse through 
a bog to the arm-pits in mud and water, with great difficulty and 
fatigue I accomplished my object, and changing my course to S. 
by W. I regained the Tippecanoe road at five o'clock and encamped 
on it at seven o'clock, after a march of thirty miles, which broke 
down several of my horses. 

"I am the more minute in detailing the occurrences of this day, 
because they produce the most unfavorable effect. I was in motion 
at four next morning, and at eight o'clock my advanced guard 
made some discoveries which induced me to believe we were near 
an Indian town. I immediately pushed that body forward on a 
trot and followed with Major Caldwell and the second battalion, 
leaving Major M'Dowell to take charge of the prisoners. I reached 
Tippecanoe at twelve o'clock, which had been occupied by the 
enemy, who watched my motions and abandoned the place that 
morning. After the destruction of the town in June last, the 



1791. COLONEL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 567 

enemy had returned and cultivated their corn and pulse, which I 
found in high perfection and in much greater quantity than at 
L'Anguitle. 

"■ To refresh my horses and give time to cut down the corn, I 
determined to halt until the next morning, and then to resume my 
march to the Kickapoo town, in the prairie, by the road which 
leads from Ouiatenon to that place. In the course of the day, I had 
discovered some murmurings and discontent among the men, which 
I found on inquiry to proceed from their reluctance to advance fur- 
ther into the enemy's country ; this induced me to call for a state 
of the horses and provisions, when, to my great mortification, two 
hundred and seventy horses were returned lame and tired, with 
barely five days provisions for the men. 

"Under these circumstances, I was compelled to abandon my 
designs upon the Kickapoos of the prairie ; and with a degree of 
anguish not to be comprehended but by those who have experienced 
similar disappointments, I marched forward to a town of the same 
nation, situate about three leagues west of Ouiatenon. As I 
advanced to that town, the enemy made some show of fighting me, 
but vanished at my approach. I destroyed this town, consisting of 
thirty houses, with a considerable quantity of corn in the hills, and 
the same day I moved on to Ouiatenon, where I forded the Wabash, 
and proceeded to the site of the villages on the margin of the 
prairie, where I encamped at seven o'clock. 

" At this town and the villages destroyed by Gen. Scott, in June, 
we found the corn had been replanted, and was now in high culti- 
vation, several fields being well ploughed, all which we destroyed. 
On the 12th, I resumed my march, and falling into Gen. Scott's 
return trace, I arrived without any material incident at the rapids 
of the Ohio, on the 21st inst., after a march by accurate computa- 
tion of four hundred and fifty-one miles from Fort Washington. 

"The volunteers of Kentucky have, on this occasion, acquitted 
themselves with their usual good conduct, but as no opportunity 
offered for individual distinction, it would be unjust to give one 
the plaudits to which all have an equal title. I cannot, however, 
in propriety, forbear to express my warm approbation of the good 
conduct of my Majors M'Dowell and Caldwell, and of Col. Russell, 
who, in the character of a volunteer, without commission, led my 
advance; and I feel myself under obligations to Major Adair and 
Capt. Parker, who acted immediately about my person, for the 
services they rendered me, by the most prompt, active and ener- 
getic exertions. 



568 SCOTT'S CAMPAIGN BY IMLAY. 1791. 

"The services which I have been able to render, fall far short of 
my wishes, my intention and expectation; but, sir, when you 
reflect on the causes which checked my career, and blasted my 
designs, I flatter myself you will believe everything has been done 
which could be done in my circumstances ; I have destroyed the 
chief town of the Ouiatenon nation, and made prisoners the sons 
and sisters of the King; I have burnt a respectable Kickapoo 
village, and cut down at least four hundred and thirty acres of 
corn, chiefly in the milk. The Ouiatenon s, left without houses, 
home or provision, must cease to war, and will find active employ 
to subsist their squaws and children during the impending 
winter." 

Aside from the official reports of Scott and Wilkinson, a very 
interesting account of their expedition, as well as of the country 
they invaded, as it then appeared, is furnished in the letter of an 
officer in Wilkinson's campaign.* 

"General Scott, at the head of eight hundred Kentucky volun- 
teers, marched from opposite the mouth of the Kentucky river, 
about the beginning of June ; the course he steered was about 
north 20° west, and in about fifteen days he struck and surprised 
the lower Weaucteneau (Ouiatenon) towns, on the Wabash river, 
and the prairie adjoining; but unfortunately, the river at that time 
was not fordable, or the Kickapoo town, on the north-west side, 
with the Indians who escaped in their canoes from the Weau 
town on the south, must have fallen completely into our hands ; 
however, about twenty warriors were killed in the Weau ( Ouia) 
villages, and in the river crossing the Wabash, and forty-seven of 
their squaws and children taken prisoners. 

"Immediately after the engagement, a council of war was called, 
when it was determined that Wilkinson should cross the Wabash 
under cover of the night, with a detachment of four hundred men, 
and endeavor to surprise the town of Kathtippacamunck, which 
was situated upon the north side of that river, at the mouth of Rip- 
pacanoe creek, (Tippecanoe,) and about twenty miles above the 
Lower Weau towns. This expedition was conducted with so much 
caution and celerity, that Wilkinson arrived at the margin of the 
prairie, within a mile, and to the west of the town, about an hour 
before the break of day; whilst a detachment was taking a circuit 
through the prairie, to co-operate with the main body on a given 



* Imlay's America, p. 402. 



1791. imlay's version op bcott's march. 569 

signal ; day appeared, and the volunteers rushed into the town with 
an impetuosity not to be resisted. The detachment in advance 
reached the Eippacanoe creek* the very moment the last of the 
Indians were crossing, when a very brisk fire took place between 
the detachment and the Indians on the opposite side, in which sev- 
eral of their warriors were killed, and two of our men wounded. 

" This town, which contained about one hundred and twenty 
houses, eighty of which were shingle roofed, was immediately 
burnt and leveled with the ground ; the best houses belonged to 
French traders, whose gardens and improvements round the town 
were truly delightful, and, everything considered, not a little won- 
derful; there was a tavern, with cellars, bar, public, and private 
rooms; and the whole marked a considerable share of order, and 
no small degree of civilization. 

" Wilkinson returned with his detachment, after destroying the 
town, and joined the main army about seven in the evening; and 
the day following our little army were put in motion, with their 
prisoners ; and steering about south, in twelve days reached the 
rapids of the Ohio, with the loss only of two men, who unfortu- 
nately were drowned in crossing Main White river. 

"The success of this expedition encouraged government to set 
another on foot, under the command of Colonel Wilkinson; which 
was destined to operate against the same tribes of Indians ; whose 
main town, near the mouth of Ell river, on the Wabash, had not 
been attacked in the first excursion; and accordingly, on the 1st of 
August following, the colonel, at the head of five hundred mounted 
volunteers, marched from Fort Washington, north sixteen degrees 
west, steering, as it were, for the Manmic villages, on the Picaway 
fork of the Manmic, (or Miami of the lake,) and St. Mary's river. 
This movement was intended as a feint, and the Indians, who 
afterward fell upon our trail, were completely deceived ; nor did 
we change our course until by the capture of a Delaware Indian, 
we ascertained that we were within thirty miles of the principal of 
the Manmic villages, and having marched down our northing, at 
the very time we received the information, shifted our course to 
due west, and at the distance of one hundred and eighty miles 
from Fort Washington, we struck the Wabash within two miles and 
a half of Longuille, or, as the Indians call it, Kenapacomaqua. It 
was about 4, P. M. when we reached that river, and crossing it im- 



* Rather the Wabash. 

37 



570 imlay's version of scott's march. 1791. 

mediately, we marched in four columns across the neck of land, 
formed bj the junction of the Wabash and Ell (Eel) rivers, passing 
several Indian war posts that had been fresh painted, we arrived 
completely concealed on the south bank of Ell river, and directly 
opposite the town of Kenapaeomaqua. 

"The surprise of this town was so very complete, that before we 
received orders to cross the river and rush upon the town, we ob- 
served several children playing on the tops of the houses, and could 
distinguish the hilarity and merriment that seemed to crown the 
festivity of the villagers, for it was in the season of the green corn 
dance. 

"The want of daylight, and a morass, that nearly encircled the 
town, prevented us from suddenly attacking, which enabled several 
of the Indians to escape, and in some measure obscured the bril- 
liancy of the enterprise, by limiting the number of warriors killed 
to eleven, and capturing forty squaws and their children, after 
burning all the houses, and destroying about two hundred acres of 
corn, which was then in the milk, and in that stage when the In- 
dians prepare it for Zoflbmanony. This success was achieved with 
the loss of two men, who were killed. 

"About four o'clock in the afternoon we mounted our prisoners, 
and took a west and by north course toward the Little Kickapoo town, 
which the colonel hoped to surprise on his way to the Great Kick- 
apoo town, in the prairie, on the waters of the Illinois river; but 
the difficulties w T e encountered in this march, through these almost 
boundless prairies, were such, that upon our arrival at the Little 
Kickapoo town, we found one half the horses in the army non- 
effective, and unlikely to reach the Ohio by the nearest course we 
could take, which consideration induced the colonel to relinquish 
the enterprise against the Great Kickapoo town ; and, accordingly, 
after destroying about two hundred acres of corn at Kathtippaca- 
nunck, Kickapoo, and the lower Weaucteneau towns, we gained 
General Scott's return tract, and on the 21st of August, after a cir- 
cuitous march of four hundred and eighty -six miles, arrived with 
our prisoners at Louisville." 

The expeditions of Harmar, Scott and Wilkinson were directed 
against the Miamies and Shawanese, and served only to exasperate 
them. The burning of their towns, the destruction of their corn, 
and the captivity of their women and children, only aroused them 
to more desperate efforts to defend their country, and to harass 
their invaders. To carry on the w T ar more vigorously, Little Turtle, 
the chief of the Miamies, Blue Jacket, the chief of the Shawanese, 



1791. PURPOSE OF ST. CLAIR'S CAMPAIGN. 571 

and Buckongahelas, the chief of the Delawares, were engaged in 
forming a confederacy of all the tribes of the north-west, strong 
enough to drive the whites beyond the Ohio. 

Meanwhile, preparations were going forward for the main expe- 
dition of St. Clair, which, it was intended, was to secure the control 
over the savages, by establishing a chain of forts from the Ohio to 
Lake Erie, and especially by securing the commanding position at 
the head of the Maumee. 

At a very early period, the admirable position of the Miami vil- 
lage, at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, had struck 
Washington's sagacious mind, and when Harmar's expedition was 
undertaken, one purpose of it would doubtless have been the estab- 
lishment of a military post at the Miami town, had it been com- 
patible with the public finances.* But Harmar's defeat having 
proved the necessity of some strong check upon the northern 
savages, it became the main purpose of the campaign of 1791 to 
build a fort at the point designated, which was to be connected by 
other intermediate stations with Fort Washington and the Ohio. 
Of this there is proof in the language of the government, after St. 
Clair's defeat: "the great object of the late campaign," says Gen. 
Knox, in his official report, dated December 26, 1791, "was to 
establish a strong military post at the Miami village," (Maumee, 
at the junction of the St. Joseph and the St. Mary). This object, 
too, was to be attained, if possible, even at the expense of a contest 
which might be otherwise avoided, as the following instructions, 
issued to St. Clair by the Secretary of War, will indicate : 

"The President of the United States having, by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate, appointed you a Major-General 
in the service of the United States, and of consequence invested 
you with the chief command of the troops to be employed upon 
the frontiers during the ensuing campaign, it is proper that you 
should be possessed of the views of the government respecting the 
objects of your command. 

"lam, therefore, authorized and commanded by the President 
of the United States, to deliver you the following instructions, in 
order to serve as the general principles of your conduct. 

"But, it is only general principles which can be pointed out. In 
the execution of the duties of your station, circumstances which 
cannot now be foreseen may arise, to render material deviations 



*See Knox's letter to St. Clair, September 12, 1790. American State Papers, v. 100. 



572 INSTRUCTIONS TO ST. CLAIR. 1791. 

necessary. Such circumstances will require the exercise of your 
talents. 

"The government possesses the security of your character and 
mature experience, that your judgment will be proper on all occa- 
sions. You are well informed of the unfavorable impressions 
which the issue of the last expedition has made on the public mind, 
and you are also aware of the expectations which are formed of 
the success of the ensuing campaign. 

"An Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarded by the 
great mass of the people of the United States as an event which 
ought, if possible, to be avoided. It is considered that the sacri- 
tiee of blood and treasure in such a war exceeds any advantages 
which can possibly be reaped by it. 

" The great policy, therefore, of the General Government, is to 
establish a just and liberal peace with all the Indian tribes within 
the limits and in the vicinity of the territory of the United States. 
Your intimations to the hostile Indians, immediately after the late 
expedition, through the Wy an dots and Delawares; the arrange- 
ments with the Senecas who were lately in this city, that part of 
the Six Nations should repair to the said hostile Indians, to influ- 
ence them to pacific measures ; together with the recent mission 
of Colonel Proctor to them for the same purpose, will strongly 
evince the desire of the General Government to prevent the 
effusion of blood, and to quiet all disturbances. And when you 
shall arrive upon the frontiers, if any other or further measures to 
effect the same object should present, you will eagerly embrace 
them, and the reasonable expenses thereof shall be defrayed by the 
public. But, if all the lenient measures taken, or which may be 
taken, should fail to bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of 
their situation, it will be necessary that you should use such 
coercive means as you shall possess, for that purpose. 

" You are informed that, by an act of Congress, passed the 2d 
inst., another regiment is to be raised, and added to the military 
establishment, and provision made for raising two thousand levies, 
for the term of six months, for the service of the frontiers. It is 
contemplated that the mass of the regulars and levies may be 
recruited and rendezvous at Tort Washington, by the 10th of July. 
In this case, you will have assembled a force of three thousand 
effectives at ler.st, besides leaving small garrisons on the Ohio, in 
order to perform your main expedition, hereinafter mentioned. 

" But, in the meantime, if the Indians refuse to listen to the 
messengers of peace sent to them, as it is most probable they will, 



1791. INSTRUCTIONS TO ST. CLAIR. 573 

unless prevented, spread themselves along the line of frontiers, for 
the purpose of committing all the depreciations in their power. 
In order to avoid so calamitous an event, Brigadier-General Charles 
Scott, of Kentucky, has been authorized by me, on the part of the 
President of the United States, to make an expedition against the 
Wea, or Ouiatenon towns, with mounted volunteers, or militia 
from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven hundred and 
fifty, officers included. 

You will perceive, by the instructions to Brigadier General 
Scott, that it is confided to your discretion, whether there should 
be more than one of the said expeditions of mounted, volunteers or 
militia. Your nearer view of the objects to be effected, by a 
second desultory expedition, will enable you to form a better 
judgment than can at present be formed, at this distance. The 
propriety of a second operation would, in some degree, depend on 
the alacrity and good, composition of the troops of which the first 
may have been formed ; of its success ; of the probable effects a 
second similar blow would have upon the Indians, with respect to 
its influencing them to peace ; or, if they should be still hostilely 
disposed, of preventing them from desolating the frontiers by their 
parties. 

" You will observe, in the instructions to Brigadier-General 
Scott, which are to serve as a basis for the instructions of the com- 
manders who may succeed him, that all captives are to be treated, 
with great humanity. It will be sound policy to attract the Indians 
by kindness, after demonstrating to them our power to punish 
them, on all occasions. While you are making such use of desul- 
tory operations as in your judgment the occasion may require, you 
will proceed vigorously, in every operation in your power, for the 
purpose of the main expedition ; and having assembled your force, 
and all things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace 
should have been produced, either by the messenger, or hj the 
desultory operations, you will commence your march for the Miami 
village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military post 
at that place. 

"In your advance, you will establish such posts of communica- 
tion with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may judge proper. 
The post at the Miami village is intended for the purpose of awing 
and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive 
of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered Secure 
against all attempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison 
which should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient 



574 INSTRUCTIONS TO ST. CLAIR. 1791. 

for the defense of the place, but always to afford a detachment of 
five or six hundred men, either to chastise any of the "Wabash, or 
other hostile Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. 

" The establishment of such a post is considered as an important 
object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case 
of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this 
point if possible; and it is presumed, good arguments may be 
offered, to induce their acquiescence. The situation, nature, and 
construction of the works you may direct, will depend upon your 
own judgment. Major Ferguson, of the artillery, will be fully 
capable of the execution. He will be furnished with three five 
and a half inch howitzers, three six-pounders, and three three- 
pounders, all brass, with a sufficient quantity of shot and shells, 
for the purpose of the expedition. The appropriation of these 
pieces will depend upon your orders. 

" Having commenced your march, upon the main expedition, 
and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every possible 
exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority ; and 
after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works in a 
defensible state, you will seek the enemy with the whole of your 
remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible means, to strike 
them with great severity. 

"It will be left to your discretion whether to employ, if attain- 
able, any Indians of the Six Nations, and the Chickasaws or other 
southern nations. Most probably the employment of about fifty of 
each, under the direction of some discreet and able chief, would be 
advantageous, but these ought not to be assembled before the line 
of march is taken up, because they are soon tired and will not be 
detained. The force contemplated for the garrison of the Miami 
village, and the communications, has been from a thousand to 
twelve hundred non-commissioned officers and privates. This is 
mentioned as a general idea, to which you will adhere, or from 
which you will deviate, as circumstances may require. The garri- 
son stationed at the Miami village, and its communications, must 
have in store at least six months good salted meat, and flour in 
proportion. 

"It is hardly possible, if the Indians continue hostile, that you will 
be suffered quietly to establish a post at the Miami village ; conflicts, 
therefore, may be expected ; and it is to be presumed that disci- 
plined valor will triumph over the undisciplined Indians. In this 
event it is probable that the Indians will sue for peace; if this 
should be the case, the dignity of the United States will require 



179L INSTRUCTIONS TO ST. CLAIK. 575 

that the terms should be liberal. In order to avoid future wars, 
it might be proper to make the Wabash, and thence over to the 
Miami, and down the same to its mouth at Lake Erie, the boun- 
dary, excepting so far as the same shall relate to the Wyandots and 
.Delawares, on the supposition of their continuing faithful to the 
treaties. But, if they should join in the war against the United 
States, and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be 
removed without the boundary mentioned. You will also judge 
whether it would be proper to extend the boundary, from the 
mouth of the river au Pause of the Wabash, in a due west line to 
the Mississippi. Few Indians, beside the Kickapoos, would be 
affected by such a line ; this ought to be tenderly managed. 

" The modification of the boundary must be confided to your 
discretion, with this single observation, that the policy and interest 
of the United States dictate their being at peace with the Indians. 
This is of more value than millions of uncultivated acres, the right 
to which may be conceded by some, and disputed by others. The 
establishment of a post at the Miami village will properly be 
regarded by the British officers on the frontiers, as a circumstance 
of jealousy; it may, therefore, be necessary that you should, at a 
proper time, make such intimations as may remove all such dispo- 
sitions. This intimation had better follow than precede the 
possession of the post, unless circumstances dictate otherwise. 

"As it is not the inclination or interest of the United States to 
enter into a contest with Great Britain, every measure tending to 
any discussion or altercation must be prevented. The delicate 
situation of affairs may, therefore, render it improper at present to 
make any naval arrangement upon Lake Erie. After you shall 
have effected all the injury to the hostile Indians of which your 
force may be capable, and after having established the posts and 
garrisons at the Miami village and its communications, and placing 
the same under the orders of an officer worthy of such high trust, 
you will return to Eort Washington on the Ohio. 

"It is proper to observe, that certain jealousies have existed 
among the people of the frontiers, relative to a supposed interference 
between their interest, and those of the marine States : that these 
jealousies are ill-founded, with respect to the present Government, 
is obvious. The United States embrace, with equal care, all parts 
of the Union ; and, in the present case, are making expensive 
arrangements for the protection of the frontiers, and partly in the 
modes, too, which appear to be highly favored by the Kentucky 
people. 



576' ST. CLAIR PREPARES FOR CAMPAIGN. 1788. 

" The high stations you fill, of commander of the troops, and 
governor of the western territory, will afford you frequent opportu- 
nities to impress the frontier citizens of the entire good disposition 
of the general government toward them in all reasonable things, 
and you will render acceptable service, by cordially embracing all 
such opportunities.''* 

Under these instructions, St. Clair proceeded to organize his 
army. At the close of April, he was in Pittsburgh, toward which 
point troops from all quarters, horses, stores and ammunition, were 
going forward. The forces, it was thought, would be assembled 
by the last of July or first of August. By the middle of July, how- 
ever, it was clear that the early part of September would be as soon 
as the expedition could get under way ; but the commander was 
urged to press everything, and act with the utmost promptness and 
decision. But this was more easily urged than accomplished. 

On the 15th of May, St. Clair had reached Fort Washington, and 
at that time, the United States' troops in the west amounted to but 
two hundred and sixty-four non-commissioned officers and privates 
fit for duty ; of these, seventy-five were at Fort Washington, forty- 
five at Fort Harmar, sixty-one at Fort Steuben, and eighty-three at 
Fort Knox. On the 15th of July, this number was more than 
doubled, however, as the first regiment, containing two hundred 
and ninety-nine men, on that day reached Fort Washington. 

General Butler, who had been appointed second in command, 
was employed through part of April and Alay in obtaining recruits ; 
but when obtained, there was no money to pay them, nor to pro- 
vide stores for them. In the quarter-master's department, mean- 
time, everything went on slowly and badly; tents, pack-saddles, 
kettles, knapsacks and cartridge boxes, were all " deficient in quan- 
tity and quality." Worse than this, the powder was poor or injured, 
the arms and accoutrements out of repair, and not even proper 
tools to mend them. Of six hundred and seventy-five stand of 
arms at Fort Washington, (designed by St. Clair for the militia) 
scarcely any were in order; and with two traveling forges furnished 
by the quarter-master, there were no anvils.f And as the troops 
gathered slowly at Fort Washington, after wearisome detentions 
at Pittsburgh and upon the river, a new source of troubles arose, 
in the habits of intemperance acquired and indulged in by the idlers. 
To withdraw them from temptation, St. Clair was forced to remove 



* American State Papers, v. 171. 
j American State Papers, xii. 36. 



1791. ST. CLAIR BUILDS FORT HAMILTON. 577 

his men, now numbering two thousand, to Ludlow's station, about 
six miles from the fort ; by which, however, he more than doubled 
his cost of providing for the troops. Here the army continued 
until September 17th, when, being two thousand three hundred 
strong, including the garrisons of Forts Washington and Hamilton, 
and exclusive of militia, it moved forward to a point upon the 
Great Miami, where Fort Hamilton was built, the first in the pro- 
posed chain of fortresses. 

" The circuit of that fort," says St. Clair, " is about one thousand 
feet, through the whole extent of which a trench about three feet 
deep was dug, to set the pickets in, of which it required about two 
thousand to inclose it ; and it is not trees taken promiscuously that 
will answer for pickets, they must be tall and straight, and from 
nine to twelve inches in diameter, for those of a larger size are too 
unmanageable ; of course, few trees that are proper are to be found 
without going over a considerable space of woodland. When 
found, they are felled, cleared of their branches and cut into 
lengths of about twenty feet. They were then carried to the 
ground and butted, that they might be placed firm and upright in 
the trench, with the axe or cross-cut saw. Some hewing upon 
them was also necessary, for there are few trees so straight that the 
sides of them will come in contact when set upright. A thin 
piece of timber, called a ribbon, is run around the whole near the 
top of the pickets, to which every one of them is pinned with a 
strong pin, without which they would decline from the perpendicu- 
lar with every blast of wind, some hanging outward and some in- 
ward, which would render them in a great measure useless. The 
earth thrown out of the trench is then returned, and strongly 
rammed, to keep the pickets firmly in their places, and a shallower 
trench is dug outside, about three feet distant, to carry off the 
water, and prevent their being removed by the rains ; about two 
thousand pickets are set up on the inside, one between every two 
of the others; the work is then inclosed. But previously, the 
ground for the site of the fort had to be cleared, and two or three 
hundred yards around it, which was very thickly wooded, and was 
a work of time and labor. 

" The ground where this fort stands is on the east side of 
the Miami river, on the first bank; but there is a second bank, 
considerably elevated, within point blank shot, which rendered it 
necessary to make the pickets, particularly along the land side, of 
a height sufficient to prevent an enemy from seeing into the area, 
and taking the side of the river in reverse, and a high platform 



578 ST. CLAIR MARCHES NORTH. 1791. 

was raised in one of the bastions on the land side, to scour the 
second bank with artillery. Another, made with the trunks of 
trees, and covered with plank as that was, was raised in one of the 
bastions toward the river, in order to command the ford, and the 
river for some distance up and down. Plank was sawed for the 
platforms, and the gate, and barracks for one hundred men ; a 
guard-room, two store-houses for provisions, and barracks for the 
officers, were constructed within it ; and all this was done in about 
fourteen days, almost entirely by the labor of men ; though some 
use was made of oxen in drawing the timber, the woods were so 
thick and encumbered with underwood it was found to be the most 
expeditious method to carry it."* 

After the completion of Fort Hamilton, the troops moved on 
forty-four miles further, and on the 12th of October commenced 
Fort Jefferson, about six miles south of the town of Greenville, 
Darke county. On the 24th the toilsome march through the wil- 
derness began again. At this time the commander-in-chief, whose 
duties through the summer had been very severe, was suffering 
from an indisposition which by turns affected his stomach, lungs, 
and limbs; provisions were scarce, the roads wet and heavy, the 
troops going with " much difficulty," seven miles a day; the militia 
deserting sixty at a time.f Thus toiling along, the army, rapidly 
lessening by desertion, sickness, and troops sent to arrest deserters, 
on the 3d of November reached a stream twelve yards wide, which 
St. Clair supposed to be the St. Mary of the Maumee, but which 
was in reality a branch of the Wabash, just south of the head 
waters of the stream for which the commander mistook it. Upon 
the banks of this creek the army, now about fourteen hundred 
strong, encamped in two lines. 

" The right wing," says St. Clair, in his letter to the Secretary of 
War after the battle, " composed of Butler's, Clark's, and Patter- 
son's battalions, commanded by Major-General Butler, formed the 
first line; and the left wing, consisting of Bedinger's and Graither's 
battalions, and the second regiment, commanded by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Darke, formed the second line, with an interval between 
them of about seventy yards, which was all the ground would 
allow. The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek; 
a steep bank, and Faulkner's corps, some of the cavalry, and their 



* St. Clair's Narrative, p. 152. 

f St. Clair's Journal. — American State Papers, t. 186-37. 



1791. ST. CLAIR IS ATTACKED. 579 

picquets, covered the left flank. The militia were thrown over the 
creek, and advanced about a quarter of a mile, and encamped in 
the same order. There were a few Indians who appeared on the 
opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation 
on the advance of the militia. 

" At this place, which I judged to be about fifteen miles from 
the Miami village, I determined to throw up a slight work, the 
plan of which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson, 
wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks, and every thing 
else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to 
attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment was come up. But 
they did not permit me to execute either; for, on the 4th, about 
half an hour before sunrise, and when the men had just been dis- 
missed from parade, (for it was a constant practice to have them 
all under arms a considerable time before day-light,) an attack was 
made upon the militia. Those gave way in a very little time, and 
rushed into camp through Major Butler's battalion, (which, together 
with a part of Clark's, they threw into considerable disorder, and 
which, notwithstanding the exertions of both those officers, was 
never altogether remedied,) the Indians following close at their 
heels. The fire, however, of the front line checked them ; but 
almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line ; and in 
a few minutes it was extended to the second likewise. 

" The great weight of it was directed against the centre of each, 
where the artillery was placed, and from which the men were 
repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no great effect 
from our fire, and confusion beginning to spread from the great 
number of men who were falling in all quarters, it became neces- 
sary to try what could be done by the bayonet. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Darke was accordingly ordered to make a charge with a part of the 
second line, and to turn the left flank of the enemy. This was 
executed with great spirit. The Indians instantly gave way, and 
were driven back three or four hundred yards; but for want of a 
sufficient number of riflemen to pursue this advantage, they soon 
returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in their turn. 
At this moment they had entered our camp by the left flank, hav- 
ing pushed back the troops that were posted there. Another 
charge was made here by the second regiment, Butler's and Clark's 
battalions, with equal effect, and it was repeated several times, and 
always with success ; but in all of them many men were lost, and 
particularly the officers, which, with so raw troops, was a loss alto- 
gether irremediable. In that I just spoke of, made by the second 



580 ST. CLAIR IS DEFEATED. 1791. 

regiment and Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously 
wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell except three, 
one of which, Mr. Greaton, was shot through the body. 

" Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed 
except Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded, and more than 
half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it became 
necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make a retreat, if pos- 
sible. To this purpose, the remains of the army were formed as 
well as circumstances would admit, toward the right of the encamp- 
ment, from which, by the way of the second line, another charge 
was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn their right 
flank, but in fact to gain the road. This was effected, and as soon 
as it was open the militia took along it, followed by the troops, 
Major Clark, with his battalion, covering the rear. 

" The retreat, in those circumstances, was, as you may be sure, a 
very precipitate one; it was, in fact, a flight. The camp and the 
artillery were abandoned; but that was unavoidable, for not a horse 
was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. 

"But the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the great- 
est part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even 
after the pursuit, which continued about four miles, had ceased. I 
found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able 
to remedy it; for, having had all my horses killed, and being 
mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could 
not get forward myself, and the orders I sent forward, either to halt 
the front or to prevent the men from parting with their arms, were 
unattended to. The rout continued quite to Fort Jefferson, twenty- 
nine miles, which was reached a little after sun-setting. 

"The action began about half an hour before sun-rise, and the 
retreat was attempted at half an hour after nine o'clock. I have 
not yet been able to get returns of the killed and wounded; but 
Major-General Butler, Lieutenant-Colonel Oldham, of the militia, 
Major Ferguson, Major Hart, and Major Clark are among the 
former; Colonel Sargent, my Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Darke, Lieutenant-Colonel Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount 
Malartie, who served me as Aid-de-camp, are among the latter, and 
a great number of captains and subalterns in both. 

"I have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale — a tale that will 
be felt sensibly by every one that has sympathy for private distress 
or for public misfortune. I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge 
of the troops, but their want of discipline, which, from the short 
time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have 



1791. st. clair's official dispatch 581 

acquired, and which rendered it very -difficult, when they were 
thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order, and is one 
reason why the loss has fallen so heavy on the officers^ who did 
everything in their power to effect it. 

"JSTeither were my own exertions wanting: hut, worn down with 
illness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to 
mount or dismount a horse without assistance, they were not so 
great as they otherwise would, and perhaps ought to have been. 

"We were overpowered by numbers; but it is no more than 
justice to observe that, though composed of so many different 
species of troops, the utmost harmony prevailed through the whole 
army during the campaign. 

"At Fort Jefferson I found the first regiment, which had returned 
from the service they had been sent upon, without either overtaking 
the deserters, or meeting the convoy of provisions. I am not cer- 
tain, sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of this regiment 
from the field of action as fortunate or otherwise. I incline to 
think it was fortunate, for I very much doubt whether, had it been 
in the action, the fortune Of the day had been turned; and, if it 
had not, the triumph of the enemy would have been more complete, 
and the country would have been destitute of every means of 
defense. 

"Taking a view of the situation of our broken troops at Fort 
Jefferson, and that there was no provisions in the fort, I called upon 
the field officers, viz : Lieutenant Colonel Darke, Major Hamtramck, 
Major Ziegler and Major Gaither, together with the Adjutant-Gene- 
ral, Winthrop Sargent, for their advice what would be proper fur- 
ther to be done ; and it was their unanimous opinion, that the 
addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the 
army on so respectable a footing as it was in the morning, because 
a great part of it was now unarmed ; that it had been found unequal 
to the enemy, and should they come on, which was possible, would 
be found so again ; that the troops could not be thrown into the 
fort, both because it was too small, and that there were no provi- 
sions in it ; that provisions were known to be on the road, at the 
distance of one, or at most two marches ; that, therefore, it would 
be more proper to move, without loss of time, to meet the provi- 
sions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity of some 
refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be sent back 
with it, to have it safely deposited in the fort. This advice was 
accepted, and the army was put in motion at ten o'clock, and 
marched all night, and the succeeding day met with a quantity of 



582 st. clair's official dispatcii. 1791. 

flour. Part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back to 
supply the army on the march to Fort Hamilton, and the remainder, 
about fifty horse loads, sent forward to Fort Jefferson. The next 
day a drove of cattle was met with, for the same place, and I have 
information that both got in. The wounded, who had been left at 
that place, were ordered to be brought to Fort Washington by the 
return horses. 

" I have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were 
overpowered by numbers. Of that, however, I have no other evi- 
dence but the weight of the fire, which was always a most deadly 
one, and generally delivered from the ground — few of the enemy 
showing themselves afoot, except when they were charged ; and 
that, in a few minutes our whole camp, which extended above three 
hundred and fifty yards in length, was entirely surrounded and at- 
tacked on all quarters. The loss, sir, the public has sustained by 
the fall of so many officers, particularly General Butler and Major 
Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted ; but it is a circumstance 
that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them 
fell most gallantly doing their duty. I have had very particular 
obligations to many of them, as well as to the survivors, but to none 
more than Colonel Sargent. He has discharged the various duties 
of his office with zeal, with exactness, and with intelligence, and 
on all occasions afforded me every assistance in his power, which I 
have also experienced from my Aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Denny, 
and the Viscount Malartie, who served with me in the station as a 
volunteer." 

To this official account of the commander, is added the follow- 
ing sketch by Benjamin Van Cleve, who was in the quarter-master 
general's service, and fought as a volunteer on the occasion. Mr. 
Van Cleve was a resident of Cincinnati, early in 1790, removed to 
Dayton in 1797, and during the principal part of his life kept a 
journal or memorandum of the events that transpired. It vividly por- 
trays the confusion of the battle and flight : 

"On the 4th of November, at daybreak, I began to prepare for 
returning to Fort Washington, and had got about half my luggage 
on my horse, when the firing commenced. We were encamped 
just within the lines, on the right. The attack was made on the Ken- 
tucky militia. Almost instantaneously the small remnant of them 
that escaped broke through the line near us, and this line gave 



* American State Papers, v. 137. 



1791. van cleve's story op the battle. 583 

way. Followed by a tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed 
me. I threw my bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had 
been cut, and followed a short distance, when finding the troops 
had halted, I returned and brought my horse a little further. I 
was now between the fires, and finding the troops giving way 
again, was obliged to leave him a second time. As I quitted him 
he was shot down, and I felt rather glad of it, as I concluded that 
now I should be at liberty to share in the engagement. 

" My inexperience prompted me to calculate on our forces be- 
ing far superior to any that the savages could assemble, and that we 
should soon have the pleasure of driving them. Not more than 
five minutes had yet elapsed, when a soldier near me had his arm 
swinging with a wound. I requested his arms and accoutrements, 
as he was unable to use them, promising to return them to him, 
and commenced firing. The smoke was settled down to about 
within three feet of the ground, but I generally put one knee on 
the ground, and with a rest from behind a tree, waited the appear- 
ance of an Indian's head from behind his cover, or for one to run 
and change his position. 

"Before I was convinced of my mistaken calculations, the battle 
was half over, and I had become familiarized to the scene. Hear- 
ing the firing at one time unusually brisk near the rear of the left 
wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy officers were just or- 
dering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition, and some of 
the bands of my musket had flown off. I picked up another, and 
a cartridge box nearly full, and pushed forward with about thirty 
others. The Indians ran to the right, where there was a small ra- 
vine filled with logs. I bent my course after them, and on looking 
round, I found I was with only seven or eight men, the others hav- 
ing kept straight forward, and halted about thirty yards off*. We 
halted also, and being so near where the savages lay concealed, the 
second fire from them, left me standing alone. My cover was a 
small sugar tree or beech, scarcely large enough to hide me. I 
fired away all my ammunition ; I am uncertain whether with any 
effect or not. I then looked for the party near me, and saw them 
retreating, and half way back to the lin^s. I followed them, run- 
ning my best, and was soon in. 

"By this time our artillery had been taken, I do not know 
whether the first or second time, and our troops had just retaken 
it, and were charging the enemy across the creek in front ; and 
some person told me to look at an Indian running with one of our 
kegs of powder, but I did not see him. There were about thirty 



584 van cleve's story of the battle. 1791. 

of our men and officers lying scalped, around the pieces of artillery. 
It appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for their hair 
was all skinned off. 

"Daniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought 
up with me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time 
received a shot through his hips and was unable to walk. I pro- 
cured a horse and got him on. My uncle had received a ball near 
his wrist that lodged near his elbow. The ground was literally 
covered with dead and dying men — the commander gave orders to 
take the way — perhaps they had been given more explicitly. Hap- 
pening to see my uncle, he told me that a retreat had been ordered 
and that. I must do the best I could and take care of myself. Bon- 
ham insisted that he had a better chance of escaping than I had, 
and urged me to look to my own safety alone. I found the troops 
pressing like a drove of bullocks to the right. 

"I saw an officer whom I took to be Lieutenant Morgan, an aid 
to General Butler, with six or eight men start on a run a little to 
the left of where I was. I immediately ran and fell in with them. 
In a short distance we were so suddenly among the Indians, who 
were not apprised of our object, that they opened to us and ran to 
the right and left without firing. I think about two hundred of 
our men passed through them before they tired, except a chance 
shot. When we had proceeded about two miles, most of those 
mounted had passed me. 

"My friend Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but understood 
he was thrown off about this place, and lay on the left of the trace, 
where he was found in the winter and was buried. I took the 
cramp violently and could scarcely walk until I got within a hun- 
dred yards of the rear, where the Indians were tomahawking the 
old and wounded men; and I stopped here to tie my pocket hand- 
kerchief round a wounded man's knee. I saw the Indians close in 
pursuit at this time, and for a moment my spirits sunk and I felt in 
despair for my safety. I considered whether I should leave the 
road or whether I was capable of any further exertion. If I left the 
road the Indians were in plain sight and could easily overtake me. 
I threw the shoes off my feet, and the coolness of the ground seemed 
to revive me. I again began to run, and recollect that when a bend 
in the road offered and I got before half-a-dozen persons, I thought 
it would occupy 3ome time to massacre them before my turn would 
come. By the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I 
had gained the centre of the flying troops, and like them came to 
a walk and arrived at Fort Jefferson a little after sunset. 



1791. VAN CLEVE'S STORY Of THE BATTLE. 585 

"The commander-in-chief had ordered Colonel Darke to press 
forward to the convoys of provisions and hurry them on to the 
army. Major Truman, Captain Sedan and my uncle were setting 
forward with him. A number of soldiers and pack-horsemen on 
foot, and myself among them, joined them. We came on a few 
miles, when all, overcome with fatigue, agreed to halt. 

"Darius Curtius Orcutt, a pack-horse master, had stolen at Jeffer- 
son, one pocket full of flour and the other full of beef, One of the 
men had a kettle, and one Jacob Fowler and myself groped about 
in the dark until we found some water, where a tree had been 
blown out of root. We made a kettle of soup, of which I got a 
small portion among the many. It was then concluded, as there 
was a bend in the road a few miles further on, that the Indians 
might undertake to intercept us there, and we decamped and 
traveled about four or five miles further. I had got a rifle and 
ammunition at Jefferson, from a wounded militia-man, an old 
acquaintance, to bring in. A sentinel was set and we lay down 
and slept, until the governor came up a few hours afterward. I 
think I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get awake after 
I was on my feet. 

"On the day before the defeat the ground was covered with 
snow. The flats were now filled with water frozen over, the ice as 
thick as a knife-blade. I was worn out with fatigue, with my feet 
knocked to pieces against the roots in the night and splashing 
through the ice without shoes. In the morning we got to a camp 
of pack horsemen, and amongst them I got a doughboy or water- 
dumpling, and proceeded. We got within seven miles of Hamilton 
on this day, and arrived there soon on the morning of the sixth." 

The defeat of St. Clair was the most terrible reverse the Ameri- 
can arms ever suffered from the Indians. Even the defeat of 
Braddock was less disastrous. Braddock's army consisted of 
twelve hundred men and eighty-six officers, of whom seven 
hundred and fourteen men and sixty three officers were killed or 
wounded. St. Clair's army consisted of fourteen hundred men 
and eighty-six officers, of whom eight hundred and ninety men 
and sixteen officers were killed or wounded. But the comparative 
losses of the two engagements, represent very inadequately the 
crushing effect of the defeat of St. Clair. An unprotected frontier 
of a thousand miles, from the Allegheny to the Mississippi, was at 
once thrown open to the attack of the infuriated and victorious 
38 



586 CONSTERNATION IN WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 1791. 

savages. The peace enjoyed for the several preceding years had 
wrought a great change in the Western settlements. 

The Indian hunters of the Revolutionary war had laid aside 
their arms and habits, and devoted themselves to the cultivation of 
the soil ; the block houses and forts, around which the first settlers 
had gathered, w T ere abandoned; and cabins, clearings, and hamlets 
instead, were scattered, in exposed situations, all along the border. 
Every where the settlers, unprotected and unprepared, were ex- 
pecting in terror the approach of the savages, and every where 
abandoning their homes, or awaiting in helpless despair, the 
burnings, massacres and cruelties of Indian war. 

The extent of the consternation that pervaded the border, may 
be inferred from the tone of the memorials of the people of the 
western counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia to the governors of 
those States.* 

"In consequence," says a committee of the citizens of Pittsburgh, 
" of the late intelligence of the fate of the campaign to the West- 
ward, the inhabitants of the town of Pittsburgh have convened, and 
appointed us a committee for the purpose of addressing your excel- 
lency. The late disaster of the army must greatly affect the safety 
of this place. There can be no doubt but that the enemy will now 
come forward, and with more spirit, and greater numbers, than 
they ever did before, for success w r ill give confidence and secure 
allies. 

"We seriously apprehend that the Six Nations, heretofore 
wavering, will now avow themselves ; at least, their young men 
will come to war. Be that as it may, the Indians at present 
hostile, are well acquainted with the defenseless situation of this 
town. During the late war there was a garrison at this place, 
though, even then, there was not such a combination of the savage 
nations, nor so much to be dreaded from them. At present, we 
have neither garrison, arms nor ammunition, to defend the place. 
If the enemy should be disposed to pursue the blow they have 
given, which it is morally certain they will, they would, in our 
situation, find it easy to destroy us ; and, should this place be lost, 
the whole country is open to them, and must be abandoned." 

"Your excellency is well aware," say the people of Western 
Pennsylvania, "of the great extent of our frontier; and, when you 
consider the high degree of spirit which the savages, animated by 



* American State Papers, v. 215, 216, 222. 



1791. CONSTERNATION IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 587 

two successive victories, entertain, you may more easily conceive 
than we can describe, the fears which pervade the breasts of those 
men, women and children, who are more immediately subject to 
their barbarities and depredations. Had the people a sufficiency 
of arms in their hands, they might, in some measure, defend 
themselves until the General Government, to whose care the 
common defense is entrusted, should adopt efficient steps for that 
purpose. At the same time, we beg leave to state to your excel- 
lency, what occurs to us as the most speedy and effectual mode. 
When the extent of country to be protected is taken into view, we 
conceive that eight hundred effective men will not be deemed more 
than sufficient. They should be active partisans, under experi- 
enced officers, and provided with good rifles, to suit the grand 
object of meeting the enemy upon equal terms ; of scouting, and 
giving the alarm when needful. Such a body should have encour- 
agement proportioned to the price of common labor in this country, 
which averages fifty shillings per month, as the pay allowed to 
the troops of the United States would not be a sufficient induce- 
ment to able-bodied men, possessing the requisite qualifications. 
We suggest these general ideas from our knowledge of local cir- 
cumstances, which they who are at a distance, unacquainted with 
the actual situation of the western country, cannot so well perceive. 
It is not our wish to enter into a minute detail, being convinced 
that your excellency is not only fully acquainted with, but feelingly 
alive to, those impressions, which a state, such as ours, must give 
rise to ; nor can we apply to any person more proper than yourself 
to procure that assistance which it requires." 

" The alarming intelligence lately received," say the people of 
Western Virginia, "of the defeat of the army in the western 
country, fills our minds with dreadful fears and apprehensions, 
concerning the safety of our fellow-citizens in the country we 
represent, and we confidently hope will be an excuse to your 
excellency, whose zeal has been so frequently evinced in behalf of 
the distressed frontier counties, for the request we are now com- 
pelled to make. 

"In the course of last year, upwards of fifty of our people were 
killed, and a great part of our country plundered, notwithstanding 
the aid afforded by the Pennsylvanians, who joined the Virginians 
for our defense. The success of the Indians in their late engage- 
ment with General St. Clair, will, no doubt, render them more 
daring and bold in their future incursions and attacks upon our 
defenseless inhabitants ; those adjoining the county of Harrison, 



588 CAUSES OF ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT. 1791. 

extending a hundred miles ; covering the county of Monongalia ; 
and we conceive that not less than sixty or seventy men will be 
sufficient to defend them. Through you, sir, we beg leave to 
request this assistance. 

The popular clamor against St. Clair was loud and deep. In 
military affairs, blame is almost always attached to misfortune ; for 
the greater number of those who judge, have no rule to guide them 
but the event. Misconduct is ever inferred from the want of suc- 
cess, and the greatest share of blame always falls upon the principal 
officer. Thus it was in the case of St. Clair. He had suffered a 
great reverse, and was, therefore, accused by the public voice, of 
great incompetence. Aware of the s public odium under which he 
lay, he asked from the President the appointment of a court of 
inquiry, to investigate his conduct; but the request was denied, 
because there were not officers enough in the service of the proper 
rank, to constitute such a court. He then offered to resign his 
commission on condition that his conduct should be investigated; 
but the exigencies of service would not admit of delay, and his 
request was again refused. 

The true causes of the disaster have been made the subject of 
much controversy. The Secretary of War, in his report on the 
state of the frontiers, affirms that the principal causes of the failure 
of the expedition were the deficiency of good troops according to 
the expectation in the earlier part of the year, the want of sufficient 
discipline according to the nature of the service, and the lateness 
of the season. 

The committee of the House of Representatives, to whom was 
referred the subject, reported that the causes of the failure of the 
expedition, were the delay in preparing estimates for the defense 
of the frontiers, and the late passage of the act for that purpose ; 
the delay caused by the neglects in the quarter-master's depart- 
ment, the lateness of the season when the expedition was com- 
menced, and the want of discipline and experience in the troops, 
and exonerated St. Clair from all blame in relation to everything 
before and during the action.* 

It is obvious, however, that these causes were insufficient to 
account for the disaster. The late passage of the act for the defense 
of the frontiers, the delays of the expedition, the misconduct of the 
quarter-master, and the advanced period of the season were, of 



* American Stati P^pcr?, x ! i. 88. 



1791. CAUSES OF ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT. 589 

course, sufficient reasons for the failure to secure the position at 
the head of the Mauniee, which was the ultimate object of the 
army; but they could not of themselves have occasioned the defeat 
of the army. The want of discipline and experience in the troops 
doubtless contributed to, but did not occasion the disaster of their 
bravery, there can be no doubt. The battle began at six o'clock 
and lasted till about half-past nine, and the troops, though exposed 
to a destructive fire from a foe so placed that they could not 
efficiently return it, nevertheless behaved with all the resolution 
aud coolness it was possible for them to exhibit, under the circum- 
stances of the case. They were not overwhelmed, as St. Clair sup- 
posed, by superior numbers. The army consisted of more than 
fourteen hundred men ; the Indians, according to the best accounts, 
did not exceed a thousand. They, however, fought with desperate 
valor, and at a great advantage, from the nature of the ground, and 
from the facilities the forest afforded for their favorite mode of 
attack. They were led, too, by the greatest chieftain of that age. 
It has been the received opinion, that the leader of the confederated 
tribes on that fatal day was Little Turtle, the chief of the Miamies; 
but from the family of that celebrated warrior and statesman, it is 
ascertained that Joseph Brant,* with one hundred and fifty Mohawk 
braves, was present, and commanded the warriors of the wilderness. 

The true reasons then of the disaster of the day were, doubtless, 
the surprise of the army and the consequent confusion and flight 
of the militia who were first attacked. Had the attack been 
expected, the troops prepared, all chance of confusion avoided, and 
had the officers who commanded been obeyed — with all the dis- 
advantages of raw troops, the event might have been, probably 
would have been, wholly different. The militia, as St. Clair says, 
were a quarter of a mile in advance of the main army, and beyond 
the creek; still further in advance was Captain Slough, who, with 
a volunteer party of regulars, went out to reconnoitcr : and orders 
had been given Colonel Oldham, who commanded the militia, to 
have the woods thoroughly examined by the scouts and patrols, as 
Indians were known to be hanging about the outskirts of the army. 
In all this, St. Clair seems to have done his entire duty, as far as 
sickness would permit him ; could he have attended in person to 
the details of the command, it would have been better. 

During the night, Captain Slough, who was a mile beyond the 



Stone's Brant, ii. p. 313. 



590 CAUSES OF ST. clair's defeat. 1791. 

militia, found so large a body of savages gathering about him, that 
he fell back and reported his observations to General Butler. But 
the general, for reasons unexplained, made no dispositions in con- 
sequence of this information, and did not report it to the comman- 
der-in-chief. Colonel Oldham also obeyed his orders, the woods 
were searched, and the presence of the enemy detected; but he, 
too, reported, through Captain Slough, to General Butler, beyond 
whom the information did not go. 

The death of General Butler in the engagement, in regard to 
which there are many conflicting statements, precluded the possi- 
bility of any explanation on his part of his conduct, so much calcu- 
lated to mislead the commander-in-chief, and so to endanger the 
safety of the army, as this withholding of indispensable information 
at such an important juncture. It is only known that there was an 
unfriendly feeling existing between Generals St. Clair and Butler, 
during the whole progress of the campaign. 

According to St. Clair's account of it, the difficulty first arose on 
the march to Fort Jefferson. Butler, in St. Clair's absence, changed 
the order of march, and on his arrival an altercation occurred be- 
tween them, the result of which was, says St. Clair, "he afterward 
seldom came near me." Subsequently, at Fort Jefferson, Butler 
proposed to proceed at once with one thousand men, and take post 
at the Miami village, in advance of the march of the remainder of 
the army. St. Clair received the proposition with undisguised con- 
tempt, and that circumstance greatly heightened the animosity 
between them. These altercations produced, it appears, so much 
mutual aversion between the parties, that, during the subsequent 
part of the campaign, little intercourse was maintained between 
them. 

Whatever then may have been the motives which influenced 
General Butler to withhold the information he possessed in regard 
to the presence of the Indians in the neighborhood, and thus ex- 
posed the army to the surprise it experienced, and which may 
have been the immediate cause of the disaster; the circumstances 
under which the omission occurred, would favor an inference 
that he sacrificed the safety of the army to the gratification of 
his animosity against St. Clair. The evidence given before the 
committee of Congress is conclusive that he failed, at least to 
perform his whole duty in the premises. Captain Slough deposes, 
that he was sent out during the night with a party of obser- 
vation, that he saw a large body of Indians going toward the 
camp, apparently for the purpose of reconnoitering it, and that in 



1791. CAUSES OF ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT. 591 

that belief he had hastened back to the militia camp, to communi- 
cate the information he had received. "I halted my party," said 
he, " near Colonel Oldham's tent, went into it, and awakened him, 
I believe about twelve o'clock. I told him that I was of his opin- 
ion, that the camp would be attacked in the morning, for I had 
seen a number of Indians. I proceeded to the camp, and as soon 
as I had passed the camp guard, dismissed the party, and went to 
General Butler's tent. As I approached it, I saw him come out of 
the tent, and stand by the fire. I went up to him, and took him 
some distance from it, not thinking it prudent that the sentry 
should hear what I had seen. I also told him what Colonel Old- 
ham had said, and that, if he thought proper, I would go and make 
the report to General St. Clair. He stood some time, and after a 
pause, thanked me for my attention and vigilance, and said, as I 
must be fatigued, I had better go and lie down." 

General St. Clair afterward affirmed that, if he had known that 
the Indians were near and in force, he would have attacked them 
during the night, under, as he supposed, such circumstances as 
would ensure victory. 

To all these circumstances is to be added, that General St. Clair 
was suffering from severe indisposition, and for a portion of the 
march had to be carried on a litter. And in the morning of the 
attack the army was taken by surprise and unprepared. Even 
under these disadvantages, the American army might have been 
victorious had the troops not been unexpectedly attacked, and 
thrown into disorder at the onset. It could not have been the sin- 
gle fact that they were militia or volunteers, for in too many 
instances have this class of troops from this western valley, stood 
their ground in severe and deadly conflicts with both Indians and 
British. Proofs enough of firmness and self-government have been 
given by this class of men, to put an end to the prejudices hereto- 
fore existing against volunteer troops. 

The following communication from Colonel John Armstrong, an 
experienced warrior with Indians, and the hero of Kittanning, de- 
serves attention in this connection : 

"It seems probable, that too much attachment to regular or mil- 
itary rule, or a too great confidence in the artillery (which it seemed 
formed part of the lines, and had a tendency to render the troops 
stationary,) must have been the motives which led to the adopted 
order of action. I call it adopted, because the general does not 
speak of having intended any other, whereby he presented a large 
and visible object, perhaps in close orders, too, to an enemy near 



592 GENERAL KNOX PROPOSES FURTHER ACTION. 1791. 

enough to destroy, but from their known modes of action, com- 
paratively invisible ; whereby we may readily infer, that five hun- 
dred Indians were fully sufficient to do us all the injury we have 
sustained, nor can I conceive them to have been many more. But 
tragical as the event has been, we have this consolation, that du- 
ring the action our officers and troops discovered great bravery, and 
that the loss of a battle it not always the loss of the cause. In 
vain, however, may we expect success against our present adversa- 
ries, without taking a few lessons from them, which I thought 
Americans had learned long ago. The principles of their military 
action are rational, and therefore often successful. We must, in a 
degree, take a similar method in order to counteract them." 

If these opinions are correct, there was no such neglect on the 
part of St. Clair as on the part of Braddock in his defeat; no over- 
whelming self-confidence, or disregard of sound advice ; there was 
nothing, absolutely nothing, to excuse the abuse and persecution 
to which he was afterward subjected. There was, however, appa- 
rent neglect on the part of General Butler and Colonel Oldham, 
leading to surprise ; a mistaken position assigned the militia by St. 
Clair, in accordance with the maxims of most officers of the day; 
and a needless adherence to military rules on the part of the 
commander-in-chief, which made his force a target for the Indians 
to shoot at. 

The defeat of St. Clair occurred on the 4th of November. On 
the 8th, the remains of the army reached Fort Washington; on 
the 9th, St. Clair wrote to the Secretary of War; on the 12th of 
December the information was communicated to Congress, and on 
the 26th of December General Knox laid before the President two 
reports, the second of which contained suggestions as to future 
operations. 

After noticing the policy of the government toward the native 
tribes, the futility of all attempts to preserve peace, and the justice 
of the United States claim, the Secretary proceeds — 

"Hence, it would appear that the principles of justice, as well as 
policy, and it may be added, the principles of economy, all com- 
bine to dictate that an adequate military force should be raised as 
soon as possible, placed upon the frontiers, and disciplined accord- 
ing to the nature of the service, and in order to meet, with the 
prospect of success, the greatest probable combination of the Indian 
enemy. 

"Although the precise manner in which the force to be raised be 
employed cannot be pointed out, with propriety, at this time, as it 



1791. KNOX PLANS ANOTHER CAMPAIGN. 593 

will depend on the circumstances of the moment, yet it may not 
be improper to observe that, upon a review of the merits of the 
main object of the late campaign, to wit, the establishment of a 
strong military post at the Miami village, with the necessary posts 
of communication, the necessity and propriety thereof remain the 
same ; that this necessity will probably continue until we shall be 
possessed of the posts upon Lake Michigan, of Detroit and Magara, 
withheld from us by Great Britain, contrary to treaty. 

"Without remarking upon the principles of this conduct, it may 
be observed generally, that every arrangement in the power of the 
United States, for establishing the tranquillity of the frontiers, will 
be inferior to the possession of said posts. That it is, however, 
considered that, if the said posts were in our possession, we ought 
also to have a strong post at the Miami village, in order to render 
the protection effectual, and that the posts above mentioned will 
require garrisons whensoever they shall be given up. 

"The subscriber having deliberately contemplated the present 
state of affairs upon the frontiers, from the south to the north, 
having recurred to the past, in order to estimate the probable future 
events, finds himself constrained by his public duty, although with 
great reluctance, to state, as the result of his judgment, that the 
public service requires an increase of the military force, according 
to the following arrangement: 

" That the military establishment of the United States shall, 
during the pleasure of Congress, consist of five thousand one 
hundred and sixty-eight non-commissioned officers, privates and 
musicians. 

" That the said non-commissioned officers and privates shall be 
enlisted to serve three years, unless sooner discharged. 

" That the said troops be organized as follows : 

"One squadron of cavalry, of four troops, each of seventy-six 
non-commissioned officers and privates. 

"It should be a stipulation in the engagements of these men, 
that they should serve on foot whenever the service requires the 
measure. 

" One battalion of artillery, of four companies each, to consist of 
seventy-six non-commissioned officers and privates. 

"Each company of artillery to have, as part of its composition, 
ten artificers each, including the pay of artillerists to have ten dol- 
lars per month. 

" Five regiments of infantry, one of which to be riflemen entirely, 
each of three battalions ; each battalion of four companies ; each 



594 KNOX'S PLAN OF ANOTHER CAMPAIGN. 1791. 

company of seventy-six non-commissioned officers and privates, 
amounting, for each regiment, to nine hundred and twelve. 

"That, in addition to the foregoing arrangements, it would be 
proper that the President of the United States should be authorized, 
besides the employment of militia, to take such measures for the 
defensive protection of the exposed parts of the frontiers, by calling 
into service expert woodsmen, as patrols or scouts, upon such terms 
as he may judge proper. That he be further authorized, in case he 
should deem the measure expedient, to engage mounted militia for 
defensive operations, for such time, and on such terms, as he may 
judge equitable. That he be further authorized, in case he should 
deem the measure expedient, to employ a body of Indians belong- 
ing to tribes in alliance with the United States, to act against the 
hostile Indians; and that he be authorized to stipulate such terms 
as he shall judge right. 

"That it does not seem essential, at this time, that there should 
be any special appropriations for the defensive protection, the 
mounted militia, or the employment of Indians, although the actual 
expenses for those objects may amount to considerable sums, 
because the estimates, before mentioned, comprehend the entire 
expense, for one year, of the proposed establishment, as complete. 
But, let the exertions to complete it be ever so great, yet it is 
probable a deficiency will exist, which will, of course, occasion a 
less expense. 

" The moneys, therefore, which may be appropriated to the estab- 
lishment, and not expended, may be applied to the extra objects 
above mentioned. If, however, there should be a deficiency, it 
may hereafter be provided for. That the net pay of the private 
soldier, at present, free of all deductions, is two dollars per month. 
But, as the experience of the recruiting service of the present year 
evinces that the inducement is insufficient, it seems necessary to 
raise the pay to three dollars per month, free of all deductions, and 
the non-commissioned officers in proportion. The rifle corps will 
require more. But whether, under present circumstances, even 
the additional pay, and an extension of bounty to eight dollars, 
would give such an impulse to the recruiting service as to fill the 
battalions immediately, remains to be tried. 

"Nothing has been said upon an increased pay to the commis- 
sioned officers, because a memorial upon that subject has been pre- 
sented to Congress. But it cannot be doubted that a small increase 
would be highly grateful to the officers, and probably beneficial to 
the service. The mounted militia is suggested to be used during 



1791. KNOX'S PLAN OF ANOTHER CAMPAIGN. 595 

the preparation for the main expedition, and afterward, if circum- 
stances should render it indispensable. The effect of such desul- 
tory operations upon the Indians will, by occupying them for their 
own safety, and that of their families, prevent their spreading terror 
and destruction along the frontiers. These sort of expeditions had 
that precise effect during the last season, and Kentucky enjoyed 
more repose, and sustained less injury, than for any year since the 
war with Great Britain. This single effect, independent of the 
injury done to the force of the Indians, is worth greatly more than 
the actual expense of such expeditions. 

"But, while it is acknowledged that mounted militia maybe 
very proper for sudden enterprises, of short duration, it is conceived 
that militia are utterly unsuitable to carry on and terminate the 
war in which we are engaged, with honor and success. And, be- 
sides, it would be ruinous to the purposes of husbandry to keep 
them out long, if it were practicable to accomplish it. 

"Good troops, enlisted for a considerable period, armed and well 
disciplined, in a suitable manner for the nature of the service, will 
be equal, individually, to the best militia; but when it is considered 
to these qualities are added the obedience, the patience, the prompt- 
ness, the economy of discipline, and the inestimable value of good 
officers, possessing a proper pride of reputation, the comparison no 
longer holds, and disciplined troops attain, in the mind and in 
actual execution, that ascendency over the militia which is the 
result of a just comparative view of their relative force, and the 
experience of all nations and ages. 

"The expediency of employing the Indians in alliance with us 
against the hostile Indians, cannot be doubted. It has been shown 
before how difficult, and even impracticable, it will probably be to 
restrain the young men of the friendly tribes from action, and that 
if we do not employ them, they will be employed against us. The 
justice of engaging them would depend upon the justice of the 
war. If the war be just on our part, it will certainly bear the test 
of examination, to use the same sort of means in our defense as 
are used against us. The subscriber, therefore, submits it as his 
opinion, that it would be proper to employ judiciously, as to time 
and circumstances, as many of the friendly Indians as may be 
obtained, not exceeding one thousand in number."* 

In the necessity for a competent army, all seem to have agreed, 



* American State Papers, v. 198, 199. 



596 PACIFIC OFFERS TO THE IROQUOIS. 1792. 

but it was the wish of Washington that before this army was 
organized every effort should be again made to prevent bloodshed. 
Colonel Pickering, in his meeting of June and July, 1791, with 
the Iroquois, at the Painted Post, had, among other things, pro- 
posed that certain chiefs should, in the following January, go to 
Philadelphia while Congress was in session, and shake hands with 
their newly adopted father. 

The importance of the proposed visit became more evident after 
the news of St. Clair's discomfiture, for the fidelity of the New 
York Indians even was doubted. On the 20th of December, 1791, 
accordingly, Knox wrote to the Rev. Samuel Kirkland, the 
Iroquois missionary, pressing through him the invitation given by 
the commissioner, and especially urging the presence of Brant. 

To aid the proposed peace measures, a respectful and kind 
message was sent to the Senecas on the 7th of January, 1792; 
while, to guard against surprise, means were adopted to learn the 
purpose of a great council called at Buffalo creek, and also to 
ascertain the intentions of the tribes on the Wabash and Miami. 
This was done in part through the agency of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, 
and partly by the mission of Captain Peter Pond and William 
Stedman, who, on the 9th of January, two days before Knox's two 
plans above referred to were laid before Congress, received their 
instructions as secret messengers or spies among the western 
Indians. From those instructions a few paragraphs are quoted: 

" Repair to Niagara and Detroit, without suffering your business 
to escape you, until the proper time. When at Detroit, assume the 
character of traders with the Indians — a business Mr. Pond is well 
acquainted with. Mix with the Miami and Wabash Indians. 
Find their views and intentions through such channels as your 
discretion shall direct. Learn the opinions of the more distant 
Indians. Insinuate upon all favorable occasions, the humane 
disposition of the United States ; and, if you can by any means 
ripen their judgment, so as to break forth openly, and declare the 
readiness of the United States to receive, with open arms, the 
Indians, notwithstanding all that is passed, do it. If such declara- 
tion should be made, at the Miami or Wabash* and be well 
received, you might persuade some of the most influential chiefs 
to repair to our posts on the Ohio, and so, from post to post, to 
this place. 

"But if you should be so fortunate as to succeed in persuading 
the chiefs of the Miami, and hostile, and any other neighboring 
tribes, to repair here, every possible precaution must be taken by 



1792. PEACE MESSAGE TO MATTMEE INDIANS. 597 

you, and by the commanding officer of the troops, who is hereby 
required to afford the necessary escorts, in order to guard the 
Indians from being injured by the whites. 

"While among the Indians, or at Niagara, or Detroit, endeavor 
to find out the numbers and tribes of the Indians who were in the 
attack of General St. Clair, and their loss, killed and wounded; 
what number of prisoners they took, and what they did with them ; 
what disposition they made of the cannon taken, arms, tents, and 
other plunder; what are their intentions for the next year; the 
numbers of the association; how they are supplied with arms, 
ammunition, and provisions. 

"You will readily perceive, that the information required, must 
be given me at the earliest period possible. You will, therefore, 
let me know, by some means which you must devise, your arrival 
at Niagara, Detroit, and the Miami village ; and, if possible, from 
thence, what are your prospects." * 

Pond and his companion, however, could get no further than 
Niagara. While by the northern route this was attempted, Wil- 
kinson, commanding at Fort Washington, on the 10th of February, 
was instructed to send word to Major Hamtramck, at Yincennes, 
that the government wished to secure the agency of the French 
colonists and friendly Indians in quelling the war-spirit. In 
February also, further friendly messages were sent to the Senecas, 
and an invitation forwarded to Brant from the Secretary of War 
himself, asking him to come to Philadelphia. 

In March, fifty Iroquois chiefs reached the city of brotherly love, 
and in the spirit of love transacted their business with the American 
rulers; and during April and May, Captain Truman and others 
were sent from the Ohio to the hostile tribes, bearing messages of 
friendship. But before we relate the unhappy issue of Truman's 
expedition, we must notice the steps taken by the Federal Govern- 
ment in reference to military preparations, which were to be looked 
to in case all else should fail. 

St. Clair had requested a court of inquiry to examine the reasons 
of his defeat, and had expressed his wish to surrender his post as 
commander of the western forces so soon as the examination had 
taken place ; but this proposition to retain his commission until 
after his trial was rendered nugatory by the fact, that under the 
existing system no court of inquiry could be constituted to adjudge 



* American State Papc 



598 WAYNE SELECTED TO COMMAND. 1792. 

his case, and Washington accordingly informed him that it was 
neither possible to grant him the trial he desired nor allow him to 
retain his position. St. Clair having withdrawn, it became a very 
difficult question for the Executive to hit upon a person in all 
respects suited for such a charge. G-eneral Morgan, General Scott, 
General Wayne, Colonel Darke, and General Henry Lee were all 
thought of. Of these, Wayne was the one selected, although his 
appointment caused, as General Lee, then Governor of Virginia, 
wrote Washington, " extreme disgust " among all orders in the Old 
Dominion.* But the President had selected Wayne not hastily 
nor through "partiality or influence," and no idle words affected 
him. In June, General Wayne moved westward to Pittsburgh, and 
proceeded to organize the army which was to be the ultimate 
argument of the Americans with the Indian confederation. Through 
the summer of 1792 the preparation of the soldiers was steadily 
attended to; "train and discipline them for the service they are 
meant for," said Washington, "and do not spare powder and lead, 
so the men be made marksmen." 

In December, 1792, the forces now recruited and trained, were 
gathered at a point about twenty-two miles below Pittsburgh, on 
the Ohio, called Legionville ; the army itself having been denomi- 
nated the Legion of the United States, divided into four sub-legions 
and provided with legionary and sub-legionary officers. Meantime, 
at Fort Washington, Wilkinson had succeeded St. Clair as com- 
mandant, and in January had ordered an expedition to examine 
the field of the late disastrous conflict. This body reached the 
point designated on February 1st, and from the letter of Captain 
Buntin to St. Clair, relative to what was found there, is taken the 
following passage : 

"In my opinion, those unfortunate men who fell in the enemy's 
hands, with life, were used with the greatest torture — having their 
limbs torn off; and the women have been treated with the most 
indecent cruelty, having stakes as thick as a person's arm 
drove through their bodies. The first I observed when burying 
the dead, and the latter was discovered by Colonel Sargent and 
Doctor Brown. We found three whole carriages ; the other Rve 
were so much damaged that they were rendered useless. 

"By the general's orders, pits were dug in different places, and 
all the dead bodies that were exposed to view or could be conveni- 



* See American State Papers, v. 228, 229, 235. Sparks' Washington, x. 240, 244, Note. 



1792. DESCRIPTION OF ST. CLAIR'S BATTLE GROUND. 599 

ently found, the snow being very deep, were buried. During this 
time there were sundry parties detached, some for our safety, and 
others in examining the course of the creek ; and some distance in 
advance of the ground occupied by the militia, they found a large 
camp, not less than three-quarters of a mile long, which was suppo- 
sed to be that of the Indians the night before the action. We 
remained on the field that night, and next morning fixed geared 
horses to the carriages and moved for Fort Jefferson. 

"As there is little reason to believe that the enemy have carried 
off' the cannon, it is the received opinion that they are either buried 
or thrown into the creek, and I think the latter the most probable ; 
but as it was frozen over with a thick ice and that covered with a 
deep snow, it was impossible to make a search with any prospect 
of success. In a former part of this letter I have mentioned the 
camp occupied by the enemy the night before the action ; had 
Colonel Oldham been able to have complied with your orders on 
that evening, things at this day might have worn a different 
aspect."* 

While Wayne's army was being collected and drilled, the peace 
measures of the United States were pressed with equal perse- 
verance. In the first place the Iroquois, through their chiefs who 
came to Philadelphia, were led to act as peace-makers ; in addition 
to them, on the 3d of April, Colonel Truman received his instruc- 
tions to repair to the Miami village with friendly messages, offering 
all reasonable terms : 

"Brothers: — The President of the United States entertains 
the opinion, that the war which exists is founded in error and mis- 
take on your parts. That you believe the United States want to 
deprive you of your lands and drive you out of the country. Be 
assured this is not so : on the contrary, that we should be greatly 
gratified with the opportunity of imparting to you all the blessings 
of civilized life ; of teaching you to cultivate the earth and raise 
corn; to raise oxen, sheep, and other domestic animals; to build 
comfortable houses and to educate your children, so as ever to 
dwell upon the land. 

"Brothers: — The President of the United States requests you 
to take this subject into your serious consideration, and to reflect 
how abundantly more it will be for your interest to be at peace 
with the United States, and to receive all the benefits thereof than 



* Dillon, i. 308. See also Cist's Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 30. 



600 FURTHER OFFERS OF PEACE TO INDIANS. 1792. 

to continue a war, which, however nattering it may be to you for 
a moment, must in the end prove ruinous. 

"This desire of peace has not arisen in consequence of the late 
defeat of the troops under Major-General St. Clair; because, in the 
beginning of the last year, a similar message was sent you by Col. 
Procter, but who was prevented from reaching you by some insur- 
mountable difficulties. All the Senecas at Buffalo creek can 
witness for the truth of this assertion, as he held, during the month 
of April last, long conferences with them, to devise the means of 
getting to you in safety. 

" "War, at all times, is a dreadful evil to those who are engaged 
therein, and more particularly so where a few people engage to act 
against so great numbers as the people of the United States. 

"Brothers: — Do not suffer the advantages you have gained to 
mislead your judgment, and to influence you to continue the war ; 
but reflect upon the destructive consequences which must attend 
such a measure. 

" The President of the United States is highly desirous of seeing 
a number of your principal chiefs, and convincing you, in person, 
how much he wishes to avoid the evils of war for your sake, and 
the sake of humanity. 

"Consult, therefore, upon the great object of peace; call in 
your parties, and enjoin a cessation of all other depredations : and 
as many of the principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to Philadel- 
phia, the seat of the General Government, and there make a peace, 
founded upon the principles of justice and humanity. Remember 
that no additional lands will be required of you, or any other 
tribe, to those that have been ceded by former treaties, particularly 
by the tribes who had a right to make the treaty of Muskingum in 
the year 1789. 

" But, if any of your tribes can prove that you have a fair right 
to any lands, comprehended by the said treaty, and have not been 
compensated therefor, you shall receive full satisfaction upon that 
head. 

"The chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city; and 
shall be well fed and provided with all things for their journey; 
and the faith of the United States is hereby pledged to you for 
the true and liberal performance of everything herein contained 
and suggested ; and all this is confirmed, in your manner, by the 
great white belt, hereunto attached." * 

* American State Papers, v. 230. 



1792. IKSTKUCTIONS TO RUFUS PUTNAM. 601 

To assist further in attaining the desired objects, Captain Hen- 
drick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, on the 8th of May, was 
dispatched to urge the views of Washington at the approaching 
council of the north-western confederacy ; and on the 22d of the 
same month, the following instructions were also issued to General 
Rufus Putnam, to go in company with the Moravian missionary, 
John Hecke welder, into the Indian country, and strive to secure 
peace and a permanent treaty.* 

"The chiefs of the five nations of Indians, who were so long in 
this city, lately, were astonished at the moderation of our claim of 
land, it being very different from what they had been taught, by 
designing people, to believe. 

" It would seem that the Indians have been misled with respect 
to our claims, by a certain map, published in Connecticut, wherein 
are laid out ten new States, agreeably to a report of a committee 
of Congress. 

" The United States are desirous, in any treaty which shall be 
formed in future, to avoid all causes of war, relative to boundaries, 
by fixing the same in such a manner as not to be mistaken by the 
meanest capacity. As the basis, therefore, of your negotiation, 
you will, in the strongest and most explicit terms, renounce, on the 
part of the United States, all claim to any Indian land which 
shall not have been ceded by fair treaties, made with the Indian 
nations. 

"You may say — that we conceive the treaty of Fort Harmar to 
have been formed by the tribes having a just right to make the 
same, and that it was done with their full understanding and free 
consent. 

" That if, however, the said tribes should judge the compensa- 
tion to have been inadequate to the object, or that any other tribes 
have a just claim, in both cases they shall receive a liberal allow- 
ance, on their finally settling all disputes upon the subject. 

"As the United States never made any treaties with the Wabash 
Indians, although the said Indians have been repeatedly invited 
thereto, their claims to the lands east and south of the said 
Wabash have not been defined. 

"This circumstance will be a subject of your inquiry with the 
assembled Indian tribes ; and you may assure the parties con- 
cerned, that an equitable boundary shall be arranged with them. 



* American State Papers, v. 233 

39 



602 FURTHER OFFERS OF PEACE TO THE INDIANS. 1792. 

" You will make it clearly understood, that we want not a foot 
of their land, and that it is theirs, and theirs only ; that they have 
the right to sell, and the right to refuse to sell, and the United 
States will guarantee to them the said just right. 

" That all we require of the Indians is a peaceable demeanor ; 
that they neither plunder the frontiers of their horses, or murder 
the inhabitants ; that the United States are bound to protect the 
inhabitants at the risk of every inconvenience of men or money. 

" You will represent to them, that a new state of things has 
taken place in the United States ; that formerly we were an asso- 
ciation of several separate States, like their several separate tribes, 
and that there was no portion of union and strength sufficient to 
regulate the several parts, as belonging to the same machine. 

" But, that now we have a general government embracing all 
parts of the Union, as respects foreign nations and Indian tribes. 
That General Washington is placed at the head of this govern- 
ment ; and that he, or some person immediately authorized by him, 
must make all treaties with the Indian tribes. 

" That, therefore, in future, all the Indian nations may rest with 
great confidence upon the justice, the humanity, and the liberality 
of the United States. 

" That it is not only the sincere desire of the United States to 
be at peace with all the neighboring Indian tribes, but to protect 
them in their just rights, against lawless violent white people. If 
such should commit any injury on the person or property of a 
peaceful Indian, they will be regarded equally as the enemies of 
the general government as of the Indians, and will be punished 
accordingly. 

" That the United States are highly desirous of imparting to all 
the Indian tribes, the blessings of civilization, as the only means 
of perpetuating them on the earth. 

" That we are willing to be at the expense of teaching them to 
read and write, to plough and to sow, in order to raise their own 
bread and meat with certainty, as the white people do. 

" In short, that the United States, willing to believe that the 
conduct of the hostile Indians hitherto has been more the effect of 
misrepresentations of bad people, than any hardened malignity of 
the human heart, are desirous of forgetting and burying deep 
forever, all the evils that have passed, and to administer such good 
things to the said Indians as will make them rejoice forever at the 
annual return of the day on which they may conclude a treaty with 
the United States. 



1792. A GENERAL TREATY PROPOSED. 603 

"Your first object on meeting with the Indians, will be to 
convince them that the United States require none of their lands. 

" The second, that we shall guarantee all that remain, and take 
the Indians under our protection. 

"Thirdly: they must agree to the truce, and immediately to call 
in all their war parties. It will be in vain to be negotiating with 
them while they shall be murdering the frontier citizens. 

"Having happily effected a truce founded on the above assu- 
rances, it will then be your primary endeavor to obtain from each 
of the hostile and neighboring tribes, two of the most respectable 
chiefs, to repair to the seat of the government, and there conclude 
a treaty with the President of the United States, in which all causes 
of difference should be buried forever. 

"You will give the chiefs every assurance of personal protection, 
while on their journey to Philadelphia, and, should they insist upon 
it, hostages of officers for the safe return of the chiefs, and, in case 
of their compliance, you will take every precaution by the troops 
for the protection of the said chiefs, which the nature of the case 
may require. 

"But if, after having used your utmost exertions, the chiefs 
should decline the journey to Philadelphia, then you will agree 
with them on a plan for a general treaty.* 

"In considering upon this plan, perhaps Pittsburgh or its vicinity 
would be as proper a place as could be decided upon. Provisions 
could be procured in abundance, and it would be the point to which 
the goods could be easily transported. 

"In this event, it will be necessary that I should be informed 
by the earliest opportunity, in order that the principles and 
arrangements for the treaty should be fixed. It has been conceived 
that were you to repair to Fort Washington, and thence to Fort 
Jefferson, you would more readily than from any other point, find 
a communication with the hostile Indians. Upon a nearer approach 
you will form your own judgment, and take your own measures. 
Having given you a view of the object and the train in which 
things are, the rest must be left entirely to your discretion." 

The invitation given in February by the Secretary of War to 
Brant to visit Philadelphia, has been mentioned. Some of his 
English friends urged the Mohawk by no means to comply with 
the request, but he had the independence to think and act for him- 



American State Papers, v. 234, 236. 



604 PEACE MESSENGERS MURDERED. 1792. 

self, and on the 20th of June, appeared at the then federal capital. 
He remained there ten or twelve days, and was treated by all with 
marked attention ; great pains were taken to make him understand 
the posture of affairs and the wishes of the United States; and, in 
the hope that he would prove a powerful pacificator, on the 27th 
of June, a letter was addressed to him by General Knox, laying 
before him the wishes of the government, and making him another 
messenger of peace. 

The fact that five independent embassies, asking peace, were 
sent to the inimical tribes; and the tone of the papers which have 
been extracted so fully, will demonstrate the wish of the United 
States to do the aborigines entire justice. But the victories they 
had gained, and the favorable whispers of the British agents, closed 
the ears of the red men, and all propositions for peace were rejected 
in one form or another. Freeman, who left Fort Washington, 
April 7th ; Truman, who left it May 22d for the Maumee, and 
Colonel Hardin, who on the same day started for Sandusky, were 
all murdered ; Truman, it would seem, however, not by a body of 
Indians, but by a man and boy whom he met in hunting.* Brant, 
from sickness or caution, did not attend the western council, as had 
been expected. Hendricks gave his message into the hands of 
Colonel McKee, and kept away from the gathering of the nations ; 
and of the four individual messengers, Truman, Brant, Hendricks, 
and Putnam, Putnam alone reached his goal. That gentleman 
left Marietta on the 26th of June, and on the 2d of July was at 
Port Washington ; here he heard of Indian hostilities at Fort Jef- 
ferson, and of the probability of Truman's murder. He found also 
that it would be in vain to ask the chiefs, under any circumstances, 
to go to Philadelphia, and that it was extremely doubtful if they 
could be prevailed on to visit even Fort Washington. 

Under these circumstances, conceiving it desirable that some 
step should be taken at once, he determined to proceed to Fort 
Knox, and there meet such of the Wabash leaders as could be got 
together, in the hope that they might at least be detached from the 
general league. This determination he carried into effect on the 
17th of August, when, with several Indian prisoners to be restored 
to their friends, and presents for them beside, he left Cincinnati 
and reached Yincennes in due time, accompanied by the missionary 
Heckewelder. On the 27th of September, he met thirty-one chiefs, 



* May's Deposition. — American State Papers, v. 243. 



1792. putnam's Indian treaty at vincbnnes. 605 

representing the Weas, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, Peorias, Illinois, 
Pottawattamies, Musquitoes, Kickapoos and Eel river Indians, and 
concluded with, them a treaty of peace and friendship, on the fol- 
lowing terms : * 

"A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded between 
the President of the United States of America, on the part of the 
said States, and the undersigned kings, chiefs and warriors, of the 
Wabash and Illinois Indian tribes, on the part and behalf of the 
said tribes : 

" The parties being desirous of establishing a permanent peace 
and friendship between the United States and the said Indian 
tribes, and the citizens and members thereof, and to remove the 
causes of war, the President of the United States by Rufus Putnam, 
one of the judges of the territory of the United States north-west of 
the river Ohio, and Brigadier-General in the army, whom he hath 
vested with full powers for these purposes ; and the said Wabash 
and Illinois tribes, by the undersigned kings, chiefs, and warriors, 
representing the said tribes, have agreed to the following articles, 
namely : 

" There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the 
citizens of the United States of America, and all the individuals, 
villages and tribes of the said Wabash and Illinois Indians. 

"The undersigned kings, chiefs, and warriors, for themselves, 
and all parts of their villages and tribes, do acknowledge themselves 
to be under the protection of the United States of America, and 
stipulate to live in amity and friendship with them. 

" The said tribes shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the 
commanding officer at Fort Knox, all citizens of the United States, 
white inhabitants or negroes, who are now prisoners among any of 
the said tribes. 

" The United States solemnly guarantee to theWabash and Illinois 
nations or tribes of Indians, all the lands to which they have a just 
claim, and no part shall ever be taken from them, but by a fair 
purchase and to their satisfaction. That the lands originally 
belonged to the Indians : it is theirs, and theirs only. That they 
have a right to sell, and a right to refuse to sell. And that the 
United States will protect them in their said just rights. 

" The said kings, chiefs, and warriors solemnly promise, on their 
part, that no future hostilities or depredations shall be committed 



* Dillon's Indiana, p. 317. 



606 GRAND INDIAN COUNCIL AT AU GLAIZE. 1792. 

by them, or any belonging to the tribes they represent, against the 
persons or property of any of the citizens of the United States. 
That the practice of stealing negroes and horses from the people of 
Kentucky, and other inhabitants of the United States, shall forever 
cease. That they will, at all times, give notice to the citizens of 
the United States of any designs which they may know, or suspect 
to be formed, in any neighboring tribe, or by any person whatever 
against the peace and interest of the United States. 

" In cases of violence on the persons or property of the individu- 
als of either party, neither retaliation or reprisal shall be committed 
by the other until satisfaction shall have been demanded of the 
party, of which the aggressor is, and shall have been refused. 

" All animosities for past grievances shall henceforth cease, and 
the contracting parties will carry the foregoing treaty into full 
execution, with all good faith and sincerity." 

This treaty was laid before the Senate for confirmation on the 
13th of February, 1793, but the fourth article was deemed objec- 
tionable, as containing a guarantee to the Indians of their lands ; 
and after much discussion the Senate refused, on that account, to 
ratify it. 

In October, a great council of all the tribes of the north-west was 
held at Au Glaize.* It was the largest Indian council of the time. 
The chiefs of all the tribes of the north-west territory were there. 
The representatives of the seven nations of Canada were in attend- 
ance. Cornplanter, and forty-eight chiefs of the Six Nations of New 
York, repaired thither. "Beside these," says Cornplanter, "there 
were so many nations that we cannot tell the names of them. 
There were three men from the Gora nations; it took them a whole 
season to come; and twenty-seven nations from beyond Canada." 
The question of peace or war was long and earnestly discussed. 
The chiefs of the Shawanese were the only speakers for war, and 
Bed Jacket, the Seneca chief, for peace. A report made by the 
chiefs of the Six Nations, to the Indian agent in a conference at 
Buffalo, of the result of their mission to the council, will serve as 
the best account of its proceedings and conclusions :f 

"Brothers, people of the United States, and King's people, take 
notice : 

"Last winter, the President took us by the hand and led us to 



* Fort Defiance, Ohio. f American State Papers, v. 823, 



1792. GRAND INDIAN COUNCIL AT AU GLAIZE. 607 

the council fire at Philadelphia; there they made known to us 
their friendship, and requested of us to proceed to the westward, 
and to use our influence to make peace with the hostile Indians ; 
we went accordingly, and made known to them our agreement. 

"When we returned from Philadelphia to Buffalo creek, the 
chiefs that remained at home on their seats, were well pleased with 
what we had done at Philadelphia; and after we had determined 
to proceed on our journey, some of our chiefs were detained 
by sickness. 

"Brothers, people of the United States, and King's people: 

"After we arrived at the westward, we met with an agreeable 
reception ; they informed us that we were their oldest brothers, 
and appeared as the sun risen upon them, as they always looked 
to them for advice. It is now four years since we have heard your 
voices, and should be happy now to hear what you have to relate 
to us." 

The Six Nations then requested of the western Indians what 
they had to relate to them, as they kindled the council fire. 

The western Indians replied: 

"About four years since, your voices came to us, desiring us to 
combine ourselves together, as we were the eldest people of this 
island, and all of one color, that our minds may be one. 

" This they informed us, they had attended to, and exhibited a 
large belt of wampum to prove the same, from each nation. 

" To confirm it still further, they informed us, we sent them a 
pipe, which passed through all the nations at the west and south- 
ward ; all smoked out of it, both women and children ; and as this 
pipe has been through all the nations, and all smoked out of it, 
they then returned it to us, and bid us smoke out of it ourselves. 

"Brothers: Listen once to your eldest brothers; our forefathers 
have handed down to us that we are one people, of one color, on 
this island, and ought to be of one mind, and had made our minds 
strong, and had become as one people in peace and friendship. 

" This being done, our chiefs agreed to hand it down to future 
posterity, and the same combination to continue down to them. 

" The nation called the Unions, took a brand from our fire and 
kindled it, and became a people with us ; then we considered our- 
selves as one people combined together. 

" And now there is a white people on this island who are watch- 
ing our conduct; but let us attend to our own concerns, and 
brighten the chain of friendship with our nations; and as our 
minds are one, let us consider future posterity, and not consider 



608 GKAND INDIAN COUNCIL AT AU GLAIZE. 1792. 

those young warriors who are in the prime of life, and so much 
engaged in the pursuit of land, which is the cause of so much diffi- 
culty at present. 

"Brothers, consider your country, which is good, and conduct 
yourselves in such a way as to keep it to yourselves and posterity. 

" ]STow brothers, you present us the pipe you say your oldest 
brothers sent you ; you say your head chiefs all smoked out of it, 
and returning it to us again, all took it and smoked out of it our- 
selves in friendship. !N"ow, as we are thus combined together, we 
are able to lift a heavy burden." 

The Shawanese nation replied: 

"Our Eldest Brothers: — We have heard what you have related; 
we have heard it with attention ; we consider it as if you delivered 
it from the outside of your lips; although you consider us your 
younger brothers, your seats are not at such a distance but that 
we can see your conduct plainly; these are the reasons why we 
consider you to speak from the outside of your lips; for whenever 
you hear the voice of the United States, you immediately take 
your packs and attend their councils. 

"We see plainly folded under your arm the voice of the United 
States, we wish you to unfold it to us, that we may see it and 
consult on it. (Speaking on a string of wampum of three strings, 
throwing it across the fire to us, instead of handing it to us in a 
friendly manner.) 

"Then we proceeded to relate the instructions of Congress, 
which is too tedious to relate, and which they already know ; but 
when we first related it, we failed for interpreters, so that they had 
not a proper idea of it ; they appeared to be very much ruffled in 
their minds, and adjourned till the next day; then it was inter- 
preted properly to them, and they appeared easy in their minds. 

"Eldest Brothers: — You desire us to consider our country and 
our property ; we will accept of your advice, and proceed ac- 
cordingly." 

The Six Nations replied : 

" Let us look back to the time of white people coming into this 
country ; very soon they began to traffic for land. Soon after, Sir 
"William Johnson was sent as an agent for the king, and he began 
to purchase at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and purchased all east 
of the Ohio river. 

"A few years after this purchase, the people of the States and 
the king's people broke apart, and we being persuaded to take the 
king's part became very bad for us. After a few years, the king 



1792. GKAND INDIAN COUNCIL AT AU" GLAIZE. 609 

was beat; then the States took possession of all the land the 
English formerly took from the French. 

" Yon tell ns we come with the voice of the United States ; we 
do, together with the advice of the king. He tells ns not to throw 
onr minds on either side, but to listen to reason, and remain a 
people confederated." 

The Shawanese nation replied: 

"Now Eldest Brothers: — You come to us with your opinion and 
the voice of the United States. It is your mind to put an end to 
all hostilities. 

"Brothers: — Now we will relate what took place last fall, in our 
country. General Washington sent out an army into our country, 
which fell into our hands ; their orders were thus, to proceed into 
our country as far as the Miami towns, to the Glaize; thence to 
Detroit ; but not to molest the king's people ; and if the army 
should meet any people that appeared friendly, to leave them 
behind their backs without harm. 

" The President of the United States, must well know why the 
blood is so deep in our paths. We have been informed, that he 
has sent messengers of peace on these bloody roads, who fell on 
the way ; and now, as he knows that road to be bloody, no commu- 
nication can take place through that bloody way, as there is a path 
through the Six Nations' country, which is smooth and easy. If 
he wants to send the voice of peace, it must pass through this 
road. 

"Eldest Brothers: — We have been informed that the President 
of the United States thinks himself the greatest man on this 
island. We had this country long in peace, before we saw any 
person of a white skin ; we consider the people of a white skin the 
younger. 

"Brothers: — You inform us that it is the wish of the white 
people to hold council with us, General Washington being the 
head man ; we will consent to treat with them; we desire you, our 
older brothers, to inform General Washington we will treat with 
him, at the rapids of Miami, next spring, or at the time when the 
leaves are fully out. 

" We consider ourselves still the proper owners of some land on 
the east side of the Ohio ; but we will deliver up that, for money 
that has been paid to some individuals for land on the west side of 
the river Ohio. 

" Brothers : — You have given us a dish and one spoon, desiring 
the whole combination to eat with them ; we accept of them, and 
shall do accordingly. 



610 CLOSE OF THE GRAND COUNCIL. 1792. 

"We are now about to complete the business you came on. 
"When you return, you will make known to the President what we 
have done ; it may be that he will consent to what we have pro- 
posed ; and if he will not, we must call on you to assist in the 
heavy burden that will lie upon us. We have opened a path for 
them and pointed out a way, and if he will not walk in it we must 
have your assistance. 

" Now our Eldest Brothers: — When the President came to you, 
he took you aside to hear what he had to say. He desired you to 
come to us, and deliver the messages ; you have delivered them, 
and we desire you to deliver the messages we have given you to 
deliver to him; and desire him to send a message back, what he 
will do, respecting what we have done and concluded on ; to 
forward it to you, and you to us. We will lay the bloody toma- 
hawk aside, until we hear from the President of the United States, 
and when this message comes to us, we will send it to all the dif- 
ferent nations." 

After having reported the history and result of their mission in 
this peculiar way, the chiefs of the Six Nations prepared and for- 
warded the following report to the President, embodying their 
advice in regard to the course of policy necessary to be pursued in 
order to secure a peace with the hostile tribes : 

" You sent us on to the westward, with a message of peace to 
the hostile Indians. 

" We proceeded according to your directions, and were protected, 
going and coming, by the Great Spirit. 

" We give thanks to the Great Spirit, that we have all returned 
safe to our seats. 

" While we were at the westward we exerted ourselves to bring 
about peace. The fatigues we underwent are not small. Now it 
is our desire for your people on the Ohio to lay down their arms, 
or otherwise it is all in vain what we have done. 

"Now, if you wish for peace, you must make every exertion, 
and proceed through this path we have directed for you. If peace 
does not take place, the fault must arise from your own people. 

" We now desire you, brother, to. send forward agents, who are 
men of honesty, not proud land-jobbers, but men who love and 
desire peace. Also, we desire that they may be accompanied by 
some Friend, or Quaker, to attend the council. 

" We wish you to exert yourself to forward the message to the 
western Indians as soon as possible ; and we are taken by the hand, 
and have agreed, next spring, to attend the council at the rapids of 
the Miami, when we shall hear all that takes place there." 



1792. ADAIR ATTACKED NEAR FORT ST. CLAIR. 611 

The armistice which the hostile Indians promised to observe till 
spring was not, however, very faithfully kept. On the 6th of No- 
vember, the Kentucky mounted infantry, under Major Adair, was 
attacked by a body of Indians, in the neighborhood of Fort St. 
Clair, a post recently established about twenty-five miles north of 
Fort Hamilton, and- near the present site of the town of Eaton, 
Ohio. 

"This morning," says Adair in his report to Wilkinson, "about 
the first appearance of day, the enemy attacked my camp, within 
sight of this post. The attack was sudden, and the enemy came 
on with a degree of courage that bespoke them warriors indeed. 
Some of my men were hand in hand with them before we retreated, 
which, however, we did to a kind of stockade, intended for stables; 
we then made a stand. I then ordered Lieutenant Madison to take 
a party and gain their right flank, if possible. I called for Lieu- 
tenant Hail, to send to the left, but found he had been slain. I 
then led forward the men that stood near me, which, together with 
the ensigns, Buchanan and Florin, amounted to about twenty-five, 
and pressed the left of their centre, thinking it absolutely neces- 
sary to assist Madison. We made a manly push, and the enemy 
retreated, taking all our horses except five or six. We drove them 
about six hundred yards, through our camp, where they again 
made a stand, and we fought them some time; two of my men 
were here shot dead. 

"At that moment I received information that the enemy were 
about to flank us on the right, and on turning that way I saw about 
sixty of them running to that point. I had yet heard nothing of 
Madison. I then ordered my men to retreat, which they did with 
deliberation, heartily cursing the Indians, who pursued us close to 
our camp, where we again fought them till they gave way ; and 
when they retreated our ammunition was nearly expended, although 
we had been supplied from the garrison in the course of the action. 
I did not think proper to follow them again, but ordered my men 
into the garrison, to draw ammunition. I returned in a few min- 
utes to a hill to which we had first driven them, where I found two 
of my men scalped, who were brought in. 

" Since I began to write this, a few of the enemy appeared in 
sight, and I pursued them with a party about a quarter of a mile, 
but could not overtake them, and did not think proper to go fur- 
ther. Madison, whom I sent to the right, was, on his first attack, 
wounded, and obliged to retreat into the garrison, leaving a man 
or two dead. To this misfortune I think the enemy are indebted 



612 COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO TREAT WITH INDIANS. 1793. 

for the horses they have got; had he gained their right flank, and 
I once had possession of their left, I think we might have routed 
them at that stage of the action, as we had them On the retreat. 

"I have six killed and five wounded; four men are missing. I 
think they went off' early in the action, on horseback, and are, I 
suppose, by this time, at Fort Hamilton. My officers, and a num- 
ber of my men, distinguished themselves greatly. Poor Hail died, 
calling to his men to advance. Madison's bravery and conduct 
need no comment; they are well known. Florin and Buchanan 
acted with a coolness and courage that do them much honor; 
Buchanan, after firing his gun, knocked an Indian down with the 
barrel. 

"They have killed and taken a great number of the pack-horses. 
I intend following them this evening, some distance, to ascertain 
their strength and route, if possible. I can, with propriety, say 
that about fifty of my men fought with a bravery equal to any men 
in the world ; and had not the garrison been so nigh, as a place of 
safety for the bashful, I think many more would have fought well. 
The enemy have, no doubt, as many men killed as myself; they 
left two dead on the ground, and I saw two carried off. The only 
advantage they have gained is our horses, which is a capital one, 
as it disables me from bringing the interview to a more certain and 
satisfactory conclusion."* 

This action, however, together with other evidences of continued 
hostilities, did not prevent the United States from taking measures 
to meet the hostile tribes "at the rapids of the Miami (Maumee) 
when the leaves were fully out." For this purpose the President at 
first selected Charles Carroll and Charles Thompson, but as they 
declined the nomination, Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph, and 
Timothy Pickering were, on the first of March, 1793, appointed to 
attend the proposed meeting, which it was concluded should be 
held at Sandusky. 

On the 26th of April, the commissioners received their instruc- 
tions; on the 27th, General Lincoln left Philadelphia for Niagara, 
by the way of New York ; and on the 30th, Pickering and Randolph 
started by the route through Pennsylvania, which led up the valleys 
of the Schuylkill, Susquehanna, Lycoming, and Coshocton, and 
across to Genessee. These, traveling more rapidly, for Lincoln had 



* American State Papers, v. £85. 






1793. commissioners' letter to governor simcoe. 613 

the stores and baggage, readied Niagara on the 17th of May, and 
were at once invited by Lieutenant-Gen eral Simcoe to take up 
their residence at his seat, Navy Hall ; with this invitation they 
complied and remained there until the 28th of June. The cause 
of this delay was the belief expressed by M'Kee and others, that 
the Indians would not be ready to meet the commissioners before 
the last of June, as private councils had first to be held among the 
various tribes. While there, the ambassadors, on the 7th of June, 
presented the following note to Governor Simcoe: 

"The commissioners of the United States, for making peace 
with the western Indians, beg leave to suggest to Governor Simcoe : 
that the very high importance of the negotiation committed to 
their management, makes them desirous of using every proper 
means that may contribute to its success. That they have observed, 
with pleasure, the disposition manifested by the Governor to afford 
every requisite assistance in the preparatory arrangements for 
holding the treaty with the hostile Indians. 

" But all the facilities thus afforded, and all the expenses incurred 
by the British government, on this occasion, will, perhaps, be fruit- 
less, unless some means are used to counteract the deep-rooted 
prejudices, and unfounded reports among the Indian tribes : for, 
the acts of a few bad men, dwelling among them, or having a 
familiar intercourse with them, by cherishing those prejudices, or 
raising and spreading those reports, may be sufficient to defeat 
every attempt to accomplish a peace. As an instance of such 
unfounded reports, the commissioners have noticed the declaration 
of a Mohawk, from Grand river, that Governor Simcoe advised the 
Indians to make peace, but not to give up any of their lands. 

" The commissioners further observe, that if any transactions at 
former treaties were exceptionable, the principles of the present 
treaty are calculated to rem ^ve the causes of complaint; for the 
views of government are perfectly fair. And, although it is 
impossible to retrace all the steps then taken, the United States 
are disposed to recede, as far as shall be indispensable, and the 
existing state of things will admit ; and for the lands retained, to 
make ample compensation. The views of the United States being 
thus fair and liberal, the commissioners wish to embrace every 
means to make them appear so to the Indians, against any contrary 
suggestions. 

"Among these means, the commissioners consider the presence 
of some gentlemen of the army to be of consequence; for, although 
the Indians naturally look up to their superintendents as their 



614 GOVERNOR SIMCOE'S PACIFIC RESPONSE. 1793. 

patrons, yet the presence of some officers of the army will prohably 
induce them to negotiate with greater confidence on the terms of 
peace. Independently of these considerations, the commissioners, 
for their own sakes, request the pleasure of their company. The 
commissioners, feeling the greatest solicitude to accomplish the 
object of their mission, will be happy to receive from the governor 
every information relating to it, which his situation enables him 
to communicate. He must be aware that the sales and settlements 
of the lands over the Ohio, founded on the treaties of Forts M'Intosh 
and Harmar, render it impossible now to make that river the 
boundary. The expression of his opinion, on this point in 
particular, will give them great satisfaction." * 

To this note the following answer was sent: 

"Colonel Simcoe, commanding the King's forces in Upper 
Canada, has the honor, in answer to the paper delivered to him 
this morning by the commissioners of the United States for making 
peace with the western Indians, to state to those gentlemen, that 
he is duly impressed with the serious importance of the negotiation 
committed to their charge, and shall be happy to contribute by 
every proper means that may tend to its success. He is much 
obliged to them for the polite manner in which they have expressed 
their sense of his readiness to afford them such facilities as may 
have been in his power, to assist in the preparatory arrangements 
for holding the treaty. He is perfectly aware that unfounded 
reports and deep-rooted prejudices have arisen among the Indian 
tribes ; but whether from the acts of a few bad men living among 
them, he cannot pretend to say. 

"But, he must observe, upon the instance given by the commis- 
sioners, of one of ' those unfounded reports, that a Mohawk from 
the Grand river should say, that Gov. Simcoe advised the Indians 
to make peace, but not to give up their lands,' it is of that nature 
that cannot be true ; the Indians, as yet, not having applied for his 
advice on the subject; and it being a point, of all others, on which 
they are the least likely to consult the British officers commanding 
in Upper Canada. 

" Colonel Simcoe considers himself perfectly justified in admit- 
ting, on the requisition of the commissioners, some officers to 
attend the treaty; and, therefore, in addition to the gentlemen 
appointed to control the delivery of the British provisions, &c, he 



* American State Papers, v. 327. 



1793. COUNCIL OPENS AT NAVY HALL. 615 

will desire Captain Bunbury, of the fifth regiment, and Lieutenant 
Givens, who has some knowledge of one of the Indian languages, 
to accompany the commissioners. Colonel Simcoe can give the 
commissioners no further information than what is afforded by the 
speeches of the confederate nations, of which General Hull has 
authentic copies. But, as it has been, ever since the conquest of 
Canada, the principle of the British government to unite the 
American Indians, that, all petty jealousies being extinguished, the 
real wishes of the several tribes may be fully expressed, and in 
consequence of all the treaties made with them, may have the most 
complete ratification and universal concurrence, so, he feels it 
proper to state to the commissioners, that a jealousy of a contrary 
conduct in the agents of the United States, appears to him to have 
been deeply impressed upon the minds of the confederacy." 

On the day before this correspondence, the six Quakers, who, by 
their own request, and that of the Indians, had accompanied the 
deputation, together with Heckewelder and others, sailed for 
Detroit to learn how matters stood ; and, on the 26th of the month, 
the commissioners themselves, receiving no news from Sandusky, 
prepared to embark for the mouth of Detroit river. On the 15th 
of July, while still detained by head winds, Colonel Butler,f 
Brant and some fifty natives, arrived from the Maumee, and two 
days after, in the presence of the Governor, Brant thus addressed 
the Americans: — 

" Brothers : — We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians 
and English; we are glad to have the meeting, and think it is by 
the appointment of the Great Spirit. 

" Brothers of the United States: — We told you the other day at 
Fort Erie, that at another time, wo would inform you why we had 
not assembled at the time and place appointed for holding the. 
treaty with you. We now inform you that it is because there is so 
much of the appearance of war in that quarter. 

" We have given the reason for our not meeting you; and now 
we request an explanation of those warlike appearances. 

" The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian 
nations who own the lands north of the Ohio, as their common 
property, and who are all of one mind — one heart. 

"We have come to speak to you for two reasons; one, be- 
cause your warriors being in our neighborhood, have prevented 



t The commander of the Tories at Wyoming, afterward Indian Agent. 



616 BRANT ADDRESSES THE COMMISSIONERS. 1793. 

our meeting at the appointed place ; the other, to know if you are 
properly authorized to run and establish a new boundary line 
between the lands of the United States and the Indian nations. 
We are still desirous of meeting you at the appointed place. 

"We wish you to deliberate well on this business. We have 
spoken our sentiments in sincerity, considering ourselves in the 
presence of the Great Spirit, from whom, in time of danger, we 
expect assistance." 

On the following day the commissioners replied : 

"Brothers : — You have mentioned two objects of your coming to 
meet us at this place. One, to obtain an explanation of the war- 
like appearances on the part of the United States on the north- 
western side of the Ohio ; the other, to learn whether we have 
authority to run and establish a new boundary line between your 
lands and ours. 

" On the first point we cannot but express our extreme regret, 
that any reports of warlike appearances, on the part of the United 
States, should have delayed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature 
of the case irresistibly forbids all apprehensions of hostile incur- 
sions into the Indian country north of the Ohio, during the treaty 
at Sandusky. 

"We are deputed by the Great Chief and the Great Council 
of the United States to treat with you of peace ; and is it possible 
that the same Great Chief and his Great Council could order their 
warriors to make fresh war, while we were sitting around the same 
fire with you, in order to make peace? Is it possible that our 
Great Chief and his Council could act so deceitfully toward us, 
their commissioners, as well as toward you ? 

"We think it not possible; but will quit arguments and come 
to facts. 

"We assure you, that our Great Chief, General Washington, 
has strictly forbidden all hostilities against you, until the event 
of the proposed treaty at Sandusky shall be known. Here is 
the proclamation of his head warrior, General Wayne, to that 
effect. 

"But our Great Chief is so sincere in his professions for peace, 
and so desirous of preventing everything which could obstruct 
the treaty and prolong the war, that, besides giving the above 
orders to his head warrior, he has informed the governors of 
the several States adjoining the Ohio, of the treaty proposed to 
be held at Sandusky, and desired them to unite their power with 
his to prevent any hostile attempts against the Indians north of 



1793. COMMISSIONERS AND INDIANS IN COUNCIL. 617 

the Ohio, until the result of the treaty is made known. Those 
governors have accordingly issued their orders, strictly forbidding 
all such hostilities. The. proclamations of the Governors of Penn- 
sylvania and Yirginia, we have here in our hands. 

"If, after all these precautions of our Great Chief, any hostilities 
should be committed north of the Ohio, they must proceed from a 
few disorderly people, whom no considerations of justice or public 
good can restrain. But we hope and believe that none such can 
be found. 

"After these explanations, we hope you will possess your minds 
in peace, relying on the good faith of the United States that no 
injury is to be apprehended by you during the treaty. 

"We come now to the second point: whether we are properly 
authorized to run and establish a new boundary line between 
your lands and ours. 

"We answer explicitly that we have that authority. Where 
this line should run, will be the great subject of discussion at the 
treaty between you and us; and we sincerely hope and expect 
that it may then be fixed to the satisfaction of both parties. Doubt- 
less some concessions must be made on both sides. In all disputes 
and quarrels, both parties usually take some wrong steps ; so that 
it is only by mutual concessions that a true reconciliation can be 
effected. 

"We wish you to understand us clearly on this head; for we 
mean that all our proceedings should be made with candor. We 
therefore repeat and say explicitly that some concession will be 
necessary on your part, as well as on ours, in order to establish a 
just and permanent peace. 

"After this great point of the boundary shall be fully considered 
at the treaty, we shall know what concessions and stipulations it 
will be proper to make on the part of the United States ; and we 
trust they will be such as the world will pronounce reasonable and 
just. 

"You told us you represent the nations of Indians who own the 
lands north of the Ohio, and whose chiefs are now assembled at the 
rapids of the Maumee. 

" It would be a satisfaction to us to be informed of the names 
of those nations, and of the numbers of the chiefs of each so 
assembled. 

"We once more turn our eyes to your representation of war- 
like appearances in your country ; to give you complete satisfac- 
tion on this point, we now assure you as soon as our council at 
40 



618 INDIAN TRIBES PRESENT AT THE COUNCIL. 1793* 

this place is ended, we will send a messenger on horseback to 
the Great Chief of the United States, to desire him to renew 
and strongly repeat his orders to his head warrior, not only to 
abstain from all hostilities against you ; but to remain quietly at his 
posts until the event of the treaty shall be known." 

On the next day, according to the customary form, the council 
was convened again, and Brant replied : 

" We are glad the Great Spirit has preserved us in peace, to meet 
together this day. 

"Brothers of the United States : Yesterday you made an answer 
to the message delivered by us, from the great council at the Mau- 
mee, in the two particulars which we have stated to you. 

"You may depend upon it we fully understood your speech. 
We shall take with us your belt and white strings, and repeat it to 
the chiefs at the great council at the Maumee. 

" We have something further to say, though not much. We are 
small compared with our great chiefs at Maumee. But, though 
small, we have something to say. 

"We think from your speech, that there is a prospect of us 
coming together. We, who are the nations at the westward, are 
of one mind ; and, if we agree with you, as there is a prospect we 
shall, it will be binding and lasting. 

" Our prospects are the fairer, because all our minds are one ; 
you have not before spoken to us uuitedly. Formerly, because 
you did not speak to us unitedly, what was done was not binding. 
]STow you have an opportunity of speaking to us together, and we 
now take you by the hand, to lead you to the place appointed for 
the meeting." 

Recollecting that he had not replied to the inquiry of the com- 
missioners, in regard to the tribes assembled at the Maamee, Brant 
rose again and said : 

"Brothers: — Yesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of 
the names of the nations, and numbers of chiefs assembled at the 
Maumee ; but, as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you 
exact information. You will see for yourselves in a few days. 
When we left it the following nations were there, to wit : Five 
Nations, Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, Munsees, Miamies, 
Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Nantikokies, Mingoes, Chero- 
kees, — the principal men of these were there." 

The commissioners then replied : 

"Brothers: — Our ears have been open to your speech. It is 
agreeable to us. We are ready to accompany you to the place of 



1T93. INDIANS JEALOUS OF WAYNE'S MOVEMENTS. 619 

treaty, where, under the direction of the Great Spirit, we hope for 
a speedy termination of the present war, on terms equally interest- 
ing and agreeable to all parties." 

The great anxiety and distrust manifested by the Indians at this 
conference, arose from what they deemed the hostile movements 
of General Wayne, in violation, as they affirmed, of the armistice 
previously agreed upon. "Wayne's head-quarters was then near 
Fort Washington, and he was engaged there in organizing and 
drilling his army, in forwarding supplies to Fort Jefferson, and in 
cutting military roads through the Indian country. These proceed- 
ings, altogether justifiable on the supposition that a resumption of 
hostilities was inevitable, were, at that juncture, ill-timed, and 
calculated to endanger the success of the negotiation and the lives 
of the commissioners. Under these circumstances the commis- 
sioners addressed, under date of July 10th, the following letter to 
the secretary of war, to ask that all warlike demonstrations should 
be suspended until the result of their mission should be ascer- 
tained : 

"We think the coming of the deputation from the western 
Indians a fortunate event. It must have been their extreme 
jealousy of the United States that made them solicitous to speak 
with us in presence of the governor; and our answer being 
satisfactory, we believe it will have a better effect, than the same 
sentiments delivered under any other circumstances. 

"Our promise to send a special messenger to the President, to 
desire fresh orders might be sent to General Wayne, not only to 
abstain from hostilities, but to remain quietly at his posts, was thought a 
very necessary measure ; and it will be alike necessary that those 
orders be issued and strictly observed. In a former letter we 
intimated our opinion and wishes on this point. We now think, 
and our duty obliges us to declare it, that an exact observation of 
the laws of a truce is essential to the success of the treaty. 

" The Indians have information, confirmed by repeated scouts, 
that General Wayne has cut and cleared a road, straight from Fort 
Washington into the Indian country, in a direction that would have 
missed Fort Jefferson, but that, meeting with a large swamp, it 
was of necessity, turned to that fort, and then continued six miles 
beyond it : that large quantities of provisions are accumulated at 
the forts, far exceeding the wants of the garrisons, and numerous 
herds of horses and cattle assembled beyond Fort Jefferson, 



620 COMMISSIONERS OPPOSE WAYNE'S MOVEMENTS. 1793. 

guarded by considerable bodies of troops. With these preparations 
for war in their neighborhood, for it is but three days' journey 
from thence to the G-laize, they say their minds cannot rest easy. 
The distance here mentioned, is from Captain Brant's information, 
and is, no doubt, exact. We suppose that twenty to twenty-five 
miles may be deemed a day's journey. 

"The manner in which negotiations for peace are conducted by 
Indians, demands a particular consideration. On such occasions, 
not commissioners or a few counselors, but the body of the nations 
assemble. The negotiations will of course be delayed or interrup- 
ted, if the movements of their enemies call the warriors from the 
council to watch or check them. The measures pursued by Gen. 
Wayne appear to have produced this unhappy effect, and probably 
strengthened jealousies, before almost insurmountable. We know 
that those measures are viewed by the British as unfair and 
unwarrantable, and we cannot suppose that their opinion will be 
concealed from the Indians; if the latter have not previously 
entertained the same ideas. 

"After this detail, it can hardly be necessary to express our 
opinions on the subject. It is obvious, that to ensure a quiet, 
uninterrupted treaty, the cattle, horses, and troops, beyond what 
are proper for the posts themselves, should not be advanced from 
the Ohio : any that are now in advance beyond Fort Jefferson, 
should certainly be immediately withdrawn; and we doubt whether 
that would be satisfactory, if their numbers, in any degree, corres- 
pond with the reports among the Indians at their council." 

On the 14th of July the commissioners left Fort Erie, and ar- 
rived on their way to the council, on the 21st, at the mouth of the 
Detroit river. Their further advance was prevented by the British 
authorities at Detroit; and accordingly they took up their quarters 
at the house of Mathew Elliott, the famous renegade, then a subor- 
dinate agent in the British Indian department, under Alexander 
M'Kee. M'Kee was in attendance at the council, and the commis- 
sioners addressed him a note, borne by Elliott, to inform him of 
their arrival, and to ask when they could be received. 

Elliott returned on the 29th, bringing with him a deputation of 
twenty chiefs from the council. On the next day a conference was 
held, and Sa-wagh-cla-wunk, a chief of the Wyandots, presented to 
the commissioners in writing, the following explicit demand in re- 
gard to their powers and purposes : 

"Brothers : — The deputies we sent you did not fully explain our 



1793. INDIANS INSIST ON OHIO FOR BOUNDARY. 621 

meaning. We have therefore sent others to meet you once more, 
that you may fully understand the great question we have to ask 
you, and to which we expect an explicit answer in writing. 

"You are sent here by the United States, in order to make peace 
with us, the confederated Indians. 

"You know very well that the boundary line which was run 
by the white people and us, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, was 
the river Ohio. 

"If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace, you 
will immediately remove all your people from our side of the river. 

"We therefore ask you, Are you fully authorized by the United 
States to continue and fix firmly on the Ohio river, as the 
boundary line between your people and ours ? 

"Done in general council, at the foot of the Miami rapids, on 
the 27th of July, 1793. In behalf of ourselves and the whole con- 
federacy, and agreed to in full council." 

This message was signed by the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawa- 
nese, Miamies, Mingoes, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chip- 
pewas, and Munsees. In the afternoon of the next day, the 
commissioners delivered the following answer to them in writing : 

" Brothers : — You yesterday addressed us, mentioning a former 
deputation who met us at Niagara. At that meeting you said we 
did not come to a right understanding ; that your deputies did not 
fully explain your meaning to us, nor we ours to them ; that you de- 
sired we might rightly understand each other, and therefore thought 
it best that what you had to say should be put into writing. Then, 
handing us a paper, you said, 'here is the meaning of our hearts.' 
Brothers : That paper is directed to the commissioners of the United 
States, and speaks to them these words, viz : [Here was repeated 
the written address of the Indians.] 

"Brothers, the deputies present: We have now repeated the 
words contained in the paper which you delivered to us; and those 
words are interpreted to you. We presume the interpretation 
agrees with your ideas of the contents of the paper. It is expressed 
to be signed by the Wyandots, Delawares, Miamies, Shawanese, 
Mingoes, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Connoys, Chippewas, and 
Munsees, in behalf of themselves and the whole confederacy, and 
agreed to in full council. 

" We are a little surprised at the suggestion, that, in the 
conference at Niagara, we did not come to a right understand- 
ing, and that your deputies did not fully explain your meaning. 
Those deputies appeared to be men of good understanding, and 



C22 INDIANS INSIST ON OHIO FOR BOUNDARY. 1793. 

when we saw them they were perfectly sober : in short, we never saw 
men in public council more attentive, or behave with more propri- 
ety. We could not, therefore, suppose they could mistake 
your meaning or ours. Certainly we were sufficiently explicit, for, 
in plain terms, we declared, * that in order to establish a just and 
permanent peace, some concessions would be necessary, on your 
part as well as on ours.' 

" These words, brothers, are a part of our speech to your depu- 
ties; and that speech, they assured us they fully understood. What 
those concessions should be, on both sides, and where the bounda- 
ry line should be fixed, were proper subjects of discussion at the 
treaty, when we should speak face to face. This we are certain 
would be the best way to remove all difficulties. But your nations 
have adopted another mode, which, by keeping us at a distance, 
prevents our knowing each other, and keeps alive those jealousies 
which are the greatest obstacles to a peace. We are, therefore, 
desirous of meeting your nations in full council, without more de- 
lay. We have already waited in this province sixty days beyond 
the time appointed for opening the treaty. 

"We have now expressed our opinion of the proper mode of 
settling the differences between you and the United States; but, 
as your nations have desired answers to certain questions, previous 
to our meeting, and we are disposed to act with frankness and 
sincerity, we will give you an explicit answer to the great question 
you have now proposed to us. But, before we do this, we think 
it necessary to look back to some former transactions, and we 
desire you patiently to hear us. 

" We do know very well, that, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 
twenty-five years ago, the river Ohio was agreed on as the boun- 
dary line between you and the white people of the British 
colonies; and, we all know that, about seven years after that 
boundary was fixed, a quarrel broke out between your father, the 
king of Great Britain, and the people of those colonies, which are 
now the United States. This quarrel was ended by the treaty of 
peace made with the king, about ten years ago, by which the 
Great Lakes, and the waters which unite them, were by him de- 
clared to be the boundaries of the United States. 

"Peace having been thus made, between the king of Great 
Britain and the United States, it remained to make peace be- 
tween them and the Indian nations, who had taken part with 
the king; for this purpose, commissioners were appointed, who 
sent messengers to all those Indian nations, inviting them to come and 



1793. RECAPITULATION OF TREATIES. 623 

make peace. The first treaty was held about nine years ago, at Fort 
Stanwix, with the Six Nations, which has stood firm and unviola- 
ted to this day. The next treaty was made about ninety days after, at 
Fort MTntosh, with the Half-King of the Wyandots, Captain Pipe, 
and other chiefs, in behalf of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, and 
Chippewa nations. 

" Afterward, treaties were made with divers Indian nations south 
of the Ohio river; and the next treaty was made with Ka-kia-pila- 
thy, here present, and other Shawanee chiefs, in behalf of the 
Shawanee nation, at the mouth of the Great Miami, which runs into 
the Ohio. 

"The commissioners who conducted the treaties in behalf of 
the United States, sent the papers containing them to the Great 
Council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the 
nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of large tracts of 
land thereby ceded, and a great number of people removed from 
other parts of the United States, and settled upon them: also many 
families of your ancient fathers, the French, came over the great 
waters, and settled upon a part of the same lands.* 

"After some time, it appeared that a number of people in 
your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Fort Mcintosh 
and Miami; therefore, the Great Council of the United States 
appointed Governor St. Clair their commissioner, with full powers, 
for the purpose of removing all causes of controversy, regulating 
trade, and settling boundaries, between the Indian nations in the 
northern department and the United States. He accordingly sent 
messages, inviting all the nations concerned to meet him at a council 
fire which he kindled at the falls of the Muskingum. 

"While he was waiting for them, some mischief happened at 
that place, and the fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at 
Fort Harmar, where near six hundred Indians, of different nations, 
attended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty 
of Fort Stanwix; and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed and 
confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh ; some Ottawas, Chippewas, 
Pottawattamies, and Sacs were also parties to the treaty of Fort 
Harmar. 

"All these treaties we have here with us. We have, also, the 
speeches of many chiefs who attended them, and who voluntarily 
declared their satisfaction with the terms of the treaties. 



* The French settlement at Gallipolis. 



624 COMMISSIONERS DENY THE INDIANS' CLAIM. 1793. 

"After making all these treaties, and after hearing the chiefs 
express freely their satisfaction with theni, the United States 
expected to enjoy peace, and quietly to hold the lands ceded by 
them. Accordingly large tracts have been sold and settled, as 
before mentioned. And now, brothers, we answer explicitly, that, 
for the reasons here stated to you, it is impossible to make the river 
Ohio the boundary between your people and the people of the United 
States. 

"You are men of understanding, and if you consider the 
customs of white people, the great expenses which attend their 
settling in a new country, the nature of their improvements, in 
building houses and barns, and clearing and fencing their lands, 
how valuable the lands are thus rendered, and thence how dear 
they are to them, you will see that it is now impracticable to 
remove our people from the northern side of the Ohio. Your 
brothers, the English, know the nature of white people, and they 
know that, under the circumstances which we have mentioned, the 
United States cannot make the Ohio the boundary between you 
and us. 

"You seem to consider all the lands in dispute on your side 
of the Ohio, as claimed by the United States ; but suffer us to 
remind you that a large tract was sold by the "Wyandot and 
Delaware nations to the State of Pennsylvania. This tract lies 
east of a line drawn from the mouth of Beaver creek, at the Ohio, 
due north to Lake Erie. This line is the western boundary of 
Pennsylvania, as claimed under the charter given by the king of 
England to your ancient friend, William Penn ; of this sale made 
by the Wyandot and Delaware nations, to the State of Pennsyl- 
vania, we have never heard any complaint, 

" We are, on this occasion, obliged to make a long speech. 
We again desire you to hear us patiently. The business is of the 
highest importance, and a great many words are necessary fully 
to explain it; for we desire you may perfectly understand us, and 
there is no danger of your forgettiug what we say, because we will 
give you our speech in writing. 

" We have explicitly declared to you, that we cannot now make 
the Ohio river the boundary between us. This agrees with our 
speech to your deputies at Niagara, ' that in order to establish a 
just and permanent peace, some concessions would be necessary on 
your part, as well as on ours.' 

" The concessions which we think necessary on your part are, 
that you yield up, and finally relinquish to the United States, 



1793. COMMISSIONERS DENT THE INDIANS' CLAIM. 625 

some of the lands on your side of the river Ohio. The United 
States wish to have confirmed all the lands ceded to them by 
the treaty of Fort Harmar ; and, also, a small tract of land at the 
Rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark, for the use of himself 
and ivarriors. And, in consideration thereof, the United States 
would give such a large sum, in money or goods, as was never given, at 
one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the white people first 
set their foot on this island. And because those lands did, every 
year, furnish you with skins and furs, with which you bought 
clothing and other necessaries, the United States will now furnish 
the like constant supplies ; and, therefore, besides the great sum to 
be delivered at once, they will, every year, deliver you a large 
quantity of such goods as are best suited to the wants of yourselves, 
your women and children. 

"If all the lands, before mentioned, cannot be delivered up 
to the United States, then we shall desire to treat and agree 
with you on a new boundary line ; and for the quantity of land 
you relinquish to us within that new boundary line we shall stipu- 
late a generous compensation, not only for a large sum to be paid 
at once, but for a yearly rent, for the benefit of yourselves and your 
children forever. 

" Here you see one concession, which we are willing to make 
on the part of the United States. Now, listen to another, of a 
claim which probably has more disturbed your minds than any other 
whatever. 

" The commissioners of the United States have formerly set up a 
claim to your whole country, southward of the Great Lakes, as the 
property of the United States; grounding this claim on the treaty 
of peace with your father, the king of Great Britain, who declared, 
as we have before mentioned, the middle of those lakes, and the 
waters which unite them, to be the boundaries of the United 
States. 

"We are determined that our whole conduct shall be marked 
with openness and sincerity. We therefore frankly tell you, that 
we think those commissioners put an erroneous construction on 
that part of our treaty with the king. As he had not purchased 
the country of you, of course he could not give it away. He 
only relinquished to the United States his claim to it. That 
claim was founded on a right acquired by treaty with other white 
nations, to exclude them from purchasing or settling in any part 
of your country ; and it is this right which the king granted to the 
United States. Before that grant, the king alone had a right to 



626 ANOTHER COUNCIL PROPOSED. 1793. 

purchase of the Indian nations, any of the lands between the Great 
Lakes, the Ohio and the Mississippi, excepting the part within the 
charter boundary of Pennsylvania ; and the king, by the treaty of 
peace, having granted this right to the United States, they alone 
have now the right of purchasing ; so that now neither the king 
nor any of his people, have any right to interfere with the United 
States, in respect to any part of those lands. All your brothers, 
the English, know this to be true ; and it agrees with the declara- 
tions of Lord Dorchester, to your deputies, two years ago at 
Quebec. 

" We now concede this great point. We, by the express authority 
of the President of the United States, acknowledge the property, 
or right of soil, of the great country above described, to be in the 
Indian nations, so long as they desire to occupy the same. We 
only claim particular tracts in it, as before mentioned, and the 
general right granted by the king, as above stated, and which is 
well known to the English and Americans, and called the right of 
pre-emption, or the right of purchasing of the Indian nations dis- 
posed to sell their lands, to the exclusion of all other white people 
whatever. 

" We have now opened our hearts to you. We are happy in 
having an opportunity of doing it ; though we should have been 
more happy to have done it in the full council of your nations. 
We expect soon to have this satisfaction, and that your next 
deputation will take us by the hand, and lead us to the treaty. 
When we meet, and converse with each other freely, we may 
easily remove any difficulties which may come in the way of 
peace." 

On the next day, Sa-wagh-da-wunk replied : 

"Brothers: — We are all brothers you see here now. 

" It is now three years since you desired to speak with us. We 
heard you yesterday, and understood you well — perfectly well. 
We have a few words to say to you. 

"You mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver creek,* 
and other places. Those treaties were not complete. There were 
but a few chiefs who treated with you. You have not bought our 
lands. They belong to us. You tried to draw off some of us. 

"Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio was made the 
boundary. It was settled by Sir William Johnson. This side is 
ours. We look upon it as our property. 

*Fort Mcintosh. 



1793. COUNCIL AT CAPTAIN ELLIOTT'S OPENED. 627 

" You mentioned General Washington. He and you know you 
have your houses and your people on our land. You say you 
cannot move them off: and we cannot give up our land. 

"We are sorry we cannot come to an agreement. The line 
has been fixed long ago. 

"We don't say much. There has been much mischief on both 
sides. We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. 
We shall talk to our head warriors. You may return whence you 
came, and tell Washington." 

The council here breaking up, Captain Elliott went to the Shawa- 
nese chief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last part of the 
speech was wrong. The chief came back and said it was wrong. 
Girty said that he had interpreted truly what the Wyandot chief 
spoke. 

An explanation took place ; and Girty added as follows : 
"Brothers: — Instead of going home, we wish you to remain here 
for an answer from us. We have your speech in our breasts, and 
shall consult our head warriors." * 

On the 16th of August, the commissioners received from two 
Wyandot runners, the following final answer from the council to 
their message of the 31st of July : 

" To the Commissioners of the United States.— Brothers : We have 
received your speech, dated the 31st of last month, and it has 
been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long 
in sending you an answer, because of the great importance of the 
subject. But we now answer it fully; having given it all the con- 
sideration in our power. 

"You tell us that, after you had made peace with the king, 
our father, about ten years ago, 'it remained to make peace 
between the United States and the Indian nations, who had 
taken part with the king. For this purpose commissioners were 
appointed, who sent messages to all those Indian nations, inviting 
them to come and make peace;' and after reciting the periods at 
which you say treaties were held, at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh 
and Miami, all which treaties, according to your own acknowl- 
edgment, were for the sole purpose of making peace, you then 
say, ' Brothers, the commissioners who conducted these treaties, in 
behalf of the United States, sent the papers containing them to 
the general council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory 



* American State Papers, v. 349. 



628 RECAPITULATION OF TREATIES. 1793. 

to the nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands 
thereby ceded.' 

"This is telling us plainly, what we always understood to be 
the case, and it agrees with the declarations of those few who 
attended those treaties, viz : That they went to your commis- 
sioners to make peace ; but, through fear, were obliged to sign any 
paper that was laid before them ; and it has since appeared that 
deeds of cession were signed by them, instead of treaties of peace. 

"You then say, ' after some time it appears that a number of 
people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Forts 
Mcintosh and Miami, therefore the council of the United States 
appointed Governor St. Clair their commissioner, with full power, 
for the purpose of removing all causes of controversy relating to 
trade, and settling boundaries, between the Indian nations in the 
northern department and the United States. He accordingly sent 
messages, inviting all the nations concerned to meet him at a 
council fire he kindled at the falls of the Muskingum. While he 
was waiting for them, some mischief happened at that place, and 
the fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmar, 
where near six hundred Indians, of different nations, attended. 
The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty of 
Fort Stanwix; and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed and 
confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh ; some Ottawas, Chippewas, 
Pottawattamies, and Sacs, were also parties to the treaty of Fort 
Harmar.' Now, brothers, these are your words; and it is necessary 
for us to make a short reply to them. 

"A general council of all the Indian confederacy was held, as 
you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at this place ; and that 
general council was invited by your commissioner, Governor St. 
Clair, to meet him for the purpose of holding a treaty, with regard 
to the lands mentioned by you to have been ceded by the treaties 
of Fort Stanwix and Fort Mcintosh. 

"We are in possession of the speeches and letters which passed 
on that occasion, between those deputed by the confederated 
Indians, and Governor St. Clair, the commissioner of the United 
States. These papers prove that your said commissioner, in the 
beginning of the year 1789, and after having been informed by the 
general council of the preceding fall, that no bargain or sale of any 
part of these Indian lands would be considered as valid or binding 
unless agreed to by a general "council, nevertheless, persisted in 
collecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and 
with them held a treaty for the cession of an immense country, in 



1793. INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND LOGIC. 629 

which they were no more interested, than as a branch of the 
general confederacy, and who were in no manner authorized to 
make any grant or concession whatever. 

"How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy peace, and 
quietly to hold these lands, when your commissioner was informed, 
long before he had the treaty of Fort Harmar, that the consent of 
a general council was absolutely necessary to convey any part of 
these lands to the United States. The part of these lands which 
the United States now wish us to relinquish, and which you say are 
settled, have been sold by the United States since that time. 

"You say 'the United States wish to have confirmed all the 
lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort Harmar, and also a small 
tract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark, for the 
use of himself and his warriors. And, in consideration thereof, the 
United States would give such a large sum of money or goods, as 
wa3 never given, at any one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, 
since the white people first set their feet on this island. And, be- 
cause these lands did every year furnish you with skins and furs, 
with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, the United 
States will now furnish the like constant supplies. And, therefore, 
beside the great sum to be delivered at once, they will every year 
deliver you a large quantity of such goods as are best fitted to the 
wants of yourselves, your women, and children.' 

"Money to us is of no value; and to most of us unknown; and, 
as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell the lands on 
which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we 
may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be 
easily removed, and peace thereby obtained. 

"We know that these settlers are poor, or they would never have 
ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble 
ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum 
of money, which you have offered to us, among these people. Give 
to each, also, a proportion of what you say you would give to us, 
annually, over and above this very large sum of money; and, as we 
are persuaded, they would most readily accept of it, in lieu of the 
land you sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you must 
expend in raising and paying armies, with a view to force us to 
yield you our country, you will certainly have more than sufficient 
for the purpose of repaying these settlers for all their labor and 
their improvements. 

"You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange 
that you should expect any from us who have only been defending 



630 INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND LOGIC. 1793. 

our just rights against your invasions. "We want peace. Restore 
to us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer. 

"You make one concession to us by offering us your money; 
and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having 
long and injuriously withheld it; we mean in the acknowledgment 
you now have made, that the king of England never did, nor 
never had a right to give you our country, by the treaty of 
peace. And you want to make this act of common justice 
a great part of your concessions; and seem to expect that, 
because you have at last acknowledged our independence, we 
should, for such a favor, surrender to you our country. 

"You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-emption, and 
your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded to you by 
the king, at the treaty of peace. 

"We never made any agreement with the king, nor with any 
other nation, that we would give to either, the exclusive right of 
purchasing our lands; and we declare to you, that we consider 
ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands, whenever 
and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, 
made a treaty that none of them but the king should purchase of 
us, and that he has given that right to the United States, it is an 
affair which concerns you and him, and not us ; we have never 
parted with such a power. 

"At our general council, held at the Glaize last fall, we agreed 
to meet commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of 
restoring peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and 
confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio, and we determined not 
to meet you, until you gave us satisfaction on that point; that is 
the reason we have never met. 

""We desire you to consider, that our only demand is the 
peaceable possession of a small part of our once great country. 
Look back and review the lands from whence we have been driven 
to this spot. "We can retreat no further; because the country 
behind hardly affords food for its inhabitants ; and we have, there- 
fore, resolved to leave our bones in this small space to which we 
are now confined. 

"We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if 
you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between 
us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether 
unnecessary. This is the great point which we hoped would have 
been explained before you left your homes, as our message, last 
fall, was principally directed to obtain that information. 



1793. COUNCIL AT CAPTAIN ELLIOTT'S CLOSED: 631 

"Done in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Kapids, the 
13th day of August, 1793." 

The commissioners immediately sent the following answer to the 
council. 

" To the chiefs and warriors of the Indian nations, assembled at the 
foot of the Maumee rapids. 

"Brothers : We have just received your answer, dated the 13th 
instant, to our speech of the 31st of last month, which we delivered 
to your deputies at this place. You say it was interpreted to all 
your nations ; and we presume it was well understood. We therein 
explicitly declared to you that it was now impossible to make the 
river Ohio the boundary between your lands and the lands of the 
United States ; your answer amounts to a declaration that you will 
agree to no other boundary than the Ohio. The negotiation is 
therefore at an end. We sincerely regret that peace is not the 
result, but knowing the upright and liberal views of the United 
States, which, so far as you gave us an opportunity, we have ex- 
plained to you ; we trust that impartial judges will not attribute 
the continuance of the war to them. 

"Done at Captain Elliott's, at the mouth of Detroit river, on the 
16th day of August, 1793." 

Thus closed the efforts of the government to negotiate with the 
Indians, and there remained of necessity no other mode of settling 
the question at issue, than the decision of war. Liberal terms were 
indeed offered to them, but the boundary of the Ohio was the only 
condition on which the confederate tribes would lay down their 
arms. Among the rude statesmen of the wilderness, there was 
exhibited here as pure patriotism and as lofty devotion to the 
good of their race, as ever won applause among civilized men. The 
white men had, ever since they came into the country, been en- 
croaching upon their lands. They had long before occupied all the 
regions beyond the mountains. They had crushed the confederacy 
which the far-sighted Pontiachad formed to protect his race, thirty 
years before. They had taken possession of the common hunting 
grounds of all the tribes, on the faith of treaties they did not 
acknowledge. They were now laying out settlements and building 
forts in the heart of the country, to which all the tribes had been 
driven, and which now was all they could call their own. And 
now they asked that it should be guaranteed to them, that the 
boundary which they had so long asked for should be drawn, and 
a final end should be made of the continual aggressions of the 
whites, or, if not, they solemnly determined to stake their all 



632 REMINISCENCES OF CAPTAIN BRANT. 1793. 

against fearful odds, in defense of their liomes, their country and 
the inheritance of their children. Nothing could be more patriotic 
than the position they occupied, and nothing could be more noble 
than the declarations of their great council. 

But while it was noble and patriotic thus to stake their very 
existence on the issue of the contest for their rights, a prudent 
policy would have dictated to them the necessity of acceding to 
the very liberal terms offered by the government. But there were 
two reasons for the decision they made. They had a very inade- 
quate idea of the strength and resources of the white men, and the 
victories they had gained were to them the presage of success. 
Aside from this, they had hope of British, and even of Spanish 
aid in their contest with the Americans. The proof of this is to be 
found in the declarations of the Indians themselves, and in the 
recorded speeches and messages of the British and Spanish emis- 
saries. 

" For several years," said Brant, " we were engaged in getting a 
confederacy formed, and the unanimity occasioned by these en- 
deavors among our western brethren, enabled them to defeat two 
American armies. The war continued without our brothers, the 
English, giving any assistance, except a little ammunition ; and 
they seeming to desire that a peace might be concluded, we tried 
to bring it about at a time that the United States desired it very 
much, so that they sent commissioners from among their first people, 
to endeavor to make peace with the hostile Indians. 

" We assembled also for that purpose at the Miami (Maumee) 
river, in the summer of 1793, intending to act as mediators in 
bringing about an honorable peace ; and if that could not be ob- 
tained, we resolved to join our western brethren in trying the for- 
tune of war. But to our surprise, when upon the point of entering 
upon a treaty with the commissioners, we found that it was opposed 
by those acting under the British government, and hopes of further 
assistance were given to our western brethren, to encourage them 
to insist on the Ohio as a boundary between them and the United 
States."* 

Through Elliott, McKee and Butler, this confidence in English 
aid was thus excited among the savages, before their final refusal 
of the generous terms offered by Washington ; and soon after, the 
higher functionaries endorsed the representations of their subordi- 



* Stone, ii., 358. 



1794. LORD DORCHESTER'S SPEECH TO INDIANS. 633 

nates. In February, 1794, Lord Dorchester, addressing the depu- 
ties from the council of 1793, said : 

" Children : — I was in expectation of hearing from the people of 
the United States what was required by them ; I hoped that I should 
have been able to bring you together, and make you friends. 

" I have waited long, and listened with great attention, but have 
not heard one word from them. 

" I flattered myself with the hope that the line proposed in the 
year eighty-three, to separate us from the United States, which was 
immediately broken by themselves as soon as the peace was signed, would 
have been mended, or a new one drawn, in an amicable manner. 
Here, also, I have been disappointed. 

" Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains ; and 
from the manner in which the people of the United States rush on, 
and act, and talk on this side ; and from what I learn of their con- 
duct toward the sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with 
them in the course of the present year; and if so, a line must then 
be drawn by the warriors. 

" You talk of selling your lands to the State of New York. I 
have told you that there is no line between them and us. I shall 
acknowledge no lands to be theirs which have been encroached on 
by them since the year 1783. They then broke the peace ; as they 
kept it not on their part, it doth not bind on ours. 

u They then destroyed their right of pre-emption. Therefore, 
all their approaches toward us since that time, and all the purchases 
made by them, I consider as an infringement on the king's rights. 
And when a line is drawn between us, be it in peace or war, they 
must lose all their improvements and houses on our side of it. 
Those people must all be gone who do not obtain leave to become 
the king's subjects. What belongs to the Indians will, of course, 
be secured and confirmed to them. 

" What further can I say to you ? You are witnesses that on our 
parts we have acted in the most peaceable manner, and borne the 
language and conduct of the people of the United States with 
patience. But I believe our patience is almost exhausted." 

And when, during the summer of 1794, there was a contest 
between the United States and the Six Nations, relative to the 
erection of a fort by the former at Presqu' Isle, on Lake Erie, 
Brant, in writing to the British authorities, on the 19th of July, 
says: 

" In regard to the Presqu' Isle business, should we not get an 
answer at the time limited, it is our business to push those fellowr 
41 



634 LORD DORCHESTER'S SPEECH TO INDIANS. 1794. 

hard, and therefore it is my intention to form my camp at Pointe 
Appineau ; and I would esteem it a favor if his Excellency the 
Lieutenant-Governor would lend me four or five batteaux. Should 
it so turn out, and should those fellows not go off, and O'Biel con- 
tinue in the same opinion, an expedition against those Yankees 
must of consequence take place. 

" His Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a hun- 
dred weight of powder, and ball in proportion, which is now at 
Fort Erie ; but in the event of an attack upon Le Bceuf people, I 
could wish, if consistent, that his Excellency would order a like 
quantity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in order to be in readiness ; 
likewise I would hope for a little assistance in provision." 

But the conduct of England, in sending, as she did, Governor 
Simcoe, in the month of April, 1794, to the rapids of the Maumee, 
there, within the acknowledged territories of the United States, to 
erect a fort, was the strongest assurance that could have been given 
to the north-western tribes, that she would espouse their quarrel. 
In May of 1794, a messenger from the Mississippi provinces of 
Spain also appeared in the north-west, offering assistance.* 

u Children !" he said, " you see me on my feet, grasping the 
tomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not 
desire you to go before me, in the front, but to follow me. 

"I present you with a war -pipe, which has been sent in all our 
names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live toward 
the setting sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our toma- 
hawk: and as soon as they smoked it, they sent it back with a 
promise to get immediately on their feet, and join us, and strike 
this enemy. 

" You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that 
we have nothing further to do but to put our designs into imme- 
diate execution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike 
nations who have so long been struggling for their country, and 
who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and for- 
ward it to all the lake Indians and their northern brethren. Then 
nothing will be wanting to complete our general union from the 
rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be ready to 
add strength to the blow we are going to make."f 

The explanation of the conduct of England is not difficult. In 



* American State Papers, v. 503. 
f Stone's Brant, iL, 375. 



1794. BRITISH AND SPANISH AID HOPED POP. 635 

March, 1793, Great Britain and Russia had united for the purpose 
of cutting off all the commerce of revolutionary France, in the hope 
thereby of conquering her. In June, the court of St. James, in 
accordance with this agreement, issued orders — 

" To stop and detain all vessels loaded wholly or in part with 
corn, flour ', or meal, bound to any port in France, or any port occu- 
pied by the armies of France, and to send them to such ports as 
should be most convenient, in order that such corn, meal, or flour 
might be purchased on behalf of his majesty's government, and the 
ships to be released after such purchase, and after a due allowance 
for freight; or that the masters of such ships, on giving due secu- 
rity, to be approved by the court of admiralty, be permitted to dis- 
pose of their cargoes of corn, meal, or flour, in the ports of any 
country in amity with his majesty." 

Against this proceeding the United States protested, while Eng- 
land justified the measure as a very mild application of international 
law. On both sides great irritation prevailed, and during this 
period it was that the various acts of Governor Simcoe and others 
took place. 

As for Spain, she had long been fearful and jealous of the 
western colonists; she had done all in her power to sow dissen- 
sions between the Americans and the southern Indians, and now 
hoped to cripple her Anglo-Saxon antagonist by movements at the 
north. 

But the Americans were not disposed to yield even to this "Hy- 
dra " of British, Spanish, and Indian hostility, as General Wayne 
characterized it. On the 16th of August, the commissioners 
received the final answer of the council. On the 17th they left the 
mouth of the Detroit river, and arrived on the 23d at Fort Erie, 
where they immediately dispatched messengers to General Wayne, 
to inform him of the issue of the negotiation. "Wayne had spent 
the winter of 1792 at Legionville, in collecting and organizing his 
army. On the 30th of April, 1793, the army moved down the 
river, and encamped near Fort Washington, at a point called by 
the soldiers Hobson's Choice, because from the extreme high wa- 
ter they were prevented from landing elsewhere. Here Wayne 
was engaged, during the negotiations for peace, in drilling his sol- 
diers in cutting roads and collecting supplies in the Indian country, 
and in making preparations for an immediate campaign in case 
that the efforts of the commissioners to obtain peace should be un- 
successful. 

On the 5th of October, he addressed the following letter to the 
secretary of war : 



636 GENERAL WAYNE'S LETTER. 1793. 

" Agreeably to the authority vested in me by your letter of the 
17th of May, 1793, 1 have used every means in my power to bring 
forward the mounted volunteers from Kentucky, as you will observe 
by the enclosed correspondence with his excellency Governor 
Shelby and Major-General Scott upon this interesting occasion. I 
have even adopted their own proposition, by ordering a draft of 
militia. Add to this, that we have a considerable number of offi- 
cers and men sick and debilitated, from fevers and other disorders, 
incident to all armies. But this is not all ; we have recently been 
visited by a malady called the influenza, which has pervaded the 
whole line*in a most alarming and rapid degree. Fortunately, this 
complaint has not been fatal except in a few instances, and I have 
now the pleasure of informing you, that we are generally recov- 
ered, or in a fair way; but oar effective force will be much reduced. 
After leaving the necessary garrisons at the several posts, which 
will generally be composed of the sick and invalids, I shall not be 
able to advance beyond Fort Jefferson with more than twenty-six 
hundred regular effectives, officers included. What auxiliary force 
we shall have is yet to be determined ; at present their numbers 
are only thirty-six guides and spies, and three hundred and sixty 
mounted volunteers. 

" This is not a pleasant picture, but something must be done im- 
mediately, to save the frontiers from impending savage fury. 

" I will therefore advance to-morrow with the force I have, in 
order to gain a strong position about six miles in front of Fort Jef- 
ferson, so as to keep the enemy in check (by exciting a jealousy 
and apprehension for the safety of their own women and children.) 
until some favorable circumstance or opportunity may present to 
strike with effect. 

" The present apparent tranquillity on the frontiers, and at the 
head of the line, is a convincing proof to me, that the enemy are 
collected or collecting in force, to oppose the legion, either on its 
march, or in some unfavorable position for the cavalry to act in. 
Disappoint them in this favorite plan or maneuver, they may prob- 
ably be tempted to attack our lines. In this case I trust they will 
not have much reason to triumph from the encounter. 

"They cannot continue long embodied for want of provision, and 
at their breaking up they will most certainly make some desperate 
effort upon some quarter or other; should the mounted volunteers 
advance in force, we might yet compel those haughty savages to 
sue for peace, before the next opening of the leaves. Be that as it 
may, I pray you not to permit present appearances to cause too 
much anxiety either in the mind of the president, or yourself, on 



1793. GENERAL WAYNE'S SECOND LETTER. 637 

account of this army. Knowing the critical situation of our infant 
nation, and feeling for the honor and reputation of government, 
(which I will support with my latest breath,) you may rest assured 
that I will not commit the legion unnecessarily; and unless more 
powerfully supported than I at present have reason to expect, I 
will content myself by taking a strong position in advance of Jef- 
ferson, and by exerting every power, endeavor to protect the fron- 
tiers, and to secure the posts and army during the winter, or until 
I am honored with your further orders. 

On the 23d of October, Wayne wrote again to the Secretary of 
"War, from his camp on the south-west branch of the Great Miami, 
six miles beyond Fort Jefferson. 

"I have the honor to inform you that the legion took up its line 
of march from Hobson's Choice, on the 7th inst, and arrived at 
this place in perfect order, and without a single accident, at ten 
o'clock on the morning of the 13th, when I found myself arrested 
for want of provisions. Notwithstanding this defect, I do not 
despair of supporting the troops in our present position, or rather 
at a place called Still Water, at an intermediate distance between 
the field of St. Clair's battle and Fort Jefferson. The safety of 
the western frontiers, the reputation of the legion, the dignity and 
interest of the nation, all forbid a retrograde maneuver, or giving 
up one inch of ground we now possess, until the enemy are com- 
pelled to sue for peace. The greatest difficulty which at present 
presents itself, is that of furnishing a sufficient escort to secure our 
convoys of provisions and other supplies from insult and disaster, 
and at the same time to retain a sufficient force in camp to sustain 
and repel the attacks of the enemy, who appear to be desperate 
and determined. We have recently experienced a little check to 
our convoys, which may probably be exaggerated into something 
serious by the tongue of fame, before this reaches you. The fol- 
lowing is, however, the fact : 

" Lieutenant Lowry, of the second sub-legion, and Ensign Boyd, 
of the first, with a command consisting of ninety non-commissioned 
officers and privates, having in charge twenty wagons, belonging 
to the quartermaster-general's department, loaded with grain, and 
one of the contractor's wagons, loaded with stores, were attacked 
early on the morning of the 17th instant, about seven miles 
advanced of Fort St. Clair, by a party of Indians. Those gallant 
young gentlemen, (who promised, at a future day, to be ornaments 
to their profession,) together with thirteen non-commissioned offi- 
cers and privates, bravely fell, after an obstinate resistance against 



638 WAYNE DISMISSES KENTUCKY MILITIA. 1793. 

superior numbers, "being abandoned by the greater part of the 
escort, upon the first discharge. The sayages killed or carried off 
about seventy horses, leaving the wagons and stores standing in 
the road, which have all been brought to this camp, without any 
other loss or damage, except some trifling articles. 

"One company of light infantry, and one troop of dragoons, 
have been detached this morning, to reinforce four other companies 
of infantry commanded by Colonel Hamtramck, as an escort to 
the quartermaster-general's and contractor's wagons and pack- 
horses. I have this moment received the return of the mounted 
volunteers, consisting of about one thousand men, from Kentucky, 
under General Scott, recently arrived and encamped in the vicinity 
of Fort Jefferson. I shall immediately order a strong detachment 
of those volunteers, as a further reinforcement to Colonel Ham- 
tramck. I fear the season is too far advanced to derive that essen- 
tial service which, otherwise, might be expected from them. 
Whether they can act with effect or not, is yet eventual. It is 
reported that the Indians at Au Glaize have sent their women and 
children into some secret recess or recesses, from their towns, and 
that the whole of the warriors are collected or collecting in force. 
The savages, however, cannot continue long embodied, for want of 
provisions. On the contrary, we have, by great exertions, secured 
in this camp seventy thousand rations. I expect one hundred and 
twenty thousand, in addition, by the return of the present convoy, 
unless they meet with a disaster — a thing that can scarcely happen, 
should my orders be duly executed, which I have no cause to doubt, 
from the character, vigilance, and experience of the commanding 
officer, Colonel Hamtramck. A great number of men, as well as 
officers, have been left sick and debilitated at the respective garri- 
sons, from a malady called the influenza. Among others, General 
Wilkinson has been dangerously ill; he is now at Fort Jefferson, 
and on the recovery. I hope he will soon be sufficiently restored 
to take his command in the legion." 

The approach of winter, which was regarded as an unfavorable 
season for carrying on active hostilities against the Indians, in- 
duced General Wayne to dismiss the Kentucky militia, and to 
place the regular troops in winter quarters. On a tributary of the 
southwest branch of the Great Miami river he erected Fort Green- 
ville, near the site of the present town of Greenville, Ohio, where 
he established his head-quarters. 

This being done on the 23d or 24th of December, a detachment 
was sent forward to take possession of the field of St. Clair's defeat. 



1794. EVIDENCE OF BRITISH INTENTIONS. 639 

They arrived upon the spot upon Christmas day. " Six hundred 
skulls," says one present, "were gathered up and buried; when 
we went to lay down iu our tents at night, we had to scrape the 
bones together and carry them out, to make our beds."* Here 
was built Fort Recovery, which was properly garrisoned, and 
placed under the charge of Captain Alexander Gibson. During 
the early months of 1794, "Wayne was steadily engaged iu pre- 
paring everything for a sure blow when the time came, and by 
means of Captain Gibson and his various spies, kept himself in- 
formed of the plans and movements of the savages. All his 
information showed the faith in British assistance which still 
animated the doomed race of red men ; thus, two Pottawattamies, 
taken by Captain Gibson, June 5th, in reply to various questions, 
answered as follows : 

" When did your nation receive the invitation from the British 
to join them, and go to war with the Americans ? 

"On the first of the last moon; the message was sent by three 
chiefs, a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami. 

"What was the message brought by those Indian chiefs, and 
what number of British troops were at Roche de Bout, (foot of 
rapids of the Maumee,) on the 1st of May? 

"That the British sent them to invite the Pottawattamies to go 
to war against the United States; that they, the British, were then 
at Roche de Bout, on their way to war against the Americans ; 
that the number of British troops then there was about four 
hundred, with two pieces of artillery, exclusive of the Detroit 
militia, and had made a fortification around Colonel McKee's 
house and stores at that place, in which they had deposited all 
their stores of ammunition, arms, clothing and provision with 
which they promised to supply all the hostile Indians in abund- 
ance, provided they would join and go with them to war. 

"What tribes of Indians, and what were their numbers, at Roche 
de Bout on the 1st of May ? 

"The Chippewas, Wyandots, Shawanese, Tawas, Delawares, and 
Miamies. There were then collected about one thousand warriors, 
and were daily coming in and collecting from all those nations. 

"WTiat number of warriors do you suppose actually collected at 
that place at this time, and what number of British troops and 
militia have promised to join the Indians to fight this army? 



* American Pioneer, i. 294. Letter of George Will. Dillon's Indiana, i. 360. 



G40 EVIDENCE OF BRITISH INTENTIONS. 1794. 

"By the latest and best information, and from our own knowl- 
edge of the number of warriors belonging to those nations, there 
cannot be less than two thousand warriors now assembled ; and 
were the Pottawattamies to join, agreeably to invitation, the whole 
would amount to upward of three thousand hostile Indians. But 
we do not think that more than fifty of the Pottawattamies will go 
to war. The British troops and militia that will join the Indians 
to go to war against the Americans, will amount to fifteen hundred, 
agreeably to the promise of Governor Simcoe. 

" At what time and at what place do the British and Indians 
mean to advance against this army ? 

"About the last of this moon, or the beginning of the next, they 
intend to attack the legion of this place. Governor Simcoe, the 
great man who lives at or near Magara, sent for the Pottawattamies, 
and promised them arms, ammunition, provisions, and clothing, 
and everything they wanted, on condition that they would join 
him, and go to war against the Americans; and that he would 
command the whole. 

"He sent us the same message last winter; and again on the 
first of the last moon, from Eoche de Bout; he also said he was 
much obliged to us for our past services, and that he would now 
help us to fight, and render us all the services in his power against 
the Americans. 

" All the speeches that we have received from him, were as red 
as blood ; all the wampum and feathers were painted red ; the war 
pipes and hatchets were red, and even the tobacco was painted 
red. 

"We received four different invitations from Governor Simcoe, 
inviting the Pottawattamies to join in the war; the last was on the 
first of the last moon, when he promised to join us with fifteen 
hundred of his warriors, as before mentioned. But we wished for 
peace ; except a few of our foolish young men. 

"Examined, and carefully reduced to writing, at Greenville, this 
7th of June, 1794. * 

A couple of Shawanese warriors, captured June 22d, were less 
sanguine as to their white allies, but still say that which proves 
the dependence of Indian action upon English promises. As their 
evidence gives some data relative to the Indian forces, as well as 
the temper of the western tribes we extract nearly the whole of it. 



* American State Papers, v. 489, 



1794. FORCES OF THE INDIANS RELATED. Gil 

" They say that they left Grand Glaize five moons since, i. e. 
about the time that the Indians sent in to Wayne a flag, with 
propositions of peace. 

"That they belonged to a party of twenty, who have been hunt- 
ing all this spring on the waters of the Wabash, nearly opposite 
the mouth of the Kentucky river, and were on their return when 
taken. 

"That, on their way in, they met with a party consisting of four 
Indians, L e. three Delawares and one Pottawattamie, who were 
then on their way to the Big-bone Lick, to steal horses; that this 
party informed them that all the Indians on White river were sent 
for to come immediately to Grand Glaize, where the warriors of 
several nations were now assembled; that the chiefs are yet in 
council and would not let their warriors go out ; that they could 
not depend upon the British for effectual support ; that they were 
always setting the Indians on, like dogs after game, pressing them 
to go to war and kill the Americans, but did not help them ; that 
unless the British would turn out and help them, they were deter- 
mined to make peace ; that they would not be any longer amused 
by promises only. 

" That the Shawanese have three hundred and eighty warriors 
at and in the vicinity of Grand Glaize, and generally can, and do, 
bring into action about three hundred. 

" Their great men or sachems, are the Black Wolf and Kakia- 
pi-la-thy or Tame Hawk ; their principal warriors are Blue Jacket 
and Captain Johnny; that the Delawares have in and about Grand 
Glaize, four hundred and eighty warriors ; that they actually had 
four hundred in the action against St. Clair; that the Miamies are 
at present but about one hundred warriors, who live near Grand 
Glaize, several of them having removed toward Post Vincennes 
and by the Mississippi ; that the Wyandots never send into action 
more than about one hundred and fifty warriors ; they live along 
the lake, towards Sandusky; they don't know the number of the 
Pottawattamies, nor the number of the other Indians or nations 
that would actually join in war, should .they determine to continue 
it; that the Chippewas would be the most numerous, and were 
generally on their way to the council; but, that war or peaca 
depended on the conduct of the British ; if they would help them, 
it would probably be war, but if they would not, it would be peace ; 
that the Indians would no longer be set on like dogs, by themselves, 
unless the British would help them to fight; that the British were 
at the foot of the rapids, and had fortified at Eoche de Bout; that 



642 FORT RECOVERY ATTACKED BY INDIANS AND BRITISH. 1794. 

there was a great number of British soldiers at that place ; that 
they told the Indians they were now come to help them to fight; 
and if the Indians would generally turn out and join them, they 
would advance and fight the American army ; that Blue Jacket 
had been sent by the British to the Chippewas and northern 
Indians, a considerable time since, to invite them, and bring them 
to Roche de Bout, there to join the British and other hostile 
Indians, in order to go to war." 

And the conduct of the Indians demonstrated the truth of these 
representations. On the 30th of June, an escort of ninety rifiemen 
and fifty dragoons, under the command of Major McMahon, was 
attacked under the walls of Fort Recovery, by a force of more 
than one thousand warriors, led by the celebrated Miami chief, 
Little Turtle. 

"They were soon repulsed," says Wayne in his letter to the 
Secretary of War, "with great slaughter, but immediately rallied, 
and reiterated the attack, keeping up a very heavy and constant 
fire, at a more respectable distance, for the remainder of the day; 
which was answered with spirit and effect by the garrison, and that 
part of Major McMahon's command that had regained the post. 

"The savages were employed during the night, which was dark 
and foggy, in carrying off their dead by torch-light, which occa- 
sionally drew a fire from the garrison. They, nevertheless, suc- 
ceeded so well that there were but eight or ten bodies left on the 
field, and those close under the fire from the fort. 

"The enemy renewed the attack on the next morning, but were 
ultimately compelled to retreat, with loss and disgrace, from the 
very field where they had, upon a former occasion, been proudly 
victorious. 

"It would appear that the real object of the enemy was to have 
carried that post by a coup de main, for they could not possibly have 
received intelligence of the escort under Major McMahon, whose 
presence there was an accidental, perhaps a fortunate event. By 
every information, as well as from the extent of their encamp- 
ments, which were perfectly square and regular, and their line of 
march, in seventeen columns, forming a wide and extended front, 
their numbers could not have been less than fifteen hundred to two 
thousand warriors. It would also appear that they were rather in 
want of provisions, as they killed and ate a number of pack-horses 
in their encampment, on the evening after the assault; also, at 
their next encampment, on their retreat, which was but seven 
miles from Fort Recovery. 



1794. ASSAILANTS REPULSED AND DEFEATED. 643 

"I had detached three small parties of Chickasaw and Choctaw 
Indians, a few days previous to this affair, toward Grand Glaize, in 
order to obtain provisions, and for the purpose of gaining intelli- 
gence. One of these parties fell in with a large body of Indians, 
at the place called Girty's town, on Harmar's route, apparently 
bending their course toward Chillicothe, near the Great Miami. 
This party returned on the 28th, with the further information that 
there was a great number of white men with the Indians. 

"The other two parties got much scattered in following the 
trails of the hostile Indians, at some distance in their rear, and 
were also in with them when the assault commenced on Fort 
Recovery. These Indians all insist that there was a considerable 
number of armed white men in the rear, whom they frequently 
heard talking in our language, and encouraging the savages to per- 
severe in the assault; that their faces were generally blacked, except 
three British officers, who were dressed in scarlet, and appeared to 
be men of great distinction, from being surrounded by a large body 
of white men and Indians, who were very attentive to them. These 
kept a distance in the rear of those that were engaged. 

" Another strong corroborating fact that there were British, 
or British militia, in the assault, is, that a number of ounce 
balls and buck shot were lodged in the block-houses and stock- 
ades of the fort. Some were delivered at so great a distance as not 
to penetrate, and were picked up at the foot of the stockades. 

"It would also appear that the British and savages expected to 
find the artillery that were lost on the 4th of November, 1791, and 
hid by the Indians in the beds of old fallen timber, or logs, which 
they turned over, and laid the cannon in, and then turned the logs 
back into their former berth. It was in this artful manner that we 
generally found them deposited. The hostile Indians turned over 
a great number of logs during the assault, in search of those can- 
non, and other plunder, which they had probably hid in this man- 
ner, after the action of the 4th of November, 1791. 

"I, therefore, have reason to believe that the British and Indians 
depended much upon this artillery to assist in the reduction of that 
post; fortunately, they served in its defense." 

On the 26th of July, Scott, with some sixteen hundred mounted 
men from Kentucky, joined Wayne at Greenville, and on the 28th 
the legion moved forward. On the 8th of August, the army was 
near the junction of Au Glaize and Maumee, at Grand Glaize, 
and proceeded at once to build Fort Defiance, where the rivers 



644 wayne's last offer of peace. 1794. 

meet.* The Indians had hastily abandoned their towns npon 
hearing of the approach of the army, from a runaway member of 
the quarter-master's corps, who was afterward taken at Pitts- 
burgh. 

It had been Wayne's plan to reach the head-quarters of the sav- 
ages, Grand Glaize, undiscovered ; and in order to do this, he had 
caused two roads to be cut, one toward the foot of the rapids, 
(Roche de Bout,) the other to the junction of the St. Mary and St. 
Joseph, while he pressed forward between the two ; and this strata- 
gem he thinks would have been successful but for the deserter 
referred to. 

While engaged upon Fort Defiance, the American commander 
received full and accurate accounts of the Indians, and the aid they 
would receive from the volunteers of Detroit and elsewhere; he 
learned the nature of the ground, and the circumstances favorable 
and unfavorable ; and upon the whole, considering the spirit of his 
troops, officers and men, regulars and volunteers, he determined to 
march forward and settle matters at once. But yet, true to the 
last, to the spirit of compromise and peace, so forcibly taught by 
Washington, on the 13th of August, he sent Christopher Miller, 
who had been naturalized among the Shawanese, and had been ta- 
ken prisoner on the 11th, by Wayne's spies, as a special messenger, 
offering terms of friendship in these words : 

"To the Delawares, Shawanese, Miamies, and Wyandots, and to each 
and every of them, and to all other nations of Indians north-west of 
the Ohio, whom it may concern : 

"I, Anthony Wayne, Major-General and Commander-in-chief of 
the federal army, now at Grand Glaize, and commissioner plenipo- 
tentiary of the United States of America, for settling the terms 
upon which a permanent and lasting peace shall be made with each 
and every of the hostile tribes, or nations of Indians north-west of 
the Ohio, and of the said United States, actuated by the purest 
principles of humanity, and urged by pity for the errors into which 
bad and designing men have led you, from the head of my army, 
now in possession of your abandoned villages and settlements, do 
hereby once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you, 
and invite each and every of the hostile tribes of Indians to appoint 
deputies to meet me and my army, without delay, between this 



* See American Pioneer, ii. 387, for plan and account of Fort Defiance. 



1794. WAYNE MARCHES DOWN MATTMEE. 645 

place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the preliminaries of a 
lastiDg peace, which may eventually and soon restore to you, the 
Delawares, Miamies, Shawanese, and all other tribes and nations 
lately settled at this place, and on the margins of the Miami and 
Au Glaize rivers, your late grounds and possessions, and to preserve 
you and your distressed and hapless women and children from dan- 
ger and famine, during the present fall and ensuing winter. 

"The arm of the United States is strong and powerful, hut they 
love mercy and kindness more than war and desolation. 

"And, to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to the 
persons of the deputies whom you may appoint to meet this army, 
I hereby pledge my sacred honor for their safety and return, and 
send Christopher Miller, an adopted Shawanee, and a Shawanee 
warrior, whom I took prisoner two days ago, as a flag, who will 
advance in their front to meet me. 

"Mr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors, six 
moons since, and can testify to you the kindness which I have 
shown to your people, my prisoners, that is, five warriors and two 
women, who are now all safe and well at Greenville. 

" But, should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr. 
Miller, be detained, or injured, I will immediately order all those 
prisoners to be put to death, without distinction, and some of them 
are known to belong to the first families of your nation. 

"Brothers: — Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false 
promises and language of the bad white men at the foot of the 
Rapids ; they have neither power nor inclination to protect you. 
~No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor 
your ears to this overture of peace. But, in pity to your innocent 
women and children, come and prevent the further effusion of 
your blood; let them experience the kindness and friendship of the 
United States of America, and the invaluable blessings of peace 
and tranquillity. 

AOTHOire WAYIsTE. 

Grand Glaize, August 13th, 1794." 

Unwilling to waste time, the troops moved forward on the 15th, 
and on the 16th met Miller returning, with the message, that if the 
Americans would wait ten days at Grand Glaize, they (the Indians) 
would decide for peace or war, to which Wayne replied only by 
marching straight on. On the 18th, the legion had advanced forty- 
one miles from Grand Glaize, and being near the long-looked for 
foe, began to throw up some light works called Fort Deposite, 



646 WAYNE'S BATTLE. 1794. 

wherein to place the heavy baggage during the expected battle. On 
that day, five of Wayne's spies, among whom was May, the man 
who had been sent after Truman, .and had pretended to desert to 
the Indians, rode into the very camp of the enemy ; in attempting 
to retreat again, May's horse fell, and he was taken. The next 
day, and day before the battle, he was tied to a tree, and shot at as 
a target.* During the 19th, the army still labored on their works; 
on the 20th, at seven or eight o'clock, all baggage having been 
left behind, the white forces moved down the north bank of the 
Maumee — 

" The legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee; one 
brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Brigadier-General 
Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier-General Barbee. 
A select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the 
legion, commanded by Major Price, who was directed to keep suf- 
ficently advanced, so as to give timely notice for the troops to form 
in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians 
would decide for peace or war. 

"After advancing about five miles, Major Price's corps received 
so severe a fire from the enemy who were secreted in the woods 
and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. The legion was im- 
mediately formed in two lines, principally in a close thick wood, 
which extended for miles on our left, and for a very considerable dis- 
tance in front; the ground being covered with old fallen timber, 
probably occasioned by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable 
for the cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the enemy the most 
favorable covert for their mode of warfare. 

" The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting dis- 
tance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right 
angles with the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of their 
fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in full force in 
front, in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to 
turn our left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to 
advance and support the first; and directed Major-General Scott to 
gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the whole of the 
mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route ; at the same time ordered 
the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse 
the Indians from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and 
when up, to deliver a close and well directed fire on their backs, 



* American Pioneer, i. 52, 318. — American State Papers, v. 243. 



1794. wayne's battle. 647 

followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load 
again. 

"I also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the le- 
gionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, 
and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All 
these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude ; but such 
was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that 
the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers, were drove from 
all their coverts in so short a time, that although every possible 
exertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, 
and by Generals Scott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volun- 
teers, to gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up 
in season to participate in the action ; the enemy being drove in 
the course of an hour, more than two miles, through the thick 
woods already mentioned, by less than one half their number. 
From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand com- 
batants. 

"The troops actually engaged against them were short of nine 
hundred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned 
themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving 
our victorious army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, 
which terminated under the influence of the guns of the British 
garrison, as you will observe by the enclosed correspondence 
between Major Campbell, the commandant, and myself, upon the 
occasion. 

"The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the 
army, from the generals down to the ensigns, merit my highest 
approbation. There were, however, some whose rank and situa- 
tion placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, 
and which I observed with pleasure, and the most lively gratitude. 
Among whom I must beg leave to mention Brigadier-General 
Wilkinson, and Colonel Hamtramck, the commandants of the 
right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired 
the troops. To those I must add the names of my faithful and 
gallant aids-de-camp, Captains De Butt and T. Lewis, and Lieu- 
tenant Harrison, who, with the Adjutant-General, Major Mills, 
rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders 
in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the 
troops to press for victory. 

"Enclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded. 
The loss of the enemy was more than that of the federal army. 
The woods were strewed for a considerable distance with the dead 



648 wayne's account of the battle. 1794. 

bodies of Indians, and their white auxiliaries, the latter armed 
with British muskets and bayonets. 

"We remained three days and nights on the banks of the 
Maumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the 
houses and cornfields were consumed and destroyed for a consider- 
able distance both above and below Fort Miami, as well as within 
pistol shot of the garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit 
spectators to this general devastation and conflagration, among 
which were the houses, stores and property of Colonel McKee, the 
British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of the war now ex- 
isting between the United States and the savages. 

"The army returned to this place (Fort Defiance,*) on the 27th, 
by easy marches, laying waste the villages and cornfields for about 
fifty miles on each side of the Maumee. There remains yet a 
great number of villages and a great quantity of corn, to be con- 
sumed or destroyed, upon the Au Glaize and the Maumee above 
this place, which will be effected in the course of a few days." 

The loss of the American army in this engagement according 
to the official returns was, of the legion, twenty-one privates and 
five officers killed, and seventy-four privates and thirteen officers 
wounded ; of the Kentucky volunteers, seven privates killed and 
ten privates and three officers wounded. It is difficult to deter- 
mine the force of the enemy. A Canadian who was taken in the 
battle gives the following estimates: 

"That the Delawares have about live hundred men, including 
those who live on both rivers, the White river, and Bean creek. 

" That the Miamies are about two hundred warriors ; part of them 
live on the St. Joseph's, eight leagues from this place ; that the 
men Were all in the action, but the women are yet at that place, or 
Piquet's village ; that a road leads from this place directly to it ; 
that the number of warriors belonging to that place, when alto- 
gether, amounts to about forty. 

" That the Shawanese have about three hundred warriors ; that 
the Tawas, on this river, are two hundred and fifty; that the 
Wyandots are about three hundred. 

"That those Indians were generally in the action on the 20th 
instant, except some hunting parties. That a reinforcement of 
regular troops, and two hundred militia, arrived at Fort Miami a 
few days before the army appeared ; that the regular troops in the 
fort amounted to two hundred and fifty, exclusive of the militia. 



*Au Glaize. 



1794. WAYNE AND CAMPBELL'S CORRESPONDENCE. 649 

"That about seventy of the militia, including Captain Cald- 
well's corps, were in the action. That Colonel McKee, Captain 
Elliott, and Simon Girty, were in the field, but at a respectable 
distance, and near the river. 

" That the Indians have wished for peace for some time, but that 
Colonel McKee always dissuaded them from it, and stimulated 
them to continue the war." 

Immediately after the engagement the army marched down the 
Maumee, and encamped on its bank within view of the British 
fort.* Alarmed at the near approach of the Americans, and 
doubtless chagrined at the defeat of his allies, Major Campbell 
addressed the following note, on the next day after the battle, to 
General Wayne : 

"An army of the United States of America, said to be under 
your command, having taken post on the banks of the Miami, 
(Maumee,) for upward of the last twenty-four hours, almost within 
reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to his majesty 
the king of Great Britain, occupied by his majesty's troops, and 
which I have the honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform 
myself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am to view your 
making such near approaches to this garrison. I have no hesita- 
tion, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between 
Great Britain and America." 

To this demand General Wayne returned at once the following 
decided answer : 

" I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the 
motives which have moved the army under my command to the 
position they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged juris- 
diction of the United States of America. Without questioning the 
authority or the propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, 
without breach of decorum, observe to you, that were you entitled 
to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to 
you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, in the 
action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, 
which terminated gloriously to the American arms ; but, had it 
continued until the Indians, &c, were driven under the influence 
of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much im- 
peded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as 



* Fort Miami, built in the spring of 1794, by order of Governor Simcoe. 

42 



650 WAYNE AND CAMPBELL'S CORRESPONDENCE. 1794. 

no such post was established at the commencement of the present 
war between the Indians and the United States." 

On the next day Major Campbell replied: 

" Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me 
to any act of hostility against the army of the United States in this 
neighborhood, under your command, yet still anxious to prevent 
that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is not intended to be appealed 
to by either of our countries, I have foreborne, for these two days 
past, to resent those insults you have offered to the British flag 
flying at this fort, by approaching within pistol shot of my works, 
not only singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands. Neither 
is it my wish to wage war with individuals; but, should you, after 
this, continue to approach my post in the threatening manner you 
are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my king and 
country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have 
recourse to those measures, which thousands of either nation may 
hereafter have cause to regret, and which I solemnly appeal to God 
I have used my utmost endeavors to arrest." 

Immediately upon the receipt of this communication the fort 
was reconnoitered in every direction. It was found to be a regular, 
strong work, the front covered by a wide river, and protected by 
four guns. The rear had two regular bastions, furnished with 
eight pieces of artillery ; the whole surrounded by a wide, deep 
ditch, about twenty feet deep from the top of the parapet. After 
thus making provision for an assault if necessary, Wayne dis- 
patched the following note to Campbell: 

" In your letter of the 21st instant, you declare, ' I have no hesi- 
tation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between 
Great Britain and America.' I, on my part, declare the same, and 
that the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at present, 
is the hostile act you are now in commission of, i. e. by recently 
taking post far within the well known and acknowledged limits of 
the United States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the 
settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United States. 
This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and 
destructive to the peace and interest of the Union. Hence it 
becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, 
in the name of the President of the United States, that you imme- 
diately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression, by 
forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, artillery, and 
stores, under your orders and direction, forthwith, and removing 
to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic majesty's troops at 






1794. ARMY ASCENDS MAUMEE AND BUILDS FORT WAYNE. 651 

the peace of 1783, and which you will be permitted to do unmo- 
lested by the troops under my command." 

To this demand Major Campbell replied: 

a I have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of this date; in answer to which I have only to say, that, being 
placed here in command of a British post, and acting in a military 
capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion either on the right 
or impropriety of my occupying my present position. Those are 
matters that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our 
different nations. 

" Having said this much, permit me to inform you that I cer- 
tainly will not abandon this post, at the summons of any power 
whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose from those I have 
the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me. 
I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, 
to desire that your army, or individuals belonging to it, will not 
approach within reach of my cannon, without expecting the con- 
sequences attending it. 

" Although I have said, in the former part of my letter, that my 
situation here is totally military, yet, let me add, sir, that I am 
much deceived if his majesty, the king of Great Britain, had not a 
post on this river at and prior to the period you mention." 

" The only notice taken of this letter," says Wayne, " was by 
immediately setting fire to and destroying every thing within view 
of the fort, and even under the muzzles of the guns. Had Major 
Campbell carried his threats into execution, it is more than probable 
he w r ould have experienced a storm." 

On the 14th of September the army marched from Fort Defiance 
towards the Miami village, at the juncture of the St. Joseph's and 
the St. Mary's. It reached that place on the 17th, and on the 18th, 
General Wayne selected a site for a fort. On the 22d of October, 
the fort was completed and garrisoned by a detachment, under 
Major Hamtramck, who gave to it the name of Fort Wayne. 
During this period the army suffered much from disease and from 
the want of provisions, so much so, indeed, that a pint of salt, it is 
said, was sold, on the 24th of September, for six dollars. On the 
14th of October, the mounted volunteers, from Kentucky, who had 
become dissatisfied and mutinous, were moved to Fort Washing- 
ton, where they were immediately mustered out of the service and 
discharged. On the 28th of October, the legion marched from 
Fort Wayne to Fort Greenville, where, on his arrival, General 
Wayne re-established his head-quarters. 



652 CONDUCT OF BRITISH AFTER THE BATTLE. 1794. 

While the army remained at Fort Wayne, the brother of a Cana- 
dian, taken in the battle on the 20th of August, came into the 
camp with three American prisoners, whom he had purchased 
from the Indians, to exchange for his brother. The exchange was 
of course granted, and, in addition, he was induced to make the 
following statement : 

" Governor Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and Captain Brant, arrived 
at Fort Miami, at the foot of the rapids, on the 30th ultimo, (Sep- 
tember.) Brant had with him one hundred Indians, Mohawks and 
Messasagoes. 

"Governor Simcoe sent for the chiefs of the different hostile 
Indians, and invited them to meet him at the mouth of Detroit 
river, eighteen miles below Detroit, to hold a treaty; Simcoe, 
Colonel McKee, and Captain Brant, together with Blue Jacket, 
Buckongehelas, the Little Turtle, Captain Johnny, and other chiefs 
of the Delawares, Miamies, Shawanese, Tawas, and Pottawattamies, 
set out accordingly for the place assigned for the treaty, about the 
1st instant; the Indians are well and regularly supplied with pro- 
visions from the British magazines, at a place called Swan Creek, 
near Lake Erie. 

" Previously to the arrival of Governor Simcoe, Blue Jacket, the 
Shawanese chiefs, two of the principal chiefs of the Tawas, and 
the principal chiefs of the Pottawattamies, had agreed to accom- 
pany him with a flag to this place. 

"Blue Jacket informed him, after the arrival of Simcoe, he would 
not now go with him until after the intended treaty ; but, that his 
wishes, at present, were for peace; that he did not know what 
propositions Governor Simcoe had to make them, but that he and 
all the chiefs would go and hear; and, in the interim, desired him 
to inquire of General Wayne in what manner the chiefs should 
come to him and whether they would be safe, in case they should 
determine on the measure, after the treaty with Simcoe and after 
he should return to Detroit; had it not been for the arrival of 
Governor Simcoe, Colonel McKee and Captain Brant, with bis 
Indians, he is confident the chiefs already mentioned would have 
accompanied him to this place, at this time, as before related."* 

This communication was further confirmed by statements from 
the Wyandots, some of whom were in the American interest. In- 
deed it appeared afterward that on the IQth of October, the Indiana 



* American State Papers, v. 526. 



1794. CONDUCT OF BRITISH AFTER THE BATTLE. 653 

met the British at the Big Rock, and were advised that their griefs 
would he laid before the king; and in connection with thi3, as 
General Wayne learned from the friendly Wyandots, — 

Governor Simcoe insisted that the Indians should not listen to 

any terms of peace from the Americans, but to propose a truce, or 

suspension of hostilities, until the spring, when a grand council 

and assemblage of all the warriors and tribes of Indians should 

take place, for the purpose of compelling the Americans to cross 

to the east side of the Ohio; and in the interim, advised every 

nation to sign a deed or conveyance of all their lands, on the west 

side of the Ohio, to the king, in trust for the Indians, so as to give 

the British a pretext or color for assisting them, in case the 

Americans refused to abandon all their posts and possessions on 

the west side of that river; and which the Indians should warn 

them to do, immediately after they, the Indians, were assembled 

in force in the spring, and to call upon the British to guarantee 

the lands thus ceded in trust, and to make a general attack upon 

the frontiers at the same time; that the British would be prepared 

to attack the Americans, also, in every quarter, and would compel 

them to cross the Ohio, and to give up the lands to the Indians. 

Captain Brant also told them to keep a good heart, and be 
strong; to do as their father advised; that he would return home 
for the present, with his warriors, aud come again early in the 
spring, with an additional number, so as to have the whole summer 
before them, to fight, kill, and pursue the Americans, who could 
not possibly stand against the force and numbers that would be 
opposed to them ; that he had been always successful, and would 
insure them victory. But that he would not attack the Americans 
at this time, as it would only put them upon their guard, and 
bring them upon the Indians in this quarter, during the winter ; 
therefore he advised them to amuse the Americans with a prospect 
of peace, until they should collect in force to fall upon them early 
in the spring, and when least expected. 

That, agreeably to this plan or advice, the real hostile tribes will 
be sending flags frequently during the winter, with propositions of 
peace, but this is all fraud and art, to put the Americans off their 
guard. 

The British made large presents to the Indians at the late 
council, and continued to furnish them with provision from 
Colonel M'Kee's new stores, near the mouth of the Miames of 
Lake Erie, where all the Indians are hutted or in tents, whose 
towns and property were destroyed last summer, and who will 



654 INDIANS DESIRE PEACE. 1795. 

sign away their lands and do exactly what the British request 
them; this was the general prevailing opinion at the breaking up 
of the council ; since which period, the message and propositions 
of the 5th of November, addressed to the different tribes of Indians 
proposing the treaty of the 9th of January, 1789, held at the mouth 
of Muskingum, as a preliminary upon which a permanent peace 
should be established, has been communicated to them; upon 
which, a considerable number of the chiefs of several of the tribes 
assembled again, and were determined to come forward to treat, say 
about the first of this moon. But Colonel M'Kee was informed of 
it, and advised them against the measure, and to be faithful to their 
father, as they had promised. He then made them additional 
presents, far beyond any thing that they had ever heretofore 
received, which inclined a majority to adhere to Governor Simcoe's 
propositions, and they returned home accordingly. 

That, notwithstanding this, the chiefs and nations are much 
divided, some for peace, and some for war; the Wyandots of San- 
dusky are for peace; those near Detroit for war; the Dela wares 
are equally divided, so are the Miamies, but are dependent on the 
British for provision ; the Shawanese and Tawas are for war ; the 
Pottawattamies and Chippewas are gone home, sore from the late 
action. 

That such of the chiefs and warriors as are inclined for peace 
will call a council, and endeavor to bring it about, upon the terms 
proposed, as they wish to hold their lands under the Americans, 
and not under the British, whose title they do notflike.* 

News also came from the West that the Indians were crossing 
the Mississippi ; in New York, on the 11th of November, Pickering 
made a new treaty with the Iroquois ; while in the north fewer and 
fewer of the savages lurked about Forts Defiance and Wayne. 
Nor was it long before the wish of the natives to make peace be- 
came still more apparent; on the 28th and 29th of December, the 
chiefs of the Chippewas, Ottawas, Sacs, Pottawattamies, and 
Miamies, came with peace messages to Colonel Hamtramck, at 
Fort Wayne, and on the 24th of January, 1795, at Greenville, 
entered, together with the Delawares, Wyandots, and Shawanese, 
into preliminary articles with the commander-in-chief. 

The truth was, the red men had been entirely disappointed in 
the conduct of their white allies after the action of the 20th of 



* American State Papers, t. 548, 550, 559, 5GG, 567. 



1795. INDIANS DESIRE PEACE. 655 

August; as Brant said, "a fort had been built in their country 
under pretense of giving refuge in case of necessity, but when that 
time came, the gates were shut against them as enemies." During 
the winter, Wayne having utterly laid waste their fertile fields, the 
poor savages were wholly dependent on the English, who did not 
half supply them; their cattle and dogs died, and they were them- 
selves nearly starved. Under these circumstances, losing faith in 
the English, and at last impressed with a respect for American 
power, after the carnage experienced at the hands of the " Black 
Snake," the various tribes, by degrees, made up their minds to ask 
for peace. During the winter and spring they exchanged prisoners, 
and made ready to meet General "Wayne at Greeuville, in June, 
for the purpose of forming a definite treaty, as it had been agreed 
should be done by the preliminaries of January 24th. One scene 
among the many of that time seems deserving of a transfer to these 
pages ; it is from the narrative of John Brickell, who had been a 
captive for four years among the Delawares, and adopted into the 
family of Whingwy Pooshies, or Big Cat, a noted warrior of that 
tribe : 

" On the breaking up of spring," Brickell says, " we allwent up 
to Fort Defiance, and, on arriving on the shore opposite, we saluted 
the fort with a round of rifles, and they shot a cannon thirteen 
times. We then encamped on the spot. On the same day, Whingwy 
Pooshies told me I must go over to the fort. The children hung 
round me crying, and asked me if I was going to leave them ? I 
told them I did not know. When we got over to the fort, and 
were seated with the officers, Whingwy Pooshies told me to stand 
up, which I did; he then rose and addressed me in about these 
words : 

" ' My son, there are men the same color with yourself. There 
may be some of your kin there, or your kin may be a great way off 
from you. You have lived a long time with us. I call on you to 
say if I have not been a father to you ? If I have not used you as 
a father would use a son ?' I said, 'You have used me as well as a 
father could use a son.' He said, ' I am glad you say so. You 
have lived long with me ; you have hunted for me ; but our treaty 
says you must be free. If you choose to go with the people of your 
own color, I have no right to say a word ; but if you choose to stay 
with me, your people have no right to speak. E"ow reflect on it, 
and take your choice, and tell us as soon as you make up your 
mind.' 

" I was silent a few minutes, in which time it seemed as if I 



656 INDIANS DESIRE PEACE. 1795. 

almost thought of every thing. I thought of the children I had 
just left crying; I thought of the Indians I was attached to, and I 
thought of my people which I remembered ; and this latter thought 
predominated, and I said, 'I will go with my kin.' The old man 
then said, <I have raised you — I have learned you to hunt. You 
are a good hunter — you have been better to me than my own sons. 
I am now getting old, and I cannot hunt. I thought you would be 
a support to my age. I leaned on you as a staff. ISTow it is broken 
— you are going to leave me and I have no right to say a word, but 
I am ruined.' He then sunk back in tears to his seat. I heartily 
joined him in his tears — parted with him, and have never seen nor 
heard of him since."* 

During the month of June, the representatives of the north- 
western tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 16th of 
that month, Wayne met in council, the Delawares, Ottawa's, Potta- 
wattamies, and Eel river Indians ; and the conferences, which 
lasted till August 10th, commenced. On the 21st of June, Buck- 
ongehelas arrived; on the 23d, the Little Turtle and other 
Miami es; on the 13th of July, Tarke and other Wyandot chiefs 
reached the appointed spot ; and upon the 18th, Blue Jacket with 
thirteen Shawanese, and Masass with twenty Chippewas. 

Most of these, as it appeared by their statements, had been tam- 
pered with by McKee, Brant and other English agents, even after 
they had agreed to the preliminaries of January 24th, and while 
Mr. Jay's treaty was still under discussion. The}' had, however, 
all determined to make a permanent peace with the thirteen fires, 
and although some difficulty as to the ownership of the lands to be 
ceded, at one time seemed likely to arise, the good sense of Wayne 
and of the chiefs prevented it, and upon the 30th of July, the 
treaty was agreed to which was to bury the hatchet forever. 
Between that day and the 3d of August it was engrossed, and 
having been signed by the various nations upon the day last 
named, on the 7th was finally acted upon, and the presents from 
the United States distributed forthwith. While the council was in 
session, some mischief had been done in Virginia by a band of 
Shawanese, but on the 9th of September these also came to Green- 
ville, gave up their prisoners, and asked for forgiveness. 

The basis of the treaty of Greenville was the previous one made 
at Fort Harmar, and its leading provisions were as follows : — hos- 
tilities were to cease and all prisoners were to be restored. 

* See American Pioneer, i. 54. 



1795. TREATY OF GREENVILLE. 657 

"The general boundary lines between the lands of the United 
States and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall begin at the 
mouth of the Cuyahoga river, and run thence up the same to the 
portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Mus- 
kingum; thence down that branch to the crossing place above Fort 
Laurens; thence westwardly, to a fork of that branch of the 
Great Miami river, running into the Ohio, at or near which fork 
stood Loramie's store, and where commences the portage between 
the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary's river, which is a branch of 
the Miami which runs into Lake Erie ; thence a westerly course, 
to Fort Recovery, which stands on a branch of the Wabash ; thence 
southwesterly, in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that 
river opposite the mouth of Kentucky or Cuttawa river. 

"And in consideration of the peace now established; of the 
goods formerly received from the United States ; of those now to 
be delivered ; and of the yearly delivery of goods now stipulated 
to be made hereafter; and to indemnify the United States for the 
injuries and expenses they have sustained during the war — the 
said Indian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish, forever, all their 
claims to the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly of the gen- 
eral boundary line now described ; and these lands, or any part of 
them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pretense, on the 
part of the said tribes, or any of them, of war or injury to the 
United States, or any other people thereof. 

"And for the same consideration, and as an evidence of the 
returning friendship of the said Indian tribes, of their confidence 
in the United States, and desire to provide for their accommoda- 
tion, and for that convenient intercourse which will be beneficial 
to both parties, the said Indian tribes do also cede to the United 
States the following pieces of land, to wit : 

"One piece of land six miles square, at or near Loramie's store, 
before mentioned. 

" One piece, two miles square, at the head of the navigable water 
or landing, on the St. Mary's river, near Girty's town. 

" One piece, six miles square, at the head of the navigable waters 
of the Au Glaize river. 

" One piece, six miles square, at the confluence of the Au Glaize 
and Miami rivers, where Fort Defiance now stands. 

" One piece, six miles square, at or near the confluence of the 
rivers St. Mary's and St. Josephs, where Fort Wayne now stands, 
or near it. 

"One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at the end of 



658 TREATY OF GREENVILLE. 1795. 

the portage from the Miami of the lake, and about eight miles 
westward from Fort Wayne. 

"One piece, six miles square, at the Ouiatenon, or old Wea towns, 
on the Wabash river. 

"One piece, twelve miles square, at the British fort on the 
Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids. 

"One piece, six miles square, at the mouth of the said river, 
where it empties into the lake. 

" One piece, six miles square, upon Sandusky lake, where a fort 
formerly stood. 

"One piece, two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandusky 
river. 

" The post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north, the west, 
and the south of it, of which the Indian title has been extinguished 
by gifts or grants to the French or English governments ; and so 
much more land to be annexed to the district of Detroit, as shall 
be comprehended between the river Eaisin on the south, and Lake 
St. Clair on the north, and a line, the general course whereof shall 
be six miles distant from the west end of Lake Erie and Detroit 
river. 

"The post of Michilimackinack, and all the land on the island 
on which that post stands, and the main land adjacent, of which 
the Indian title has been extinguished, by gifts or grants to the 
French or English government ; and a piece of land on the main, 
to the north of the island, to measure six miles on Lake Huron, or 
the strait between Lakes Huron and Michigan, and to extend three 
miles back from the water on the lake or strait; and also the Island 
de Bois Blanc, being an extra and voluntary gift of the Chippewa 
nation. 

" One piece of land, six miles square, at the mouth of Chicago 
river, emptying into the south-west end of Lake Michigan, where 
a fort formerly stood. 

"One piece, twelve miles square, at or near the mouth of the 
Illinois river, emptying into the Mississippi. 

" One piece, six miles square, at the old Peorias fort and village, 
near the south end of the Illinois lake, on said Illinois river. 

"And whenever the United States shall think proper to survey 
and mark the boundaries of the lands hereby ceded to them, they 
shall give timely notice thereof to the said tribes of Indians, that 
they may appoint some of their wise chiefs to attend and see that 
the lines are run according to the terms of this treaty. 

"And the said Indian tribes will allow to the people of the LTnited 



1795. TREATY OF GREENVILLE. 659 

States a free passage, by land and by water, as one and the other 
shall be found convenient, through their country, along the chain 
of posts hereinbefore mentioned ; that is to say, from the com- 
mencement of the portage aforesaid, at or near Loramie's store, 
thence along said portage to the St. Mary's, and down the same to 
Fort Wayne, and then down the Miami to Lake Erie ; again, from 
the commencement of the portage, at or near Loramie's store, along 
the portage, from thence to the river Au Glaize, and down the 
same to its junction with the Miami, at Fort Defiance; again, from 
the commencement of the portage aforesaid, to Sandusky river, 
and down the same to Sandusky bay and Lake Erie, and from 
Sandusky to the post which shall be taken at or near the foot of 
the rapids of the Miami of the lake ; and from thence to Detroit. 
Again, from the mouth of the Chicago to the commencement of 
the portage between that river and the Illinois, and down the 
Illinois river to the Mississippi; also, from Fort Wayne, along the 
portage aforesaid, which leads to the Wabash, and then down the 
Wabash to the Ohio. And the said Indian tribes will also allow 
to the people of the United States the free use of the harbors and 
mouths of rivers, along the lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for 
sheltering vessels and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes, when 
necessary for their safety. 

" In consideration of the peace now established, and of the ces- 
sions and relinquishments of lands made in the preceding article, 
by the said tribes of Indians, and to manifest the liberality of the 
United States, as the great means of rendering this peace strong 
and perpetual, the United States relinquish their claims to all other 
Indian lands, northward of the river Ohio, eastward of the Missis- 
sippi, and westward and southward of the great lakes, and the 
waters uniting them, according to the boundary line agreed on by 
the United States and the king of Great Britain, in the treaty of 
peace made between them in the year 1783. But from this relin- 
quishment by the United States, the following tracts of land are 
explicitly excepted : 

"The tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near the 
rapids of the river Ohio, which has been assigned to General Clark, 
for the use of himself and his warriors. 

" The post at St. Vincennes, on the river Wabash, and the lands 
adjacent, of which the Indian title has been extinguished. 

" The lands at all other places, in possession of the French peo- 
ple, and other white settlers among them, of which the Indian title 
has been extinguished, as mentioned heretofore. 



660 TREATY OP GREENVILLE. 1795. 

" The post of Fort Massac, toward the mouth of the Ohio. To 
which several parcels of land, so excepted, the said tribes relinquish 
all the title and claim which they, or any of them, may have. 

"And, for the same considerations, and with the same views as 
above mentioned, the United States now deliver to the said Indian 
tribes a quantity of goods to the value of twenty thousand dollars, 
the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge; and hencefor- 
ward, every year, forever, the United States will deliver, at some 
convenient place northward of the river Ohio, like useful goods, 
suited to the circumstances of the Indians, of the value of nine 
thousand five hundred dollars, reckoning that value at the first cost 
of the goods, in the city or place in the United States where they 
shall be procured. The tribes to which those goods are to be annu- 
ally delivered, and the proportions in which they are to be delivered, 
are the following : 

To the Wyandots, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Delawares, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Shawanese, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Miamies, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Ottawas, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Chippevvas, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

To the Pottawattamies, the amount of one thousand dollars. 

And to the Kickapoo, Wea, Eel River, Piankeshaw and Kaskas- 
kia tribes, the amount of iive hundred dollars each. 

"Provided, that if either of the said tribes shall hereafter, at an 
annual delivery of their share of the goods aforesaid, desire that a 
part of their annuity should be furnished in domestic animals, im- 
plements of husbandry, and other utensils, convenient for them, 
and in compensation to useful artificers who may reside with or 
near them, and be employed for their benefit, the same shall, at the 
subsequent annual deliveries, be furnished accordingly. 

"To prevent any misunderstanding about the Indian lands re- 
linquished by the United States, in the fourth article, it is now 
explicitly declared, that the meaning of that relinquishment is this: 
the Iudian tribes who have a right to these lands, are quietly to en- 
joy them, hunting, planting, and dwelling thereon, so long as they 
please, without any molestation from the United States ; but when 
those tribes, or any of them, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or 
any part of them, they are to be sold only to the United States; 
and until such sale, the United States will protect all the said In- 
dian tribes, in the quiet enjoyment of their lands, against all citi- 
zens of the United States, and against all other white persons who 



1795. CLOSE OF THE OLD INDIAN WAR. 661 

intrude upon the same. And the said Indian tribes again acknowl- 
edge themselves to be under the protection of the said United 
States, and no other power whatever. 

" The Indians or United States may remove and punish intruders 
on Indian lands. 

"Indians may hunt within ceded lands. 

" Trade shall be opened in substance, as by provisions in treaty 
of Fort Harmar. 

"All injuries shall be referred to law; not privately avenged ; 
and all hostile plans known to either, shall be revealed to the other 
party. 

"All previous treaties annulled." 

This great and abiding peace document was signed by the vari- 
ous nations named in the fourth article, and dated August the od, 
1795. It was laid before the Senate, December 9th, and ratified 
December 22d. So closed the old Indian wars of the "West.* 

During the six years through which the Indian wars of the 
north west continued, many events of great importance in the his- 
tory of the West occurred, to which it is proper now to make refer- 
ence. Among the first of these stands the admission of Kentucky 
into the Union. In 1789, she had requested certain changes in 
the law authorizing separation, which had been passed by Vir- 
ginia, and these changes were made ; it being requested, however, 
at the same time, that a ninth Kentucky convention should meet, 
in July, 1790, to express the sentiments of the people of the western 
district, and to take other needful steps. 

Upon the 26th of July, accordingly, the convention came to- 
gether ; the terms of Virginia were agreed to ; June 1, 1792, was 
fixed as the date of independence ; aud measures adopted to procure 
the agreement of the federal legislature. It was also resolved, that 
in December, 1791, persons should be chosen, to serve seven 
months, who, on the first Monday in April, 1792, should meet at 
Danville, to form a constitution for the coming state, and deter- 
mine what laws should be in force. 

In December, 1790, the president of the United States presented 
the subject of tho admission of Kentucky, to Congress, and upon 
the 4th of February, 1791, that action was taken, which terminated 
the long frustrated efforts of the land of Boone, Clark, and Logan, 



* See the treaty and minutes of the council, American Sta,te Papers, t. 662 to 583. 



662 CESSATION OF BOUNDARY DIFFICULTIES. 1795. 

to obtain self-government. In the following December the elec- 
tions took place, for persons to frame a constitution, and in April, 
1792, the instrument which was to lie at the basis of Kentucky law, 
was prepared, mainly, it would seem, by George Nicholas, of Mer- 
cer county.* 

The ultimate design of the British agents, in their long intrigue 
with the Indians of the north-west, was to unite them together in 
a great confederacy, in order that the United tribes might be 
able to secure, either by negotiation or war, the recognition of the 
Ohio as a permanent boundary between them and the Americans. 
They were influenced by no philanthropic desire to protect the 
rights of the savages, in the attempt to secure them against the en- 
croachments of the American settlers; on the contrary, they sought 
through that policy to establish a British protectorate over the 
north-western tribes, and thus, in effect, to remove the line of 
Canada to the Ohio, and to extend the authority of the British 
crown over the whole region covered by the ordinance of 1787. 

It was to further this ultimate policy, as well as to retaliate upon 
the confederation the injury done to British creditors, by the re- 
fusal of the State of Virginia to repeal her laws against the payment 
of their claims, that the British cabinet refused, in contravention of 
the treaty of 1783, to surrender the posts retained at the close of 
the war of independence, within the limits of the United States. 
But the defeat of the Indians at the battle of the Fallen Timbers, 
deranged that policy, dispelled all hope they entertained of ever 
recovering the British supremacy in that region, and disposed them 
to cultivate more friendly relations with the Americans, and to 
surrender the posts in the north-west, and by consequence, their 
control over the savages into the hands of the American gov- 
ernment. 

The difficulties that had existed for ten years between the United 
States and Great Britain, in regard to their mutual infractions of 
the treaty of 1783, assumed, during the period of the Indian war, 
a very grave aspect and threatened to involve the two nations again 
in war, and it was the apprehension of such a result, in addition to 
the motives of an ulterior policy, that stimulated the British cabi- 
net and its agents in Canada to excite the hostilities of the Indians 
against the Americans. But all those difficulties were at length 



♦Marshall's Kentucky, i. 360, 414.— Sparks' Washington, xii. 13, 32. 



1795. jay's treaty formed. 663 

settled amicably by negotiation, and the imminent danger of 
another war averted. 

On the 19th of April, 1794, John Jay was appointed the Envoy 
Extraordinary of the United States to Great Britain, with full 
power to negotiate with the representatives of the British Govern- 
ment, concerning all matters of difference between the two coun- 
tries. After a long negotiation Mr. Jay concluded, on the 19th of 
November, a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, with Lord 
Greenville, the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, which included 
and decided all the questions at issue. The second article of that 
treaty provided that — 

" His Majesty will withdraw all his troops and garrisons from all 
posts and places within the boundary lines assigned by the treaty 
of peace to the United States. This evacuation shall take place 
on or before the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and 
ninety-six, and all the proper measures shall be taken, in the inter- 
val, by concert, between the government of the United States and 
his Majesty's Governor-General in America, for settling the pre- 
vious arrangements which may be necessary respecting the delivery 
of the said post3 : the United States, in the meantime, at their 
discretion, extending their settlements to any part within the said 
boundary line, except within the precincts or jurisdiction of any of 
the said posts. 

" All settlers and traders within the precincts or jurisdiction of 
the said posts, shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, all their pro- 
perty, of every kind, and shall be protected therein. They shall 
be at full liberty to remain there, or to remove with all or any part 
of their effects; and it shall also be free to them to sell their lands, 
houses or effects, or retain the property thereof, at their discretion ; 
such of them as shall continue to reside within the said boundary 
lines shall not be compelled to become citizens of the United States, 
or to take any oath of allegiance to the government thereof; but 
they shall be at full liberty so to do if they think proper; they shall 
make and declare their election within one year after the evacua- 
tion aforesaid. And all persons who shall continue there after the 
expiration of the said year, without having declared their intention 
of remaining subjects to his Britannic Majesty, shall be considered 
#s having elected to become citizens of the United States." 

The attempt of the agents of the French minister in the United 
States, to enlist the people of Kentucky in an invasion of Louisi- 
ana, deserves to be noticed. 



664 FRENCH EMISSARIES IN THE WEST. 1795. 

A great interest was exhibited by the people of the United States 
in the popular cause, at the outbreak of the revolution in France ; 
and when M. Genet presented himself at Philadelphia, on the 18th 
of May, 1793, as the representative of the French Republic, he was 
received with unbounded enthusiasm. That feeling of sympathy 
he at once began to use to serve the ulterior purposes of the leaders 
of the revolution. It appears that he brought with him open 
instructions, in which the United States were spoken of as naturally 
neutral, in the contest between France and united Holland, Spain 
and England; and secret instructions, the purpose of which was to 
induce the government, and if that could not be done, the people 
of the American republic, to make common cause with the foun- 
ders of the dynasty of the guillotine. 

In pursuance of this plan, Genet began a system of operations, 
the tendency of which was to involve the people of the United 
States in a war with the enemies of France, without any regard to 
the views of the federal government; and knowing very well the 
old bitterness of the frontier-men, in relation to the navigation of 
the Mississippi, he formed the plan of embodying a band of troops 
beyond the Alleghenies, for the conquest of Louisiana. Early in 
November, 1793, four persons were sent westward to raise troops 
and issue commissions, in the name of the French republic. They 
moved openly and boldly, secure in the strong democratic feelings 
of the inhabitants of the region drained by the great river which 
Spain controlled; and so far succeeded as to persuade even the 
political founder of Kentucky, George Rogers Clark, to become a 
Major-General in the armies of France, and Commander-in-chief 
of the revolutionary forces on the Mississippi.* 

Nor did the French emissaries much mistake the temper of the 
people of Kentucky, as is evident from an "address to the inhabi- 
tants of the United States, west of the Allegheny and Appalachian 
mountains," issued by the Democratic Society of Kentucky, on the 
13th of December, 1793, over the signature of John Breckenridge, 
chairman : 

"Fellow Citizens: — The Democratic Society of Kentucky having 
had under consideration the measures necessary to obtain the exer- 
cise of your rights to the free navigation of the Mississippi, have 



* Pitkin's United States, ii. 359, 360. — Genet's pamphlet and correspondence with 
Mr. Jefferson, published in Philadelphia, 1793. — American State Papers, i.454 to 460. — 
Marshall's Kentucky, ii. 99 to 100, 103.— Butler's Kentucky, 224 to 284, and 524 to 531. 
Second Edition. 



1795. ADDKESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. 665 

determined to address you upon that important topic. In so 
doing, they think that they only use the undoubted right of citizens 
to consult for their common welfare. This measure is not dictated 
by party or faction ; it is the consequence of unavoidable necessity. 
It has become so from the neglect shown by the general govern- 
ment to obtain for those of the citizens of the United States who 
are interested therein, the navigation of that river. 

"Experience, fellow citizens, has shown us that the general gov- 
ernment is unwilling that we should obtain the navigation of the 
river Mississippi. A local policy appears to have an undue weight 
in the councils of the Union. It seems to be the object of that 
policy to prevent the population of this country, which would draw 
from the Eastern States their industrious citizens. This conclusion 
inevitably follows, from a consideration of the measures taken to 
prevent the purchase and settlement of the lands bordering on the 
Mississippi. Among those measures, the unconstitutional inter- 
ference which rescinded sales, by one of the States, to private indi- 
viduals, makes a striking object. And, perhaps, the fear of a suc- 
cessful rivalship, in every article of their exports, may have its 
weight. But, if they are not unwilling to do us justice, they are, 
at least, regardless of our rights and welfare. 

"We have found prayers and supplications of no avail, and 
should we continue to load the table of Congress with memorials 
from a part only of the western country, it is too probable that 
they would meet with a fate similar to those which have been for- 
merly presented. Let us, then, all unite our endeavors in the 
common cause. Let all join in a firm and manly remonstrance to 
the President and Congress of the United States, stating our just 
and undoubted right to the navigation of the Mississippi, remon- 
strating against the conduct of the government with regard to that 
right, which must have been occasioned by local policy or neglect, 
and demanding of them speedy and effectual exertions for its 
attainment. "We cannot doubt that you will cordially and unani- 
mously join in this measure. 

"It can hardly be necessary to remind you that considerable 
quantities of beef, pork, flour, hemp, tobacco, &c, the produce of 
this country, remain on hand for want of purchasers, or are sold 
at inadequate prices. Much greater quantities might be raised, if 
the inhabitants were encouraged by the certain sale which the free 
navigation of the Mississippi would afford. An additional increase 
of those articles, and a greater variety of produce and manufac- 



666 ADDRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. 1795. 

tures, would be supplied by means of the encouragement which 
the attainment of that great object would give to emigration. 

"But it is not only your own rights which you are to regard; 
remember that your posterity have a claim to your exertions to 
obtain and secure that right. Let not your memory be stigmatized 
with a neglect of duty. Let not history record that the inhabitants 
of this beautiful country lost a most invaluable right, and half the 
benefits bestowed upon it by a bountiful Providence, through your 
neglect and supineness. The present crisis is favorable. Spain is 
engaged in a war which requires all her forces. If the present 
golden opportunity be suffered to pass without advantage, and she 
shall have concluded a peace with France, we must then contend 
against her undivided strength. 

" But what may be the event of the proposed application is still 
uncertain. "We ought, therefore, to be still upon our guard, and 
watchful to seize the first favorable opportunity to gain our object. 
In order to this, our union should be as perfect and lasting as pos- 
sible. We propose that societies should be formed, in convenient 
districts, in every part of the western country, who shall preserve 
a correspondence upon this and every other subject of a general 
concern. By means of these societies, we shall be enabled speedily 
to know what may be the result of our endeavors, to consult upon 
such further measures a3 may be necessary to preserve union, and 
finally, by these means, to secure success. 

"Remember that it is a common cause, which ought to unite us; 
that cause is indubitably just, that ourselves and posterity are 
interested, that the crisis is favorable, and that it is only by union 
that the object can be achieved. The obstacles are great, and so 
ought to be our efforts. Adverse fortune may attend us, but it 
shall never dispirit us. We may, for awhile, exhaust our wealth 
and strength, but until the all-important object is procured, we 
pledge ourselves to you, and let us all pledge ourselves to each 
other, that our perseverance and our friendship will be inex- 
haustible." 

And the same spirit is manifested in a remonstrance of the citi- 
zens of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, to the President and 
Congress of the United States, prepared, probably, at the same 
time. It sets forth — 

" That your remonstrants, and the other inhabitants of the United 
States, west of the Allegheny and Apallachian mountains, are en- 
titled, by nature and stipulation, to the free and undisturbed 
navigation of the river Mississippi ; and that, from the year 1783 



1795. REMONSTRANCE OF THE KENTUCKIANS. 667 

to this day, they have been prevented uniformly, by the Spanish 
king, from exercising that right. Your remonstrants have ob- 
served, with concern, that the general government, whose duty it 
was to have preserved that right, have used no effectual measures 
for its attainment ; that even their tardy and ineffectual negotia- 
tions have been veiled with the most mysterious secrecy ; that that 
secrecy is a violation of the political rights of the citizens, as it 
declares that the people are unfit to be entrusted with important 
facts relative to their rights, and that their servants may retain 
from them the knowledge of those facts. Eight years are surely 
sufficient for the discussion of the most doubtful and disputable 
claim. The right to the navigation of the Mississippi admits 
neither of doubt or dispute. 

"Your remonstrants, therefore, conceive that the negotiations 
on that subject have been unnecessarily lengthy, and they expect 
that it be demanded categorically of the Spanish king whether he 
will acknowledge the right of the citizens of the United States to 
the free and uninterrupted navigation of the river Mississippi, and 
cause all obstructions, interruption, and hindrance to the exercise 
of that right, in future, to be withdrawn and avoided ; that imme- 
diate answer be required, and that such answer be the final period 
of all negotiations upon the subject. 

"Your remonstrants further represent, that the encroachment 
of the Spaniards upon the territory of the United States, is a 
striking and melancholy proof of the situation to which our 
country will be reduced, if a tame policy should still continue to 
direct our councils. 

"Your remonstrants join their voice to that of their fellow-citi- 
zens in the Atlantic States, calling for satisfaction for the injuries 
and insults offered to America ; and they expect such satisfaction 
shall extend to every injury and insult done or offered to any part 
of America, by Great Britain and Spain ; and as the detention of 
the posts, and the interruption to the navigation of the Mississippi, 
are injuries and insults of the greatest atrocity, and of the longest 
duration, they require the most particular attention to those sub- 
jects." 

The pretensions and proceedings of Genet and his agents, at 
once excited the solicitude of the government; the ministers of 
Great Britain and Spain, remonstrated against the policy they were 
pursuing, and it was determined by the cabinet to demand the 
recall of the obnoxious minister. Accordingly, Mr. Jefferson ad- 
dressed a communication to Governeur Morris, the American 



668 GENET IS REBUKED BY GOVERNMENT. 1793. 

Minister at Paris, intended for the French Government, in which 
he thus characterizes the conduct of Genet : 

" When the government forbids their citizens to arm and engage 
in the war, he undertakes to arm and engage them. "When they 
forbid vessels to be fitted in their ports for cruising on nations 
with whom they are at peace, he commissions them to fit and 
cruise. When they forbid an unceded jurisdiction to be exercised 
within their territory by foreign agents, he undertakes to uphold 
that exercise, and to avow it openly. That friendship, which 
dictates to us to bear with his conduct yet awhile, lest the interests 
of his nation here should suffer injury, will hasten them to replace 
an agent whose disposition is such a misrepresentation of theirs, 
and whose continuance here is inconsistent with order, peace, 
respect, and that friendly correspondence which we hope will ever 
subsist between the two nations. His government will see, too, 
that the case is pressing. That it is impossible for two sovereign 
and independent authorities to be going on within our territory, at 
the same time, without collision. They will foresee that if M. 
Genet perseveres in his proceedings, the consequences would be so 
hazardous to us, the example so humiliating and pernicious, that we 
may be forced even to suspend his functions before a successor can 
arrive to continue them. If our citizens have not already been 
shedding each other's blood, it is not owing to the moderation of 
M. Genet, but to the forbearance of the government." * 

A copy of this letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Morris, 
was sent to M. Genet, who, on the 18th of September, 1793, wrote 
to Mr. Jefferson a letter which contained the following remarkable 
expressions : 

"It is in the name of the French people, that I am sent to their 
brethren — to free and sovereign men. It is then for the represen- 
tatives of the American people, and not for a single man, to exhibit 
against me an act of accusation, if I have merited it. A despot 
may singly permit himself to demand from another despot the 
recall of his representative, and to order his expulsion in case of 
refusal. That is what the Empress of Kussia did with respect to 
myself, from Louis XVI. But in a free state it cannot be so, 
unless order be entirely subverted ; unless the people in a moment 
of blindness, choose to rivet their fetters, in making to a single 
individual the abandonment of their most precious rights. 



♦American State Papers, i. 170. 



1794. tenet's letter to jefferson. 669 

"You are made to reproach me with having indiscreetly given 
to my official proceedings, a tone of color, which has induced a 
belief, that they did not know, in France, either my character or 
my manners. I will tell you the reason, sir : it is that a pure and 
warm blood runs with rapidity in my veins ; that I love passionately 
my country ; that I adore the cause of liberty ; that I am always 
ready to sacrifice my life to it; that to me, it appears inconceivable 
that all the enemies of tyranny, that all virtuous men, do not 
march with us to the combat; and that, when I find an injustice is 
done to my fellow citizens, that their interests are not espoused 
with the zeal which they merit, no consideration in the world 
would hinder either my pen or my tongue from tracing, from 
expressing my pain. I will tell you then without ceremony, that 
I have been extremely wounded, sir: — 

"That the President of the United States was in a hurry, before 
knowing what I had to transmit to him, on the part of the French 
republic, to proclaim sentiments, on which decency and friendship 
should at least have drawn a veil. 

"That he did not speak to me at my first audience, but of the 
friendship of the United States toward France, without saying a 
word to me, with announcing a single sentiment, on our revolution ; 
while all the towns from Charleston to Philadelphia, had made 
the air resound with their most ardent wishes for the French 
republic. 

"That he had received and admitted to a private audience, 
before my arrival, Noailles and Talon, known agents of the French 
counter-revolutionists, who have since had intimate relations with 
two members of the federal government. 

" That this first magistrate of a fre^ people, decorated his parlor 
with certain medallions of Capet * and his family, which served at 
Paris as signals of rallying. 

" That the first complaints which were made to my predecessor 
on the armaments and prizes which took place at Charleston on 
my arrival, were, in fact, but a paraphrase of the notes of the 
English minister. 

" That the Secretary of War, f to whom I communicated the 
wish of our governments of the Windward Islands, to receive 
promptly some fire-arms and some cannon, which might put into 
a state of defense, possessions guarantied by the United States, 



* Louis XVI. f General Henry Knox. 



670 genet's letter to jefferson. 1794. 

had the front to answer with an ironical carelessness, that the 
principles established by the President, did not permit him to lend 
us so much as a pistol. 

" That the Secretary of the Treasury, * with whom I had a con- 
versation on the proposition which I made to convert almost the 
whole American debt, by means of an operation of finance author- 
ized by law, into flour, rice, grain, salted provisions, and other 
objects of which France had the most pressing need, added to the 
refusal which he had already made officially of favoring this 
arrangement, the positive declaration, that, even if it were 
practicable, the United States could not consent to it because 
England would not fail to consider this extraordinary reimburse- 
ment furnished to a nation with which she is at war, as an act of 
hostility. 

"That, by instructions from the President of the United States, 
the American citizens who ranged themselves under the banners 
of France, have been prosecuted and arrested; a crime against 
liberty unheard of, of which a virtuous and popular jury avenged 
with eclat the defenders of the best of causes. 

" That incompetent tribunals were suffered to take cognizance 
of facts relative to prizes which treaties interdict them expressly 
from doing: that, on their acknowledgment of their incompetency, 
this property, acquired by the right of war, was taken from us, 
that it was thought ill of, that our consuls protested against these 
arbitrary acts, and that, as a reward for his devotion to his duty, 
the one at Boston was imprisoned as a malefactor. 

"That the President of the United States took on himself to 
give to our treaties arbitrary interpretations, absolutely contrary to 
their true sense, and that, t>y a series of decisions which they 
would have us receive as laws, be left no other indemnification to 
France for the blood she spilt, for the treasure she dissipated in 
fighting for the independence of the United States, but the illusory 
advantage of bringing into their ports the prizes made on their 
enemies, without being able to sell them. 

" That no answer is yet given to the notification of the decree of 
the National Convention for opening our ports in the two worlds 
to the American citizens, and granting the same favors to them as 
to the French citizens— advantages which will cease if there be a 
continuance to treat us with the same injustice. 



* Alexander Hamilton,. 



1794. GENET RECALLED BY FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 671 

" That he (Washington) has deferred, in spite of my respectful 
insinuations, to convoke congress immediately, in order to take 
the true sentiments of the people, to fix the political system of the 
United States, and to decide whether they will break, suspend or 
tighten their bands with France — an honest measure which would 
have avoided to the general government much contradiction and 
subterfuge, to me much pain and disgust, to the local governments, 
embarrassments so much the greater, as they found themselves 
placed between treaties, which are laws, and decisions of the 
federal government, which are not: in fine, to the tribunals, duties 
so much the more painful to fulfill, as they have been often under 
the necessity of giving judgments contrary to the intentions of the 
government. It results from all these facts, sir, that I could not 
but be profoundly affected with the conduct of the federal govern- 
ment toward my country."* 

Genet was recalled in compliance with the demand of the 
American Government, his acts were disowned, and M. Fauchet 
was appointed his successor; and during the period of his connec- 
tion with the government, "used all the means in his power to 
prevent French armaments in the United States." 

The recall of Genet, however, did not immediately arrest the 
scheme of his emissaries, and the preparations they were making 
for the invasion of Louisiana were for the time prosecuted with 
unabated vigor. It was the first object of the conspirators to 
excite the sympathy, and thus to secure the co-operation of the 
French inhabitants of Louisiana; and the Democratic Society of 
Philadelphia with that view published and circulated in Louisi- 
ana, the following address "from the freemen of France to their 
brothers in Louisiana:" f 

"Liberty, Equality. 
"The Freemen of France to their brothers in Louisiana : 2d year 
of the French Republic. 
" The moment has arrived when despotism must disappear from 
the earth. France, having obtained her freedom, and constituted 
herself into a republic, after having made known to mankind their 
rights, after having achieved the most glorious victories over her 
enemies, is not satisfied with successes by which she alone would 
profit, but declares to all nations that she is ready to give her pow- 



* American State Papers — Foreign Relations, i. 172. 
f Gayarre's Spanish domination in Louis ana, p. 337. 



672 ADDRESS OF FRENCH JACOBINS. 1794. 

erful assistance to those that may be disposed to follow her virtuous 
example. 

"Frenchmen of Louisiana, you still love your mother country; 
such a feeling is innate in your hearts. The French nation, know- 
ing your sentiments, and indignant at seeing you the victims of the 
tyrants by whom you have been so long oppressed, can and will 
avenge your wrongs. A perjured king, prevaricating ministers, 
vile and insolent courtiers, who fattened on the labors of the people 
whose blood they sucked, have suffered the punishment due to 
their crimes. The French nation, irritated by the outrages and 
injustices of which it had been the object, rose against those 
oppressors, and they disappeared before its wrath, as rapidly as 
dust obeys the breath of an impetuous wind. 

"The hour has struck, Frenchmen of Louisiana; hasten to profit 
by the great lesson which you have received. 

" Now is the time to cease being the slaves of a government to 
which you were shamefully sold ; and no longer to be led on like 
a herd of cattle, by men who, with one word, can strip you of what 
you hold most dear — liberty and property. 

"The Spanish despotism has surpassed in atrocity and stupidity 
all the other despotisms that have ever been known. Has not bar- 
barism always been the companion of that government, which has 
rendered the Spanish name execrable and horrible in the whole 
continent of America ? Is it not that nation who, under the hypo- 
critical mask of religion, ordered or permitted the sacrifice of more 
than twenty millions of men ? Is it not the same race that 
depopulated, impoverished and degraded whole countries, for the 
gratification of an insatiable avarice ? Is it not the nation that has 
oppressed and still oppresses you under a heavy yoke ? 

"What have been the fruits of so many crimes ? The annihila- 
tion, the disgrace, the impoverishment, and the besotting of the 
Spanish nation in Europe, and a fatal lethargy, servitude, or death 
for an infinite number of the inhabitants of America. 

"The Indians cut down the tree whose fruits they wish to reach 
and gather. A fit illustration of despotism ! The fate of nations 
is of no importance in the eye of tyranny. Everything is to be 
sacrificed to satisfy capricious tastes and transient wants, and all 
those it rules over must groan under the chains of slavery. 

"Frenchmen of Louisiana, the unjust treatment you have under- 
gone must have sufficiently convinced you of these sad truths, and 
your misfortunes must undoubtedly have deeply impressed your 
souls with the desire of seizing an honorable opportunity of aveng- 
ing your wrongs. 






1794. ADDRESS OF FRENCH JACOBINS. 673 

" Compare with your situation that of your friends — the free 
Americans. Look at the province of Kentucky, deprived of outlets 
for its products, and yet, notwithstanding these obstacles, and 
merely through the genial influence of a free government, rapidly 
increasing its population and wealth, and already presaging a pros- 
perity which causes the Spanish government to tremble. 

"Treasure up in your minds the following observations: They 
divulge the secret springs of all despotic governments, because 
they tear off the veil which covers their abominable designs. Men 
are created and born to love another, to be united and happy, and 
they would be so effectually, if those who call themselves the 
images of God on earth — if kings — had not found out the means 
of sowing discord among them and destroying their felicity. 

" The peopling of Kentucky has been the work of a few years ; 
your colony, although better situated, is daily losing its population, 
because it lacks liberty. 

" The Americans, who are free, after consecrating all their time 
to cultivating their lands and to expanding their industry, are sure 
to enjoy quietly the fruits of their labors; but, with regard to your- 
selves, all that you possess depends on the caprice of a viceroy, 
who is always unjust, avaricious, and vindictive. 

"These are evils which a firm determination, once taken, can 
shake off. Only have resolution and energy, and one instant will 
suffice to change your unhappy condition. Wretched indeed 
would you become, if you failed in such an undertaking! Because, 
the very name of Frenchmen being hateful to all kings and their 
accomplices, they would, in return for your attachment to us, ren- 
der your chains more insupportable, and would persecute you with 
unheard of vexations. 

"You quiver, no doubt, with indignation; you feel in your 
hearts the desire of deserving the honorable appellation of freemen, 
but the fear of not being assisted and of failing in your attempt 
deadens your zeal. Dismiss such apprehensions : know ye, that 
your brethren the French, who have attacked with success the 
Spanish government in Europe, will in a short time present them- 
selves on your coasts with naval forces ; that the republicans of the 
western portion of the United States are ready to come down the 
Ohio and Mississippi in company with a considerable number of 
French republicans, and to rush to your assistance under the ban- 
ners of France and liberty ; and that you have every assurance of 
success. Therefore, inhabitants of Louisiana, show who you are ; 
prove that you have not been stupified by despotism, and that you 



674 WASHINGTON VIGILANT AGAINST JACOBINS. 1794. 

have retained in your breasts French valor and intrepidity ; de- 
monstrate that you are worthy of being free and independent, 
because we do not solicit you to unite yourselves with us, but to 
seek your own freedom. When you shall have the sole control of 
your actions, you will be able to adopt a republican constitution, 
and being assisted by France so long as your weakness will not 
permit you to protect or defend yourselves, it will be in your power 
to unite voluntarily with her and your neighbors — the United 
States — forming with these two republics, an alliance which will 
be the liberal basis on which, henceforth, shall stand our mutual 
political and commercial interests. Your country will derive the 
greatest advantages from so auspicious a revolution, and the glory 
with which you will cover yourselves will equal the prosperity 
which you will secure for yourselves and descendants. Screw up 
your courage, Frenchmen of Louisiana. Away with pusillanimity 
— 9a ira — 9a ira — audaces fortuna juvat." 

In order to prevent the invasion of the territory of a foreign 
power by unlawful and unauthorized military expeditions from the 
United States, Washington took early and efficient measures to 
enforce the laws and to preserve the neutrality of the country. 
For this purpose he called upon the Governors of Kentucky, and 
of the North Western Territory, to take all the measures in the 
course of the law, and if necessary to use military force for the 
prevention of any hostile enterprise against Louisiana. 

Governor St. Clair immediately published a proclamation, ex- 
horting all good citizens to avoid any connection with the scheme 
of the French emissaries, and warning them of the consequences 
of participating in it. 

Governor Shelby was however in sympathy, if not directly impli- 
cated in the affair; and in his reply to the dispatch of the govern- 
ment, said: 

"I have great doubts, even if they (the agents of Genet) do 
attempt to carry their plan into execution, (provided they manage 
their business with prudence,) whether there is any legal authority 
to restrain or punish them, at least before they have actually ac- 
complished it ; for, if it is lawful for one citizen of this State to leave 
it, it is equally so for any number of them to do so. It is also lawful 
for them to carry with them any quantity of provisions, arms, and 
ammunition ; and if the act is lawful in itself, there is nothing in 
the particular intention with which it is done, that can possibly 
make it unlawful ; but, I know of no law which inflicts a punish- 
ment on intention only, or a criterion by which to decide w T hat 



1794. WASHINGTON VIGILANT AGAINST JACOBINS. 675 

would be sufficient evidence of that intention if it was a legal 
object of censure. I shall, upon all occasions, be averse to the 
exercise of any power with which I do not consider myself as 
being clearly and explicitly invested ; much less would I assume a 
power to exercise it against men, whom I consider as friends and 
brethren, in favor of a man whom I view as an enemy and a 
tyrant." 

With the connivance of the governor and many other of the 
prominent politicians of Kentucky, the French party in that State 
continued their efforts through the succeeding winter, to raise an 
army for the reduction of Louisiana. They enlisted men, pur- 
chased boats, provisions, arms and ammunition, and fixed the 
rendezvous of the army of two thousand men, which was said was 
to descend the Mississippi under General Clark, on the 15th of 
April, 1794, at the falls of the Ohio. 

These hostile movements had been closely watched by the Brit- 
ish and Spanish governments. They doubtless contributed much 
to the unfriendly feeling the British agents in Canada entertained 
toward the United States, and which they were so ready to instill 
into the minds of the Indians, and may have furnished the motive 
for the establishment of the British post that was erected during 
the winter of that year on the Maumee. They assuredly did fur- 
nish the reason why the Spanish agents were employed at that 
time in fomenting dissatisfaction and hostility among the Indians, 
both of the North and of the South, against the federal govern- 
ment. 

To arrest the further progress of this conspiracy against Louisi- 
ana, at once dishonorable to the country and at war with its peace 
and interests, "Washington issued a proclamation warning all good 
citizens against participation in measures likely to prove so perni- 
cious to their country and to themselves ; forbidding all persons 
not authorized by the law to enlist troops for the purpose of any 
such invasion; and giving notice that all lawful means would be 
strictly put in execution for securing obedience to the laws, and 
for punishing such daring and dangerous combinations against the 
peace of the country. 

In addition to this, he dispatched orders to General Wayne, then 
near Fort Washington, directing him to send a detachment to Fort 
Massac, to arrest the progress of the invading army from Kentucky. 
Wayne ordered Major Doyle, with a detachment of infantry and 
artillery, to perform the service. His instructions were — 

" If any such parties make their appearance in the neighborhood 



676 DE LA chaise's address. 1794. 

of your garrison, and you should be well informed that they are 
armed and equipped for war, and entertain the criminal intention 
described in the President's proclamation, you are to send to them 
some person in whose veracity you could confide, (and if such per- 
son should be a peace officer he would be the most proper mes- 
senger,) and warn them of their evil proceedings, and forbid their 
attempting to pass the fort, at their peril. But if, notwithstanding 
every peaceable effort to persuade them to abandon their criminal 
design, they should still persist in their attempts to pass down the 
Ohio, you are to use every military means in your power for pre- 
venting them; and for which this will be your sufficient justifica- 
tion, provided you have taken all the pacific steps before directed." 

The decided measures thus adopted by the President to prevent 
the infraction of the laws of the country, effectually broke up the 
schemes of the French party in Kentucky, and De La Chaise, the 
principal agent of Genet, abandoned the State, leaving behind him 
the following address to the Democratic Society of Lexington : 

"Citizens: — Unforeseen events, the effects of causes which it is 
unnecessary here to develop, have stopped the march of two thou- 
sand brave Kentuckians, who, strong in their courage, in the justice 
of their rights, in the purity of their cause, and in the general 
assent of their fellow citizens, and convinced of the brotherly dis- 
position of the Louisianians, waited only for their orders to go 
and take away, by the irresistible power of their arms, from those 
despotic usurpers, the Spaniards, the possession of the Mississippi, 
secure for their country the navigation of it, break the chains of 
the Americans and of their French brethren in the province of 
Louisiana, hoist up the flag of liberty in the name of the French 
republic, and lay the foundation of the prosperity and happiness of 
two nations, destined by nature to be but one, and so situated as to 
be the most happy in the universe. 

" Citizens : The greater the attempts you have made toward the 
success of that expedition, the more sensible you must be of the 
impediments which delay its execution, and the more energetic 
should your efforts be toward procuring new means of success. 
There is one from which I expect the greatest advantages, and 
which maybe decisive; that is, an address to the National Conven- 
tion, or to the Executive Council of France. In the name of my 
countrymen of Louisiana, in the name of your own interest, I dare 
once more ask you this new proof of patriotism. 

"Being deprived of my dearest hopes, and of the pleasure, after 
an absence of fourteen years and a proscription of three, of return- 



1791. SPANISH POLICY CHANGED. 677 

ing to the bosom of my family, my friends, and my countrymen, I 
have only one course to follow — that of going to France, and ex- 
pressing to the representatives of the French people the cry, the 
general wish of the Louisianians to become part of the French 
republic — informing them, at the same time, of the most ardent 
desire which the Kentuckians have had, and will continue to have 
forever, to take the most active part in any undertaking tending to 
open to them the free navigation of the Mississippi. 

"The French republicans, in their sublime constitutional act, 
have proffered their protection to all those nations who may have 
the courage to shake off the yoke of tyranny. The Louisianians 
have the most sacred right to it. They are French, but have been 
sacrificed to despotism by arbitrary power. The honor, the glory, 
the duty of the National Convention, is to grant them their power- 
ful support. 

"Every petition or plan relative to that important object would 
meet with the highest consideration. An address from the Demo- 
cratic Society of Lexington would give it a greater weight. 

"Accept, citizens, the farewell, not the last, of a brother who is 
determined to sacrifice everything in his power for the liberty of 
his country, and the prosperity of the generous inhabitants of 
Kentucky. Salut en la patrie." 

Francisco Louis Hector, Baron de Carondelet, succeeded Miro 
as the governor of Louisiana, on the 30th of December, 1791. The 
threatened invasion of that province by the partisans of the French 
republic in Kentucky, greatly alarmed Carondelet, and led him to 
adopt every measure within his reach to avert the impending 
danger. With that view, he completed the fortifications of New 
Orleans, repaired and strengthened the forts at Walnut Hill, 
Natchez, and New Madrid, concluded a treaty of alliance with the 
Chickasaws, and organized a militia force of six thousand men, in 
addition to the Spanish troops under his command, for the defense 
of the province. Not disposed to trust entirely to these measures 
of defense, he adopted the policy that had been pursued by Miro, 
and sought to produce a division among the people of Kentucky, 
by the bestowment of commercial privileges upon influential men 
among them, whom it was desirable to attach to the Spanish inter- 
est. The prompt interference of the American government dis- 
pelled the danger of an invasion of Louisiana, and led immediately 
to a change in the policy of Carondelet. The Mississippi question 
was still unsettled: the Genet intrigue had proved that the politi- 
cians of Kentucky were hostile to the Federal government: the 



678 caronbelet's letter to Sebastian. 1795. 

intrigue of Miro had proved that they were venal, and Carondelet 
determined to withdraw the commercial privileges he had granted 
to the Spanish party, and then to induce them, by the payment of 
liberal bribes, to tempt the people of Kentucky to dismember the 
Union, and to form an alliance with Spain, in order to secure the 
benefits of the trade of the Mississippi. 

For this purpose he selected as his emissary Thomas Power, an 
Englishman, who had become a naturalized subject of Spain, and 
who was full of zeal for the Spanish interest, and gifted with a 
natural disposition for intrigue. Power visited Kentucky, osten- 
sibly for the purpose of collecting materials for a Natural History 
of the West, held private conferences with many of the prominent 
men of the Spanish party in that State, and on his return made a 
favorable report to Carondelet, of the disposition they manifested 
in regard to the purposes he had in view. 

Encouraged by the representations of Power, Carondelet dis- 
patched the following letter, under date of July 16th, 1795, to 
Sebastian, who had been retained by Miro in the pay of the 
Spanish government, and who, he was led to believe, was ready to 
renew the intrigue : 

" Sir, — The confidence reposed in you by my predecessor, 
Brigadier-General Miro, and your former correspondence with him, 
have induced me to make a communication to you highly interest- 
ing to the country in which you live, and to Louisiana. 

"His majesty, being willing to open the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi to the people of the western country, and being also de- 
sirous to establish certain regulations, reciprocally beneficial to the 
commerce of both countries, has ordered me to proceed on the 
business, and to effect, in a way the most satisfactory to the people 
of the western country, his benevolent designs. 

" I have, therefore, made this communication to you, in expecta- 
tion that you will procure agents to be chosen, and fully empow- 
ered, by the people of your country, to negotiate with Colonel 
Gayoso on the subject, at New Madrid, whom I shall send there 
in October next, properly authorized for that purpose, with direc- 
tions to continue in that place, or its vicinity, until the arrival of 
your agents. 

" I am, by information, well acquainted with the character of 
some of the most respectable inhabitants of Kentucky, particularly 
of Innis, Nicholas and Murray, to whom I wish you to communi- 
cate the purport of this address ; and, should you and those gen- 
tlemen think as important of it as I do, you will doubtless accede, 



1795. TREATY BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND SPAIN. 679 

without hesitation, to the proposition I have made of sending a 
delegation of your countrymen, sufficiently authorized to treat 
on a subject which so deeply involves the interest of both our 
countries." 

Innis, Nicholas and Murray were consulted, and it was deemed 
advisable that Sebastian should meet and confer with Gayoso in 
person. Sebastian met Power at Red Bank, on the Ohio, and was 
escorted by him to the mouth of the river, opposite which Gayoso 
was employed with his command in erecting a small stockade fort, 
rather to furnish a pretext for his presence at that point than for 
any ulterior object. Gayoso and Sebastian proceeded to New 
Madrid, where a conference between them was held in regard to 
the subject of the freedom of the Mississippi. Gayoso presented 
the outline of a commercial treaty the Spanish government was 
ready to conclude separately with the people of the West. It con- 
ceded to them the privilege of the navigation of the Mississippi, 
and the trade with Louisiana, upon payment of a duty of four per 
cent, on all articles of the growth and manufacture of the West. 
Sebastian claimed that the people of Kentucky were entitled to the 
free navigation of the Mississippi, and that they would not consent 
to the imposition of any duty whatever. In order to determine 
the difference between them, he proposed to proceed with Gayoso 
to New Orleans, and to confer with Carondelet in relation to the 
question of the duties. On their arrival Carondelet consented to 
remove the proposed restrictions, and appointed a day for the con- 
clusion of the treaty with Sebastian. A few days preceding the 
time appointed for the interview, Sebastian received a message 
requesting him to wait immediately on the governor, who informed 
him that a courier had arrived from Havana, with intelligence that 
a treaty had been concluded between the United States and Spain, 
in respect to all the matters in dispute between the two countries, 
and that their negotiation was now at an end. 

The court of Madrid had long, under vain pretexts, declined to 
make any settlement of the questions that had been at issue 
between it and the United States, ever since the recognition of 
their independence, in the hope that its agents in Louisiana might 
be able to effect a separate negotiation in respect to those ques- 
tions, with the people of the West, and thus to secure a dismem- 
berment of the Union. There was much to encourage the hope 
that that line of policy would be successful, and that the whole 
Mississippi valley would by that means be detached from the 
Union, and fall, if not under the dominion, at least under the 



680 pinckney's treaty with Spain. 1795. 

control of the Spanish crown. The American government was new, 
was weak, and had not yet attached to itself the affection of the 
people. It was burthened with the debts of the Revolution, it was 
engaged in a disastrous war with the Indian tribes, it was on the 
eve, apparently, of another war with Great Britain; the spirit of 
insubordination was rife among the people, and the Spanish states- 
men, little acquainted with the inherent strength of republicanism, 
were ready to conclude that the republic was on the point of dis- 
solution, and prepared to join the other powers of Europe in 
making a partition of its territories among them. 

But the schemes of the Spanish agents in the West were fruitless ; 
the victory of Wayne closed the Indian war; the difficulties with 
England were adjusted by negotiations; the internal difficulties of 
the Union were overcome by the wisdom and prudence of Wash- 
ington, and no hope was left to the Spanish Government of success 
in its policy. Aside from this, Spain was becoming involved in 
the wars that grew out of the French Revolution, and, rather in 
fear of the hostility of the United States than from any desire to 
cultivate friendly relations with them, the Spanish cabinet pro- 
posed through its minister at Philadelphia, that if an envoy of 
adequate powers were sent to Madrid, the questions at issue between 
the two governments might be amicably arranged. Accordingly, 
Mr. Pinckney was appointed envoy to Spain, on the 24th of 
November, 1794, and after a long negotiation, a treaty of amity, 
limits and navigation was concluded. 

This treaty, signed by Thomas Pinckney, "a citizen of the 
United States, and their envoy extraordinary to His Catholic 
Majesty," on the one part, and on the other by "the most Excel- 
lent Lord Don Manuel de Godoy and Alvarez de Faria, Rios, 
Sanchez, Zarzosa, Prince de la Paz, Duke de la Alcudia, Lord of 
the Soto de Roma and of the State of Albala, Grandee of Spain 
of the first class, Perpetual Regidor of the city of Santiago, Knight 
of the illustrious order of the Golden Fleece and Great Cross of the 
the royal and distinguished Spanish order of Charles III, commander 
of Valencia del Yentoso Rivera, and Aceuchal in that of Santiago, 
Knight and Great Cross of the religious order of St. John, Coun- 
selor of State, First Secretary of State and Despatcho, Secretary 
to the Queen, Superintendent General of the Ports and Highways, 
Protector of the Royal Academy of the noble Arts and of 
the Royal Societies of Natural History, Botany, Chemistry, and 
Astronomy, Gentleman of the King's Chamber, in employment, 
Captain General of his armies, Inspector and Major of the Royal 



1791-94. FACTIONS X3F THE UNITED STATES. 681 

Corps of Body Guards, &c. &c. &c," contains, among other pro- 
visions, the following, once deeply interesting to the West : 

"It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of the United 
States, which separates them from the Spanish colony of Louisiana, 
is in the middle of the channel or bed of the river Mississippi, from 
the northern boundary of the said States to the completion of the 
thirty-first degree of latitude north of the equator. And his 
Catholic Majesty has likewise agreed that the navigation of the 
said river in its whole breadth, from its source to the ocean, shall 
be free only to his subjects and the citizens of the United States, 
unless he should extend this privilege to the subjects of other 
powers by special convention. 

"And in consequence of the stipulations contained in the fourth 
article, his Catholic Majesty will permit the citizens of the United 
States, for the space of three years from this time, to deposit their 
merchandise and effects in the port of "New Orleans, and to export 
them from thence without paying any other duty than a fair price 
for the hire of the stores; and his Majesty promises either to con- 
tinue this permission, if he finds, during that time, that it is not 
prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or if he should not agree to 
continue it there, he will assign to them, on another part of the 
banks of the Mississippi, an equivalent establishment."* 

Nothing has hitherto been said in relation to those political 
parties which arose during the administration of Washington, and 
which, for many years, divided the country. It may be proper 
here to refer to their origin and principles, since, though doubtless 
not responsible for the origin, they assuredly became identified 
with the progress of the popular commotions in Western Penn- 
sylvania, growing out of the opposition to the excise upon ardent 
spirits known as the Whisky Insurrection. 

When the united colonies had won their independence, and the 
rule of G-eorge III. over them ended, the question, of course, arose 
as to the nature of the government which was to succeed. Two 
fears prevailed among the people of the freed provinces. On the 
one hand, a tendency to monarchy and ultimate tyranny was 
dreaded ; it was thought that a foreign despot had been warred 
with in vain, if by the erection of a strong central or federal power 
the foundations of domestic despotism were laid instead; the 
sovereignty of the several States, balancing one another, and each 



* American State Papers, i. 547, 549. 

44 



682 FEDERAL AND ANTI-FEDERAL VIEWS. 1791-94. 

easily controlled by the voice of the people, was, with this party of 
thinkers, to be the security of the freedom that had been achieved. 
In Europe, republicanism had been overthrown by the centralizing 
process, which had substituted the great monarchies for the federal 
system, and the Italian and Flemish commonwealths; and in 
America the danger, it was thought, would be of too great a con- 
centration of power in the hands of a central Federal sovereignty. 

While these view r s prevailed among one portion of the American 
people, another portion dreaded the excess of popular democratic 
passions, tending constantly to anarchy. To this party, a strong 
central power seemed essential, not only for financial and commer- 
cial purposes, but also to restrain the inevitable disposition of 
popular governments to the abandonment of all law, all reverence, 
and all social unity. History and reflection, in short, showed men 
on the one side, that human rulers are readily converted into 
despots; on the other, that human subjects were impatient of even 
wholesome control, and readily converted into licentious and selfish 
anarchists. 

When at length the business sufferings of the country, and the 
worthlessness of the old confederacy, led to the formation of the 
present constitution, these parties were forced to compromise, and 
while the strong executive, and complete centralization of Hamil- 
ton, Jay and Adams, had to be abondoned by them and their 
friends, the complete independence of the States, and the corres- 
ponding nullity of Congress, which Patrick Henry, Mason, and 
Harrison preferred, had also to be given up, or greater evils follow. 
In this same spirit of compromise upon which our constitution 
rested, Washington framed his cabinet, and directed his adminis- 
tration, and it seemed possible, that in time, the bitterness of feel- 
ing which had shown itself before and during the discussion of the 
Bond of Union, would die away. But the difficulties of the first 
administration were enormous, such as no man but Washington 
could have met with success, and even he could not secure the 
unanimity he wished for. 

Among those difficulties, none were greater than the payment 
of the public debt, and the arrangement of a proper system of 
finance. The party which dreaded anarchy, which favored a 
strong central rule, an efficient Federal Government — the federal- 
ists, feeling that the whole country, as such, had contracted debts, 
felt bound in honor and honesty to do every thing to procure their 
payment; it also felt that the future stability and power of the 
Federal Government depended greatly upon the establishment of 



1791-94. FEDERAL AND ANTI-FEDERAL VIEWS. 683 

its credit at the outset of its career. The anti-federalists, who 
dreaded centralization, on the other hand, favoring State sover- 
eignty, and wishing but a slight national union, neither desired the 
creation of a national credit, nor felt the obligation of a national 
debt in the same degree as their opponents, and feared the 
creation of a moneyed aristocracy by speculations in the public 
stocks. 

When, therefore, Mr. Hamilton, upon whom it devolved, as 
Secretary of the Treasury, to offer a plan for liquidating the debts 
of the confederation, attempted the solution of the financial 
problem, he was certain to displease one party or the other. In 
generalities, compromises had been found possible, but in details 
they were not readily admitted. Hamilton, moreover, was one of 
the most extreme friends of centralization, and any measure emana- 
ting from him was sure to be resisted. When he brought forward 
his celebrated series of financial measures, accordingly, the whole 
strength of the two divisions, of which mention has been made, 
appeared for, and against his plans. And it is to be noted, that the 
question was not a mere question of finance ; it involved the vital 
principles for, and against which the federal and anti-federal parties 
were struggling. The former actually hoped by means of the 
funding and bank systems, to found a class whose interests would 
so bind them to the government, as to give it permanency, while 
their opponents actually anticipated the formation of a moneyed 
aristocracy, which would overthrow the power and liberties of the 
people; they felt they were a sold to stockholders," and like the 
Roman debtors condemned to slavery. 

In the West, the opponents of the central government were 
numerous. Its formation had been resisted, and its measures were 
almost all unpopular. The Indian War was a cause of complaint, 
because Harmar and St. Clair had been defeated; the army was a 
cause of complaint, because it was the beginning of a system of 
standing armies. The funding system was hated because of its 
injustice, inasmuch as it aided speculation, and because it would 
lead to the growth of a favored class ; the western posts were re- 
tained by England, the navigation of the Mississippi was under 
the control of Spain, the frontier was ravaged by the savages, and 
the popular leaders in the West, persuaded the people that the 
federal government was doing nothing adequate to remove any of 
these grievances. It was not strange, then, that the people of 
Western Pennsylvania, generally of foreign birth or descent, should 
object to the payment of a tax for the support of a government 



684 CAUSES FOR OPPOSITION TO EXCISE. 1791-94. 

they disliked and distrusted, especially, when levied in a form that 
was peculiarly odious to them. 

In all countries the excise has been a hated form of taxation, and 
"Western Pennsylvania at that period was settled chiefly by emigrants 
from the north of Ireland, where then the ordinary power of the 
government was insufficient to suppress riots having their origin 
in the excise laws of England ; and they were little disposed to 
submit peaceably to the imposition of a similar tax, after they had 
acquired the license and insubordination that naturally grows up 
on the frontier. They had already acquired a spirit of resistance to 
that form of taxation. The clashing jurisdictions of Pennsylvania 
and Virginia had excited animosities in the minds of the advocates 
of each party, hardly yet healed by the concessions of both ; and 
opposition to the laws of Pennsylvania was not yet effaced by the 
knowledge of its authority. The idea of a new State west of the 
mountains had been early broached among them, and became so 
prevalent that an act of the Assembly declared it high treason to 
propose it. 

Under these circumstances, an attempt had been previously made 
to enforce an excise law of Pennsylvania among these disaffected 
people of the frontier. In 1786, the excise officer, in his progress 
through Washington county, was seized by a number of persons, 
collected from different quarters, his hair cut off from one half of 
his head, his papers taken from him, and he compelled to tear up 
his commission and trample it under his feet. Then in a body, 
increasing as they proceeded, they conducted him out of the 
county, with every mark of contumely toward him and the govern- 
ment, and with threats of death if he returned. No punishment was 
inflicted upon the rioters, no further attempt was made to execute 
the law, and the excise fell in consequence into disuse. 

An excise upon ardent spirits moreover was supposed to be a 
peculiarly oppressive form of taxation. The only means of trans- 
porting the produce of the settlements to the eastern markets, at 
that time, was by means of pack-horses over the mountains. One 
of these could carry, it was estimated, only four bushels of rye, but 
was able to transport to market the whisky made from twenty- 
four bushels. There was no outlet for the exportation of the sur- 
plus productions of the West down the Ohio, in consequence, as the 
people of that region imagined, of the remissness of the General 
government in not opening for them the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi ; there was no other form in which that surplus could be bet- 
ter transported to the East than in that of whisky, and, in conse- 



1791-94. CAUSES FOR OPPOSITION TO EXCISE. 685 

quence, that article became almost the sole medium of exchange 
between the East and the West. Aside from this, it was at that 
period an article of almost universal use among all classes of the 
community, and the idea of restraining by law, or otherwise, either 
its use or abuse, was one that the people of that day were not pre- 
pared to appreciate. A tax, therefore, upon whisky was felt to 
be an unequal burthen, not only or mainly upon the manufacturers 
of ardent spirits, but especially upon the growers of the agricul- 
tural products that entered into it, and upon the whole community, 
to whom it was an universal beverage. And when the tax upon 
whisky assumed the form of an excise, which that community had 
been accustomed to hate, and learned to oppose, it was natural to 
expect that they would be ready to manifest an opposition to it. 

It will thus be seen that the opposition to the excise had its ori- 
gin in a variety of influences at work among the people of Western 
Pennsylvania. Many of the more intelligent classes of the popu- 
lation had become attached to the party of the anti-federalists, in 
opposition to the administration of Washington ; and, in addition 
to their partisan dislikes of the existing government, had many 
local causes of discontent, real or imaginary, of which they were 
ready to complain ; and this partisan spirit they manifested was, it 
proved, sufficient to induce them not merely to criticise, but to 
excite opposition to the measures of the administration. The less 
intelligent classes were influenced by a blind hatred of all excises, 
a dislike of the existing government, the example of their leaders, 
and a spirit of insubordination to the laws of the land. 

It was found at the assembling of Congress, in 1790, that it was 
indispensably necessary to provide means for increasing the reve- 
nue of the government. The nation was burthen ed by the debts 
of the Revolution, the war in the north-west demanded a greatly 
increased outlay of the public money, the commerce of the coun- 
try was small, and consequently the revenue arising from duties 
was inadequate to meet the public necessities. 

It was determined, in compliance with the recommendation of 
the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, to levy a duty on foreign 
and domestic spirits, to meet the exigencies of the government. 
A bill for that purpose was introduced into the House of Repre- 
sentatives, on the suggestion of Alexander Hamilton, and passed. 
It imposed certain rates of taxes on all distilled spirits, according 
to their strength. Inspection districts were created by the act, 
in each of which an inspector was to be appointed, whose duty 
it was to execute the provisions of the law. All distillers were 



686 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

bound to furnish to the inspector of the district descriptions of 
their buildings and apparatus, to allow their casks to be branded 
and gauged by the inspector or his agents, and to pay the duty 
on their liquors before removing them from their distilleries. 
But it was provided that small distillers, not in any town or vil- 
lage, should pay, in lieu of the duties, an annual tax, according to 
the capacity of their stills. 

Immediately after the passage of the law, a spirit of opposition 
began to manifest itself in the "West.* At first this opposition was 
confined to efforts to discourage persons from holding offices con- 
nected with the excise ; next, associations were formed of those who 
were ready to "forbear" compliance with the laws; but as men 
talked with one another, and the excise became more and more 
identified with the tyranny of Federalism, stronger demonstrations 
were inevitable, and upon the 27th of July, 1791, a meeting was 
called at Brownsville, (Redstone,) to consider the growing troubles 
of the western district of Pennsylvania. This meeting, which was 
attended by influential and able men, agreed to a convention of 
representatives from the five counties of Washington, Allegheny, 
"Westmoreland, Fayette and Bedford, included in the fourth survey 
under the law in question, to be held at Washington, upon the 23d 
of August. 

In relation to the proceedings of that convention, Hamilton says : 

" This meeting passed some intermediate resolutions, which were 
afterward printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette, containing a strong 
censure on the law, declaring that any person who had accepted or 
might accept an office under Congress, in order to carry it into 
effect, should be considered as inimical to the interests of the 
country; and recommending to the citizens of Washington county 
to treat every person who had accepted, or might thereafter accept, 
any such office, with contempt, and absolutely refuse all kind of 
communication or intercourse with the officers, and to withhold 
from them all aid, support, or comfort. 

"Not content with this vindictive proscription of those who 
might esteem it their duty, in the capacity of officers, to aid in the 
execution of the constitutional laws of the land, the meeting pro- 
ceeded to accumulate topics of crimination of the Government, 
though foreign to each other ; authorizing by this zeal for censure 



* The principal authorities in relation to the Whisky Insurrection, -used in the pre- 
paration of the following sketch, are the American State Papers, vol. xx, Brackenridge's 
Incidents, Findley's History, and Sparks' Washington, vol. x, &e. &c. 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 687 

a suspicion that they were actuated, not merely by the dislike of a 
particular law, but by a disposition to render the Government 
itself unpopular and odious. 

"This meeting, in further prosecution of their plan, deputed 
three of their members to meet delegates from the counties of 
"Westmoreland, Fayette and Allegheny, on the first Tuesday of 
September following, for the purpose of expressing the sense of the 
people of those counties in an address to the Legislature of the 
United States, upon the subject of the excise law and other 
grievances." 

Here, for the first time, the connection of the antagonism to the 
excise, with other topics, was brought forward, and a political 
character given to the movement, by a general assault upon the 
measures of the Federal Government. This assault assumed a yet 
more distinctive character at a subsequent meeting of delegates 
held at Pittsburgh, upon the 7th of September; at which the 
salaries of the Federal officers, the interest paid upon the national 
debt, the want of distinction between the original holders of that 
debt and those who had bought it at a discount, and the creation 
of a United States Bank, were all denounced in common with the 
tax on whisky. At these meetings all was conducted with pro- 
priety; and the resolutions adopted gave no direct countenance to 
violence. And when did the leaders of a community, its legisla- 
tors, judges and clergy, ever express, in any manner, however, 
quiet, their utter disregard of law, without a corresponding expres- 
sion by the masses, if uneducated, in acts of violence? It was not 
strange, therefore, that upon the day previous to the meeting last 
named, the collector for the counties of Allegheny and "Washington 
was attacked. One report says : 

"A party of men, armed and disguised, waylaid him at a place 
on Pigeon creek, in Washington county, seized, tarred and 
feathered him, cut off his hair, and deprived him of his horse, 
obliging him to travel on foot, a considerable distance, in that mor- 
tifying and painful situation. 

" The case was brought before the district court of Pennsylvania, 
out of which processes were issued against John Robertson, John 
Hamilton, and Thomas McComb, three of the persons concerned 
in the outrage. 

"The serving of these processes was confided by the then mar. 
shal, Clement Biddle, to his deputy, Joseph Fox, who, in the 
month of October, went into Allegheny county for the purpose of 
serving them. 



688 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

" The appearances and circumstances which Mr. Fox observed 
himself in the course of his journey, and learned afterward upon 
his arrival at Pittsburgh, had the effect of deterring him from the 
service of the processes, and unfortunately led to adopt the injudi- 
cious and fruitless expedient of sending them to the parties by a 
private messenger, under cover. 

" The deputy's report to the marshal states a number of particu- 
lars, evincing a considerable fermentation in the part of the country 
to which he w T as sent, and inducing a belief, on his part, that he 
could not with safety have executed the processes. The marshal 
transmitting this report to the district attorney, makes the follow- 
ing observations upon it : ' I am sorry to add that he, the deputy, 
found the people, in general, in the western part of the State, and 
particularly beyond the Allegheny mountains, in such a ferment 
on account of the act of Congress for laying a duty on distilled 
spirits, and so much opposed to the execution of the said act, and 
from a variety of threats to himself personally, although he took 
the utmost precaution to conceal his errand, that he was not only 
convinced of the impossibility of serving the process, but that any 
attempt to effect it would have occasioned the most violent oppo- 
sition from the greater part of the inhabitants ; and he declares 
that, if he had attempted it, he believes he should not have returned 
alive. I spared no expense nor pains to have the process of the court 
executed, and have not the least doubt that my deputy would have 
accomplished it, if it could have been done.' 

"The reality of the danger to the deputy was countenanced by 
the opinion of Gen. Seville, the inspector of the revenue, a man 
who before had given, and since has given, numerous proofs of a 
steady and firm temper; and what followed is a further confirma- 
tion of it. 

" The person who had been sent with the processes was seized, 
whipped, tarred and feathered; and, after having his horse and 
money taken from him, was blindfolded and tied in the woods, in 
which condition he remained for five hours. 

"These intemperate expressions of their feelings byword and 
deed, startled the government, and puzzled its executive officers: 
it was determined, however, to await the influence of time, thought, 
information and leniency, and to attempt, by a reconsideration of 
the law, at the earliest possible moment, to do away any real cause 
of complaint which might exist. But popular fury once aroused is 
not soon allayed; the worst passions of the same people who sent 
out the murderers of the Moravian Indians, in 1782, had been 
excited, and excess followed excess. 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 689 

" Some time in October, 1791, an unhappy man, by the name of 
Wilson, a stranger in the country, and manifestly disordered in bis 
intellects, imagining bimself to be a collector of the revenue, or 
invested witb some trust in relation to it, was so unlucky as to 
make inquiries concerning distillers wbo bad entered their stills, 
giving out that he was to travel through the United States, to 
ascertain and report to Congress the number of stills, &c. This 
man was pursued by a party in disguise, taken out of his bed, 
carried about Hve miles back, to a smith's shop ; stripped of his 
his clothes, which were afterward burnt ; and, having been himself 
inhumanly burnt in several places with a heated iron, was tarred 
and feathered, and about daylight dismissed, naked, wounded, and 
otherwise in a very suffering condition. 

"These particulars are communicated in a letter from the 
inspector of the revenue, of the 17th of November, who declares 
that he had then himself seen the unfortunate maniac, the abuse of 
whom, as he expressed it, exceeded description, and was sufficient 
to make human nature shudder. The affair is the more extraor- 
dinary, as persons of weight and consideration in that county are 
understood to have been actors in it, and as the symptoms of 
insanity were, during the whole time of inflicting the punishment, 
apparent; the unhappy sufferer displayed the heroic fortitude of a 
man who conceived himself to be a martyr to the discharge of some 
important duty. 

" Not long after, a person by the name of Eoseberry, underwent 
the humiliating punishment of tarring and feathering with some 
aggravations, for having, in conversation, hazarded the very natural 
and just, but unpalatable, remark, that the inhabitants of that 
county could not reasonably expect protection from a government 
whose laws they so strenuously opposed. 

"The audacity of the perpetrators of these excesses was so great, 
that an armed banditti ventured to seize and carry off two persons 
who were witnesses against the rioters, in the case of Wilson, in 
order to prevent their giving testimony of the riot in a court then 
sitting, or about to sit." 

Notwithstanding the course of the western people, the federal 
government, during the session of 1791 and ' 92, proceeded in the 
discussion of the obnoxious statute; and upon the 8th of May, 
1792, passed an amendatory act, making such changes as were 
calculated to allay the angry feelings that had been excited, except 
so far as they were connected with political animosities, and which, 
in most districts, produced the intended results. 



690 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

But in Western Pennsylvania the opposition continued unabated, 
and it was announced that the inspectors who, by the new law, 
were to be appointed for all the counties, should not be allowed to 
open their offices. Nor was this a mere threat ; no buildings could 
be obtained for the use of the United States, and when, at length, 
in Washington county, one Captain Faulkner dared to agree that 
a building of his should be occupied by the inspector, he was way- 
laid by a mob, a knife drawn upon him, and was threatened with 
scalping, the burning of his property, and other injuries, if he did 
not revoke his agreement. So that, upon the 20th of August, 
under the influence of fear, he did actually break his contract, and 
upon the next day advertised what he had done in the Pittsburgh 
Gazette. 

On the day of this advertisement, a meeting was held in Pitts- 
burgh, headed by members of the State Legislature, judges, clergy- 
men, and other leading characters. Of these, the late Albert 
Gallatin was secretary to the meeting ; the chairman of the com- 
mittee was Daniel Bradford, who acted as a leader in many of the 
violent proceedings. 

"This meeting entered into resolutions not less exceptionable 
than those of its predecessors. The preamble suggests that a tax 
on spirituous liquors is unjust in itself and oppressive upon the 
poor; that internal taxes upon consumption must, in the end, 
destroy the liberties of every country in which they are introduced ; 
that the law in question, from certain local circumstances which 
are specified, would bring immediate distress and ruin upon the 
western country ; and concludes with the sentiment that they think 
it their duty to persist in remonstrance to Congress, and in every 
other legal measure that may obstruct the operation of the law. 

" The resolutions then proceed, first, to appoint a committee to 
prepare and cause to be presented to Congress an address, stating 
objections to the law, and praying for its repeal; secondly, to 
appoint committees of correspondence for Washington, Fayette 
and Allegheny, charged to correspond together, and with such 
committees as should be appointed for the same purpose in the 
county of Westmoreland, or with any committees of a similar 
nature that might be appointed in other parts of the United States ; 
and also, if found necessary, to call together either general meet- 
ings of the people in their respective counties, or conferences of 
the several committees; and lastly, to declare that they will, in 
future, consider those who hold offices for the collection of the 
duty as unworthy of their friendship ; that they will have no inter- 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 691 

course nor dealings with them, will withdraw from them every 
assistance, withhold all the comforts of life which depend npon 
those duties that, as men and fellow citizens, we owe to each other, 
and will, upon all occasions, treat ■ them with contempt, earnestly 
recommending to the people at large to follow the same line of 
conduct toward them." 

When notice of this meeting, and of the means used to intimi- 
date Faulkner, was given to the government, Washington issued a 
proclamation, dated September 15th; the supervisor of the district 
was sent to the seat of trouble to learn the true state of facts, and 
to collect evidence; while the attorney general was instructed to 
inquire into the legality of the proceedings of the Pittsburgh meet- 
ing, with a view to the indictment of the leaders. Mr. Eandolph, 
however, felt so much doubt as to the character of the meeting of 
August 21st, that no prosecutions on that score were instituted, 
and in serving process upon two persons, said to have been among 
the assailants of Faulkner, either an error was made, or the accu- 
sation proved to be false, which caused that matter also to be 
dropped by the government. It was then proposed to attempt a 
gradual suppression of the resistance to the law, by adopting these 
measures, to wit : 

" The prosecution of all distillers who were not licensed, when 
it could be done with certainty of success, and without exciting 
violence. The seizure of all illegal spirits on their way to market, 
when it could be done without leading to outbreaks, and by care 
that only spirits which had paid duty were bought for the use of 
the army." 

The influence of these measures was in part lost in consequence 
of the introduction of whisky that paid no tax into the north-western 
territory, over which some of the laws relative to the matter did not 
extend; but still their effect was decided. In November, 1792, 
Wolcott wrote that the opposition was confined to a small part of 
Pennsylvania, and would soon cease, and through the whole of 
1793 — although the collector for Fayette county was obliged by 
force to give up his books and papers, and to promise a resignation, 
while the Inspector of Allegheny was burnt in eifigy before the 
magistrates, and no notice of the act taken by them ; and although 
when warrants were issued for the rioters in the former case, the 
Sheriff of the county refused to execute them, yet obedience to the 
excise became more general, and many of the leading distillers, 
yielding to the suggestions of pecuniary interest, for the first time 
entered their stills, and abandoned the party of Bradford and his 
coadjutors. 



692 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

This abandonment, the political antagonists of the law by no 
means relished ; still even they might have been subdued, but for 
the introduction at that very juncture, of Mr. Genet's famous sys- 
tem of democratic societies, which, like the Jacobin clubs of Paris, 
were to be a power above the government. Genet reached the 
United States, April 8th ; on the 18th of May, he was presented to 
the President; and by the 30th of that month, the Democratic 
Society of Philadelphia was organized. By means of this, its affili- 
ated bodies, and other societies based upon it, or suggested by it, 
the French minister, his friends and imitators, waged their war 
upon the administration, and gave new energy to every man who, 
on any ground, was dissatisfied with the laws of his country. 
Among those dissatisfied, the enemies of the excise were of course 
to be numbered; and there can be little or no doubt that to the 
agency of societies formed in the disaffected districts, after the plan 
of those founded by Genet, the renewed and excessive hostility of 
the western people to the tax upon spirits is to be ascribed. 

The proper Democratic Societies, when the crisis came, disap- 
proved of the violence committed, and so did Gallatin and many 
others ; but, however much they may have disliked an appeal to 
force, even from the outset, their measures, their extravagances, 
and political fanaticism, were calculated to result in violence and 
nothing else. Through the year 1793, the law seemed gaining 
ground ; but with the next January, the demon was loosed again. 

" William Richmond, who had given information against some 
of the rioters in the affair of Wilson, had his barn burnt, with all 
the grain and hay which it contained ; and the same thing happened 
to Robert Shawhan, a distiller, who had been among the first to 
comply with the law, and who had always spoken favorably of it; 
but in neither of these instances, (which happened in the county of 
Allegheny) though the presumptions were violent, was any posi- 
tive proof obtained. 

"The inspector of the revenue, in a letter of the 27th of Feb- 
ruary, writes that he had received information that persons living 
near the dividing line of Allegheny and Washington counties, had 
thrown out threats of tarring and feathering one William Cochran, 
a complying distiller, and of burning his distillery; and that it had 
also been given out that in three weeks there would not be a house 
standing in Allegheny county of any person who had complied 
with the laws. In consequence of which, he had been induced to 
pay a visit to several leading individuals in that quarter, as well to 
ascertain the truth of the information as to endeavor to avert the 
attempt to execute such threats. 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 693 

" It appeared afterward that, on his return home, he had been 
pursued by a collection of disorderly persons, threatening, as they 
went along, vengeance against him. On their w r ay, these men 
called at the house of James BMdoe, who had recently complied 
with the laws, broke into his still-house, fired several balls under 
his still, and scattered fire over and about the house. 

"In May and June new violences were committed. James 
Kiddoe, the person above mentioned, and William Cochran, another 
complying distiller, met with repeated injury to their property. 
Kiddoe had parts of his grist-mill, at different times, carried away, 
and Cochran suffered more material injuries. His still was de- 
stroyed; his saw-mill was rendered useless, by the taking away of 
the saw; and his grist-mill so injured as to require to be repaired, 
at considerable expense. 

" At the last visit, a note in writing was left, requiring him to 
publish what he had suffered in the Pittsburgh Gazette, on pain of 
another visit, in which he is threatened, in figurative but intelli- 
gible terms, with the destruction of his property by fire. Thus 
adding to the profligacy of doing wanton injuries to a fellow-citizen 
the tyranny of compelling him to be the publisher of his wrongs. 

"June being the month for receiving annual entries of stills, 
endeavors were used to open offices in Westmoreland and Wash- 
ington counties, where it had hitherto been found impracticable. 
With much pains and difficulty, places were procured for the pur- 
pose. That in Westmoreland county was repeatedly attacked in 
the night by armed men, who frequently fired upon it; but, accord- 
ing to a report which has been made to this department, it was 
defended with so much courage and perseverance, by John Wells, 
an auxiliary officer, and Philip Ragan, the owner of the house, as 
to have been maintained during the remainder of the month. 

" That in Washington county, after repeated attempts, was sup- 
pressed. The first attempt was confined to pulling down the sign 
of the office, and threats of future destruction ; the second effected 
the object, in the following mode: About twelve persons, armed 
and painted black, in the night of the 6th of June, broke into the 
house of John Lynn, where the office was kept, and, after having 
treacherously seduced him to come down stairs, and put himself 
into their power, by a promise of safety to himself and his house, 
they seized and tied him, threatened to hang him, took him to a 
retired spot in a neighboring wood, and there, after cutting off his 
hair, tarring and feathering him, swore him never again to allow 
the use of his house for an office, never to disclose their names, 



694 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

and never again to have any sort of agency in aid of the excise; 
having done which, they bound him, naked, to a tree, and left him 
in that situation till morning, when he succeeded in extricating 
himself. Not content with this, the malcontents, some days after, 
made him another visit, pulled down part of his house, and put 
him in a situation to be obliged to become an exile from his own 
home, and to find an asylum elsewhere." 

Even these acts, however, were followed by nothing on the part 
of the government more stringent than the institution, in the June 
following, of several suits against the rioters, and also against the 
non-complying distillers, to serve process in which the Marshal of 
the United States himself visited the West. This led to the catas- 
trophe. These suits were in the United States Court, which sat 
east of the mountains, where the accused must, of course, be tried. 
But the seizure of offenders to be tried out of their own neighbor- 
hood, was opposed to the feelings of the Americans, and to the 
principles of that English law upon which they had relied through 
the discussions which preceded the Eevolution. The federal gov- 
ernment, it was said, in taking men to Philadelphia to be tried for 
alleged misdemeanors, was doing what the British did in carrying 
Americans beyond the sea. Then was shown the power of those 
societies to which reference has been made. In February, 1794, a 
society had been formed at Mingo creek, consisting of the militia 
of that neighborhood, the same persons who led in all future 
excesses. In April, a second association, of the same character, 
and a regular democratic club, were formed in the troublesome 
district. In the latter, nothing was done in relation to the excise, 
so far as is known, but in the two first named bodies there is reason 
to believe that the worst spirit of the French clubs was naturalized; 
the excise and the government thoroughly canvassed, and rebel- 
lion, disunion and bloodshed, sooner or later, made familiar to the 
minds of all. 

It may be readily understood that under such circumstances, 
great excitement was likely to prevail upon slight provocation. 
Notwithstanding, the marshal for the State, David Lennox, was 
suffered to serve his writs unresisted, until, when he went with the 
last process in his hands, he unwisely took with him the inspector 
of the county, General John Neville, a man once very popular, but 
who had become odious to the misguided populace, on account of 
the faithful performance of what he regarded his duty, in the 
attempt to execute the law. After serving this process, the marshal 
and inspector were followed by a crowd and a gun was fired, 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 695 

though, without doing any injury. The marshal returned to Pitts- 
burgh and the inspector to his own house ; but it being noised 
abroad that both were at General Neville's, a number of militia- 
men, who were gathered under the United States law, agreed the 
next morning to pay the inspector a visit. 

For some time, Neville had been looking for an attack, knowing 
his unpopularity, and had armed his negroes and barricaded his 
windows. An attack upon his house, with a view to the destruction 
of his papers, had probably been in contemplation, and those who 
gathered on the morning of the 16th of July, were determined to 
carry the proposed destruction into effect. When General Neville 
discovered the party on that morning around his door, he asked 
their business, and upon receiving evasive replies, proceeded at 
once to treat them as enemies; shut his door again and opened a 
fire, by which six of the assailants were wounded, one of them 
mortally. This, of course, added greatly to the anger and excite- 
ment previously existing; news of the bloodshed was diffused 
through the Mingo creek neighborhood, and before nightfall steps 
were taken to avenge the sufferers. 

"Apprehending," says Hamiton, "that the business would not 
terminate here, General Neville made application by letter to the 
judges, generals of militia and sheriff of the county, for protection. 
A reply to his application, from John Wilkins, Jr., and John Gib- 
son, magistrates and militia officers, informed him that the laws 
could not be executed so as to afford him the protection to which 
he was entitled, owing to the too general combination of the people, 
in that part of Pennsylvania, to oppose the revenue law ; adding, 
that they would take every step in their power to bring the rioters 
to justice, and would be glad to receive information of the indi- 
viduals concerned in the attack upon his house, that prosecutions 
might be commenced against them; and expressing their sorrow 
that should the posse comitatus of the county be ordered out in 
support of the civil authority, very few could be gotten that were 
not of the party of the rioters. 

"The day following the insurgents re-assembled with a consid- 
erable augmentation of numbers, amounting, as has been computed, 
to at least five hundred ; and, on the 17th of July, renewed their 
attack upon the house of the inspector, who, in the interval, had 
taken the precaution of calling to his aid a small detachment from 
the garrison of Fort Pitt, which, at the time of the attack, consisted 
of eleven men, who had been joined by Major Abraham Kirkpat- 
rick, a friend and connexion of the inspector. 



696 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

" There being scarcely a prospect of effectual defense against so 
large a body as then appeared, and as the inspector had every thing 
to apprehend for his person, if taken, it was judged advisable that 
he should withdraw from the house to a place of concealment; 
Major Kirkpatrick generously agreeing to remain with the eleven 
men, in the intention, if practicable, to make a capitulation in 
favor of the property ; if not, to defend it as long as possible. 

"A parley took place under cover of a flag, which was sent by 
the insurgents to the house to demand that the inspector should 
come forth, renounce his office, and stipulate never again to accept 
an office under the same laws. To this it was replied, that the in- 
spector had left the house upon their first approach, and that the 
place to which he had retired was unknown. They then declared 
that they must have whatever related to bis office. They were 
answered that they might send persons, not exceeding six, to search 
the house and take away whatever papers they could find apper- 
taining to the office. But not satisfied with this, they insisted, 
unconditionally, that the armed men who were in the house for its 
defense, should march out and ground their arms, which Major 
Kirkpatrick peremptorily refused ; considering it and representing 
it to them as a proof of a design to destroy the property. This 
refusal put an end to the parley. 

"A brisk firing then ensued between the insurgents and those in 
the house, which, it is said, lasted for nearly an hour, till the assail- 
ants, having set fire to the neighboring and adjacent buildings 
eight in number, the intenseness of the heat, and the danger of an 
immediate communication of the fire to the house, obliged Major 
Kirkpatrick and his small party to come out and surrender them- 
selves. In the course of the firing, one of the insurgents was killed 
and several wounded, and three of the persons in the house were also 
wounded. The person killed is understood to have been the leader 
of the party, of the name of James McFarlane, then a major in the 
militia, formerly a lieutenant in the Pennsylvania line. The dwell- 
ing house, after the surrender, shared the fate of the other build- 
ings, the whole of which were consumed to the ground. The loss 
of property to the inspector, upon this occasion, is estimated, and, 
as it is believed with great moderation, at not less than three thous- 
and pounds, or ten thousand dollars. 

The marshal, together with Col. Presly Neville, and several 
others, were taken by the insurgents going to the inspector's house. 
All, except the marshal and Col. Neville, soon made their escape ; 
but these were carried off some distance from the place where the 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 697 

affray had happened, and detained till one or two o'clock the next 
morning. In the course of their detention, the marshal, in particu- 
lar, suffered very severe and humiliating treatment, and was 
frequently in imminent danger of his life. Several of the party 
frequently presented their pieces at him with every appearance of 
a design to assassinate, from which they were with difficulty 
restrained by the efforts of a few more humane and more prudent. 
"Nor could he obtain safety nor liberty, but upon the condition 
of a promise, guaranteed by Col. Neville, that he would serve no 
other process on the west side of the Allegheny mountains. The 
alternative being immediate death, extorted from the marshal a 
compliance with this condition, notwithstanding the just sense of 
official dignity, and the firmness of character which were witnessed 
by his conduct throughout the trying scenes he had experienced. 

" The insurgents, on the 18th, sent a deputation of two of their 
number (one a justice of the peace) to Pittsburgh, to require of the 
marshal, a surrender of the process in his possession intimating 
that his compliance would satisfy the people, and add to his safety; 
and also to demand of Gen. Neville, in peremptory terms the resig- 
nation of his office, threatening, in case of refusal, to attack the 
place and take him by force; demands which both these officers 
did not hesitate to reject, as alike incompatible with their honor 
and their duty. 

"As it was well ascertained that no protection was to be expected 
from the magistrates or inhabitants of Pittsburgh, it became 
necessary to the safety, both of the inspector and the marshal, to 
quit that place ; and, as it was known that all the usual routes to 
Philadelphia were beset by the insurgents, they concluded to 
descend the Ohio, and proceed, by a circuitous route, to the seat of 
government, which they began to put in execution on the night of 
the 19th of July." 

The following points, which are of great importance, do not 
appear in the above narrative. First, it seems the attack was so 
deliberate that a committee of three was chosen to superintend it, 
who sat upon an elevation, and directed the various movements. 
Second, it seems that the object aimed at was the destruction of 
official papers, and not property or life. Third, McFarlane, the 
commander of the rebels was shot dead, when he exposed himself 
in consequence of a call from the house to cease firing ; this was 
regarded as intentional murder on the part of the defenders. 
Fourth, there is no doubt as to the burning having been authorized 
by the committee of attack. 
45 



698 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

The attack upon Neville's house was an outrage of so violent a 
character, and the feeling that caused it was of so mixed a nature, 
that farther movements were, of necessity, to be expected. Those 
who thought themselves justified, as the early actors in the Revolu- 
tion had been, would of course go forward; those who anticipated 
the vengeance of the laws, thought it safer to press on and make 
the rebellion formidable, than to stop and so be unable to hope for 
terms from the government. The depraved looked for plunder, 
the depressed for a chance to rise; the ambitious had the great men 
of France in view before them, and the cowardly followed what 
they dared not try to withstand. 

These various feelings showed themselves at a meeting held 
July 23d, at Mingo creek, the particulars of which are given by 
Brackenridge, who attended, in a vivid and clear narrative. The 
masses were half-mad, filled with true Parisian fury, and drove 
their apparent leaders powerless before them. At this gathering, 
a general convention to meet on the 14th of August, at Parkinson's 
Ferry, now Williamsport, upon the Monongahela, was agreed on ; 
but the more violent meanwhile determined upon steps that would 
entirely close the way to reconciliation with the government: these 
were, first, the robbery of the mail, by which they expected to learn 
who were their chief opponents; next, the expulsion from the coun- 
try of the persons thus made known ; and, lastly, the seizure of the 
United States arms and ammunition at Pittsburgh. The leading 
man in these desperate acts was David Bradford, an attorney and 
politician of some eminence. 

The first step w^as successfully taken on the 26th of July, and 
General John Gibson, Colonel Presly Neville, son of General John 
Neville, and three others, were found to have written letters in re- 
lation to the late proceedings. This being known, the people of 
Pittsburgh were requested by the Jacobins of the country to expel 
these persons forthwith, and such was the fear of the citizens, that 
the order was obeyed, though unwillingly. But the third project 
succeeded less perfectly. In order to effect it, a meeting of the 
masses had been called for August 1st, at Braddock's field; this 
call was made in the form usual for militia musters, and all were 
notified to come armed and equipped. Brackenridge was again 
present, though in fear and trembling. Terror, indeed, appears to 
have ruled as perfectly as beyond the Atlantic. The Pittsburgh 
representatives had gone to the conference from fear of being 
thought lukewarm in the rebel cause, and finding themselves sus- 
pected, passed the day in fear. 



1791-94. whiskt insurrection. 699 

The object of tlie gathering, an attack upon the United States 
arsenal, had been divulged to few, and upon further consultation 
was abandoned. But it was determined to march to Pittsburgh at 
any rate, for the purpose of intimidating the disaffected, robbing a 
few houses, and burning a few stores. The women of the country 
had gathered to see the sack of the city at the Forks — and it was 
with difficulty that the conflagration and robbery were prevented ; 
the leaders in general opposed the excesses of their followers ; the 
brother of the murdered M'Farlane protected the property of Ma- 
jor Kirkpatrick, and as others who were most interested in the in- 
surrection showed equal vigor in the prevention of violence, the 
march to Pittsburgh resulted in nothing worse than the burning of 
a few barns and sheds. 

When a knowledge of the attack on Neville's house, and the 
subsequent proceedings reached the federal government, it was 
thought to be time to take decided steps. On the 5th of August, 
Hamilton laid the whole matter before the president; Judge Wil- 
son of the Supreme Court, having, on the 4th, certified the western 
counties to be in a state of insurrection; and upon the 7th, Wash- 
ington issued his proclamation, giving notice that every means in 
his power would be used to put down the rebellion. As it was his 
wish, however, and also that of Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania, 
that no pains should be spared to prevent a recourse to arms, com- 
missioners were appointed, three by the United States, and two by 
the State, to visit the West, and try to procure an abandonment of 
the insurrection without bloodshed. The commissioners on the 
part of the United States were James Ross, a senator in Congress, 
and a gentlemen very popular with the people in Western Penn- 
sylvania, Jasper Yeates, an Associate Judge of the Supreme Court 
of that State, and William Bradford, the Attorney General of the 
United States. Those on the part of Pennsylvania were Thomas 
M'Kean, Chief Justice of the State, and William Irvine, a Repre- 
sentative in Congress. 

When these messengers reached the neighborhood of Pittsburgh, 
the meeting at Parkinson's ferry was in session, and Gallatin and 
others were trying to prevent matters from becoming worse than 
they already were. This meeting, upon receiving notice of the 
approach of the commissioners, agreed to send a committee of con- 
ference, consisting of delegates from the counties of Westmoreland, 
Allegheny, Fayette, and Washington, in Pennsylvania, and from 
Ohio county, in Virginia, to treat with them; and at the same time 
named a standing committee, one from each township, making 



700 WHISKY INSURRECTION. _ 1791-94. 

sixty in number, to whom the former were to report, and who were 
authorized to call a new meeting of deputies, or recall the old 
ones, in order to accept or reject the terms offered on the part of 
government. 

On the 21st of August, the commissioners and committee of con- 
ference met, and after some discussion agreed upon terms, which 
the representatives of the insurgents thought their constituents 
would do well to accept. They were then submitted to the stand- 
ing committee, but in that body so much fear and mutual distrust 
prevailed, as to lead to a mere recommendation to the people to 
accept the terms offered, by a vote of thirty-four to twenty-three, 
while the committee themselves failed to give the pledges which 
had been required of them. This state of things and the knowl- 
edge of the fact that even the recommendation w T as obtained only 
by shielding the voters through a vote by ballot, proved to the 
agents for government that little was yet done toward tranquili- 
zing the country. 

All the committee-men and leaders were in dread of popular 
violence, and after various letters had passed, and a second com- 
mittee of conference had agreed that it would be wise to adopt the 
terms offered by the government, the question was referred to the 
people themselves, who were to sign their names to pledges pre- 
pared for the purpose ; by which pledges they bound themselves to 
obey the law and help its operation ; or, unwilling to do this, they 
were to refuse distinctly to sign any such promise. 

This trial of popular sentiment was to take place on the 11th of 
September, in the presence of persons who had been at Parkinson 
ferry meeting, or of magistrates; and the result of the vote was to 
be by them certified to the commissioners. It would have been 
well to have given a longer time, that the good disposition of the 
leaders might have had an opportunity of spreading among the 
people, but as the President in his proclamation had required a 
dispersion by the 1st of September, it was thought impossible to 
wait. On the 11th a vote was taken, but very imperfect and un- 
satisfactory. In some portions of the country, men openly refused 
obedience to the law; in some, they were silent; in some they 
merely voted by ballot for and against submission ; and upon the 
whole gave so little proof of a disposition to support the legal 
officers that the judges of the vote did not feel willing to give cer- 
tificates that offices of inspection could be safely established in the 
several counties, and the commissioners were forced to return to 
Philadelphia without having accomplished their objects. 



1791-94. WHISKY INSURRECTION. 701 

On the 24th of September they reported their proceedings and 
failure to the President ; who, upon the 25th, called the militia of 
Pennsylvania, E"ew Jersey, Maryland and Virginia, into the field, 
under the command of Henry Lee, Governor of the State last 
named. The mal-eontents being still sufficiently numerous to 
resist the execution of the revenue laws, the government marched 
forward the army, consisting of about fourteen thousand militia. 
"Washington himself visited the troops, and met some deputations 
from the western counties, but was unable to accompany the army 
to Pittsburgh, whither, however, General Hamilton went to repre- 
sent the executive.* 

"An unusual quantity of rain having fallen during the autumn, 
the army suffered greatly on their march, particularly several regi- 
ments composed of mechanics, merchants and others, from the 
cities, who were not inured to such hardships. They became so 
disheartened that if the passes of the mountains had been dispu- 
ted by only one thousand resolute insurgents, the army might 
have been greatly disheartened, if not defeated. But they met 
no resistance, either in the mountains or in the infected districts. 

" Bradford and a few others who had the most to fear, fled to the 
Spanish country on the Mississippi. Others, equally guilty, but 
less notorious offenders, sought security in sequestered settlements. 
'JSTot a dog wagged his tongue' against the army, which marched 
to Pittsburgh and took up their quarters." f 

To prevent a renewal of the insurrection, and secure obedience 
to the law, an armed force under General Morgan, remained through 
the winter west of the mountains. Thus, at a cost of $669,992.34, 
the whisky riots were ended. 

But there is reason to think that the money was well spent; and 
that the insurrection was a wholesome eruption. It served several 
good purposes; it alarmed the wiser portion of the democratic 
party, who saw how much of Jacobin fury lay hidden in the Ameri- 
can people ; it proved to the wiser part of the friends of the ad- 
ministration, that the societies they so much hated, even if they 
originated the evil feelings prevalent in the West, would not 
countenance the riotous atfts that followed. The unruly portion 
of the western people was awed by the energy of the executive, 



*It was the fixed determination of Washington that whatever expense it might cost, 
whatever inconvenience it might occasion, the people must be taught obedience, and the 
authority of the laws re-established. 

f Wilkeson's Recollections. 



702 WHISKY INSURRECTION. 1791-94. 

and to those who loved order, the readiness of the militia to march 
to the support of government was evidence of a much "better dis- 
position than most had hoped to find. In addition to these advan- 
tages, may be named the activity of business, caused by the 
expenditure of so large a sum of money in the West, and the 
increase of frontier population from the ranks of the army. 

A few additional facts, selected from Day's Historical Collections 
of Pennsylvania : 

" The province of Pennsylvania, as early as 1756, had looked to 
the excise on ardent spirits for the means of sustaining its bills of 
credit. The original law, passed to continue only ten years, was 
from time to time continued, as necessities pressed upon the 
treasury. During the Revolution, the law was generally evaded in 
the "West, by considering all spirits as/or domestic use, such being ex- 
cepted from excise ; but when the debts of the Revolution began 
to press upon the States, they became more vigilant in the enforce- 
ment of the law. Opposition arose at once in the western counties. 
Liberty-poles were erected, and the people assembled in arms, 
chased off the officers appointed to enforce the law. The object of 
the people was to compel a repeal of the law, but they had not the 
least idea of subverting the government. 

" The pioneers of this region, descended as they were from 
North Britain and Ireland, had come very honestly by their love 
of whisky; and many of them had brought their hatred of an 
exciseman from the old country. The western insurgents followed, 
as they supposed, the recent example of the American Revolution. 
The first attempt of the British parliament — the very cause of the 
Revolution — had been an excise law. There was nothing at that 
day disreputable in either making or drinking whisky. 

" No temperance societies then existed ; to drink whisky was as 
common and honorable as to eat bread ; and the fame of ' old Monon- 
gahela' was proverbial, both at the East and the West. Distilling 
was then esteemed as moral and respectable as any other business. 
It was early commenced, and extensively carried on in Western 
Pennsylvania. There was neither home nor foreign market for 
rye, their principal crop; the grain would not bear packing 
across the mountains. Whisky, therefore, was the most im- 
portant item of remittance to pay for their salt, sugar and iron. 
The people had cultivated their land for years at the peril of their 
lives, with little or no protection from the Federal government ; 
and when, by extraordinary efforts, they were enabled to raise a 
little more grain than their immediate wants required, they were 



1791-94. CLOSE OF THE WIIISKY INSURRECTION. 703 

met with a law restraining them in the liberty of doing what they 
pleased with the surplus. The people of Western Pennsylvania 
regarded a tax on whisky in the same light as the citizens of Ohio 
would now regard a United States tax on lard, pork, or flour." 

It is but justice to General John Neville and his descendants, 
that the following extract from the pen of the late Judge Wilke- 
son should be recorded. It is to be found, with much other valu- 
able matter, in his " Early Recollections of the West." 

"In order to allay opposition, (to the excise law,) as far as pos- 
sible, General John Neville, a man of the most deserved popularity, 
was appointed inspector for Western Pennsylvania. He accepted 
the appointment from a sense of duty to his country. He was one 
of the few men of wealth who had put his all at hazard for inde- 
pendence. At his own expense, he raised and equipped a com- 
pany of soldiers, marched them to Boston, and placed them, with 
his son, under the command of General Washington. He was the 
father of Col, Pressly Neville, the brother-in-law of Major Kirk- 
patrick, and the father-in-law of Major Craig, both of them officers 
highly respected in the western country. Besides Gen. Neville's 
claims as a soldier and patriot, he had contributed greatly to 
relieve the sufferings of the settlers in his vicinity. He divided 
his last loaf with the needy; and in a season of more than ordi- 
nary scarcity, he opened his fields to those who were suffering with 
hunger. If any man could have executed this odious law, General 
Neville was that man." 

Among those who deserve to be remembered in connection with 
the whisky riots, is Alexander Addison, presiding judge of the 
court of common pleas of the fifth circuit of Pennsylvania. His 
charge to the grand jury of Allegheny county, at the December 
sessions in 1794, " on the late insurrection," is a calm, temperate, 
and yet manly appeal to the reason of the people, in support of the 
majesty of the law. The jury, however, did not, and probably 
dared not, respond to its views. He says : 

" The late insurrection in this country, from the numbers con- 
cerned in it, the manner in which it was conducted, the object it 
proposed to accomplish, the fatal effects which it produced, and 
the melancholy prospects which it exhibited, may be considered as 
the most alarming event that has occurred in America for many 
years. When authority has been encountered with tumult, and 
laws have been suspended by armed men, when the rage of some 
citizens has attacked the lives of other citizens, and destroyed their 



704 judge addison's charge and remarks. 1794. 

houses and property by fire, every man of a sober mind must be 
impressed with concern, and seriously consider to what these 
things tend. 

" We profess to admire liberty, and to respect the principles of 
a democratic republic, as the best source of government; and we 
consider our own government as founded on those principles. Will 
we be honest in our profession, and act on the principles which we 
admire ? The principles of a democracy are, that the whole people, 
either personally, or by their representatives, should have the power 
of making laws. But what law is it in which the whole people 
would concur ? So various are the faculties and the interests of 
men, that unanimity of many, in any measure, is seldom to be 
expected; of a whole people, almost never. If no law were to be 
made, therefore, till the whole people should assent to it, no law 
would almost ever be made. But as laws must be made, there is 
a necessity that the will of some of the people should be con- 
strained ; and reason requires that the greater number should bind 
the less. In our government, therefore, the will of the majority is 
equivalent to the will of the whole, and as such must be obeyed ; 
unless we will avow that we mean to change or destroy the prin- 
ciples of our government, by violence and terror, and abandoning 
reason, the principle of action in man, degrade ourselves to the 
rank of brutes. 

" To permit or assume a power in any particular part of a State, 
to defeat or evade a law, is to establish a principle that every part 
of a State may make laws for itself; or, in other words, that there 
shall be no law, no State, and no duty; but a complication of sepa- 
rate societies, acting each according to its pleasure. Those socie- 
ties will again be subdivided; for a majority, or the whole, of any 
society will have no authority to control any one refractory mem- 
ber. Each man in the State will be free from all law but his own 
will. Government and society are then destroyed; anarchy is 
established ; and the wicked and the strong, like savages and wild 
beasts, prey on the whole, and on one another. 

" I hold, therefore, that a forcible opposition to law, instead of 
favoring liberty, is the surest way to destroy it. Is, then, forcible 
resistance to law never justifiable ? Never ; if the law be consistent 
with the constitution. If a law be not contradictory to the prin- 
ciples of the constitution, however erroneous those principles be, it 
is entitled to obedience. If a law be bad, let those who dislike it 
apply, by petition to the legislature, for its repeal. If the legisla- 






1794. judge addison's charge and remarks. 705 

ture refuse, let the petitioners change their representatives. If a 
law be repugnant to the constitution, the constitution, being the 
paramount authority, silences the law and makes it void. 

" And considering the fraternal band which ties us together, and 
the source of our laws, from the appointment of the whole people ; 
ought we rashly to abandon a confidence that, as soon as a law is 
plainly proved, by experience, to be oppressive to us, our brethren 
will relieve us ? Would not we do so to others ? And have others 
less virtue than we ? 

" The late troubles exhibit an awful lesson, which it would be 
inexcusable to pass over without attention and improvement. 
During their existence the passions were too much excited, and 
the mind too little at leisure, to examine thoroughly their nature 
or effects ; and terror debarred the exercise of freedom of opinion 
and expression. But now, when the storm is over, it becomes our 
duty to look back on the past scenes, to contemplate the ruins it 
made, and speaking of the leading transactions freely and without 
disguise, to bestow some serious reflections on their nature and 
tendency. These reflections, while they afford us an opportunity 
of remarking how fatal to happiness is a resistance to lawful 
authority, will show us also how opposite to liberty anarchy is. 

" Some of the plainest dictates of personal liberty, if not its most 
essential principles, are, that every man be free to think, to speak, 
and to act, as his inclination and j udgment may lead him, provided 
he offend not against any law; that no man shall be tried or 
punished according to the arbitrary will of any individual, but 
according to the established forms and rules of the law ; and that 
the enjoyment of every man's property shall be secured to him, 
until he forfeit it by the sentence of the law, and that sentence be 
executed by the proper officer. With these maxims compare the 
effects of anarchy, as we have experienced it. Because the interest 
or inclination of some men led them to accept and execute certain 
offices, established by public authority, lawless bodies of men, 
assembled for the purpose of riot and violence, seized, insulted, 
and abused their persons, entered their houses by force, and de- 
stroyed both their houses and property by fire. If any thing can 
place such transactions in a more detestable light than at first 
sight they must appear, it may be this : that, if these things may 
be done for any cause, however good, there needs no more for their 
execution, for every cause, than that the party to execute them be 
of opinion that the cause is good. Let but a mob assemble, how- 
ever small it be, if sufficient to accomplish its purpose ; let them 



706 judge addison's charge and remarks. 1794. 

agree in opinion that such a man is dangerous, and, therefore, that 
his property ought to be destroyed; and it is instantly done. Let 
but one man hate another, and resolve to destroy him, he has only 
to assemble a few of similar sentiments, or over whom he has 
influence, they instantly pretend to be the people ; and the work 
of malice is accomplished, under the semblance of zeal for the 
public good. 

" They will do deeds which they never before intended, and 
from which, had they been suggested, they would have shrunk 
back with horror; and they will do them, from no motive, and to 
no end of interest to themselves or others, but merely from the 
rashness of the moment, a sally of wantonness, or an impulse of 
malice. Let us learn, therefore, to confine our conduct within the 
strict line of duty, and remember that the first transgression ren- 
ders easy every subsequent one, however enormous. 

" As, it seems, an opinion pretty generally prevailed, that riots 
in this case were proper, it appeared hard that those who engaged 
in them should sutler for their services in the public cause; and it 
seems to have been believed, that the best way to protect them was 
by multiplying the number of offenders, to make the punishment 
of any appear dangerous. Perhaps, here, one might find matter 
for questioning whether it be not desirable that wickedness should 
be accompanied with understanding; and whether folly be not the 
most mischievous of all qualities. 

" The danger of this country from Indian incursions had ren- 
dered it often necessary to assemble the militia, without waiting 
for the orders of government, which would come too late for the 
danger. From experience it was found that attack was the best 
defense. Hence, voluntary expeditions into the Indian country 
were frequently undertaken, and government, from a sense of their 
utility, afterward sanctioned them, by defraying their expenses. 
In this manner, it had become habitual with the militia of these counties 
to assemble at the call of their officers, without inquiring into the authority 
or object of the call. This habit, well known to the contrivers of the 
rendezvous at Braddock's field, rendered the execution of their 
plan an easy matter. They issued their orders to the officers of 
the militia, who assembled their men, accustomed to obey orders 
of this kind, given on the sudden, and without authority. The 
militia came together, without knowing from whom the orders 
originated, or for what purpose they met. And, when met, it was 
easy to communicate, from breast to breast, more or less of the 
popular frenzy, till all felt it, or found it prudent to dissemble and 



1794. judge addison's charge and remarks. 707 

feign that they felt it. This gave appearance, at least, of strength 
and unanimity to the insurrection, silenced the well disposed, and 
emboldened ruffians to proceed with audacity to subsequent out- 
rages, which there was no energy to restrain, nor force to punish. 

"But, gentlemen, the past cannot be recalled : let us only study 
to improve by it ; and strive to make some compensation, by our 
future conduct. For this purpose, let us suppress the first seeds 
of sedition and riot, before they grow up as before, to a strength 
not to be resisted. Let every witness of such things carry the 
offender before a magistate, that justice may be executed. And 
let every magistrate take heed, "that he bear not the sword in 
vain." To permit criminals to escape from punishment, is to en- 
courage crimes. Impunity begets offenses, as corruption begets 
maggots. A few examples of punishment of the late disorder, 
given among ourselves, in each county, will, perhaps, secure our 
peace, for many years, and prevent the existence of many crimes, 
and the necessity of many and severe punishments. 
- "To your particular and serious consideration, gentlemen, do I 
address these sentiments. You are the door, by which only, jus- 
tice may be come at. By you, a way may be opened to justice. 
By you, justice may be shut up. In your hands, the laws of your 
country have placed this authority; and for the exercise of it 
strictly, according to law and truth, you are bound by your oaths, 
and answerable to your God. You have no discretion to do as you 
please : your opinions must be governed by the laws ; your belief 
must be guided by testimony; and so you have sworn. It is not 
for you to determine whether it be expedient that punishment 
should be inflicted on any particular offender, but only whether it 
be true that any particular person is an offender. 

"I do, therefore, solemnly adjure you, to deal faithfully, and 
make true presentments, in all cases of any breach of the peace, 
or other offense, especially respecting the late troubles. This will 
be the true test of our integrity, and will determine how far gov- 
ernment ought to trust us with the management of ourselves. 
Whenever a bill is sent up to you, if it be proved true, I call upon 
you, as you regard your oaths, and the interest of your country to 
find it so. Where any offense is within the knowledge of any of 
you, I call upon you, by the same regard to your oaths and your 
country, that you present the facts to us, or give information of 
them to the prosecutor for the State, that he may draw up a bill, 
to be found on your knowledge. 

"Do your duty, gentlemen, and satisfy your own consciences. 



708 SETTLEMENT OF GALLIPOLIS. 1792. 

Present all offenders, whatever, to the justice of your country. 
This you are bound, by your oaths, to do. Whether those offend- 
ers shall be considered as proper objects of mercy, or of punish- 
ment, it is not for you to decide. That question lies with others ; 
and you cannot take it up, without violating your oaths, and pros- 
trating the principles of our laws and government." 

In May or June, 1788, Joel Barlow left this country for Europe, 
"authorized to dispose of a very large body of land" in the West 
In 1790, this gentleman distributed proposals in Paris, for the sale 
of lands at Rye shillings per acre, which promised, says Volney, "a 
climate healthy and delightful ; scarcely such a thing as frost in 
winter; a river, called, by way of eminence, 'The Beautiful,' 
abounding in fish of an enormous size ; magnificent forests of a 
tree from which sugar flows, and a shrub which yields candles; 
venison in abundance, without foxes, wolves, lions or tigers; no 
taxes to pay; no military enrollments; no quarters to find for 
soldiers. Purchasers became numerous, individuals and whole 
families disposed of their property; and in the course of 1791, some 
embarked at Havre, others at Bordeaux, Nantes, or Eochelle," each 
with his title deed in his pocket. 

Five hundred settlers, among whom were not a few carvers and 
gilders to his majesty, coachmakers, friseurs, and peruke makers, 
and other artisans and artistes, equally well fitted for a backwoods' 
life, arrived in the United States in 1791-92 ; and, acting without 
concert, traveling without knowledge of the language, customs or 
roads, they at last managed to reach the spot designated for their 
residence, after expending nearly or quite, the whole proceeds of 
their sales in France.* 

They reached the spot designated, but it was only to learn, that 
the persons whose title deeds they held, did not own one foot of 
land, and that they had parted with all their worldly goods merely 
to reach a wilderness, which they knew not how to cultivate, in the 
midst of a people, of whose speech and ways they knew nothing, 
and at the very moment when the Indians were carrying destruc- 
tion to every white man's hearth. 

Without food, without land, with little money, no experience, 
and with want and danger closing around them, they were in a posi- 
tion that none but Frenchmen could be in without despair. 



* Volney's view of the climate and soil of the United States, &c. The sugar-tree was 
the maple, and the wax-bearing myrtle, the shrub that yielded candles. 



1793. SUFFERINGS OF GALLIPOLIS SETTLERS. 709 

"Who brought them to this pass ? Volney says, the Scioto Com- 
pany, which had bought of the Ohio Company; Mr. Hall says in 
his letters from the West, a company who had obtained a grant 
from the United States; and, in his statistics of the "West, the 
Scioto company, which was formed from or by the Ohio company, 
as a subordinate. Barlow, he says, was sent to Europe by the 
Ohio Company ; and by them the lands in question were conveyed 
to the Scioto company. Kilbourn says, "the Scioto Land Com- 
pany, which intended to buy of Congress all the tract between the 
western boundary of the Ohio Company's purchase and the Scioto, 
directed the French settlers to Gallipolis, supposing it to be west 
of the Ohio Company's purchase, though it proved not to be." 
The Company, he says, failed to make their payments, and the 
whole proposed purchase remained with government.* 

The truth undoubtedly is, that those for whom Barlow acted, 
were the persons referred to by Dr. Cutler, who joined with the 
Ohio Company in their purchase to the extent of three and one- 
half millions of acres, among whom, he says, were many of the 
principal characters of America; and this is demonstrated by the 
fact, that Col. Duer, who applied to Dr. Cutler " to take in another 
company," as the agent of the Scioto Company did receive the 
French immigrants and send them to Gallipolis. 

These persons, however, never paid for their lands, and could 
give no title to the emigrants they had allured across the ocean. 
Their excuse was, that their agents had deceived them, but it was 
a plea good neither in morals or law. Who those agents were, 
and how far they were guilty, and how far the company was so, are 
points which seem to be still involved in doubt. 

But whatever doubt there may be as to the causes of the suffer- 
ing, there can be none as to the sufferers. The poor gilders and 
carvers and peruke makers, who had followed a jack-a-lan tern into 
the "howling wilderness," found that their lives depended upon their 
labor. They must clear the ground, build their houses, and till 
their fields. Now the spot upon which they had been located by 
the Scioto Company was covered in part with those immense syca- 
more trees, which are so frequent along the rivers of the West, and 
to remove which is no small undertaking even for the American 
woodsman. The coachmakers were wholly at a loss ; but at last, 
hoping to conquer by a coup-de-main, they tied ropes to the branches, 



* Kilbourn's Gazetteer, 1831. 



710 SUFFERINGS OF GALLIPOLIS SETTLERS. 1794. 

and while- one dozen pulled at them might and main, another 
dozen went at the trunk with axes, hatchets, and every variety of 
edged tool, and by dint of perseverance and cheerfulness, at length 
overcome the monster, though not without some hair-breadth 
escapes ; for when a mighty tree, that had been hacked on all sides, 
fell, it required a Frenchman's heels to avoid the sweep of the 
wide-spread branches. But when they had felled the last tree, they 
were little better off than before, for they could not move or burn 
it. At last a good idea came to their aid; and while some chopped 
off the limbs, others dug by the side of the trunk, a great grave, 
into which, with many a heave, they rolled their fallen enemy. 

Their houses they did not build in the usual straggling Ameri- 
can style, but made two rows or blocks of log cabins, each cabin 
being about sixteen feet square; while at one end was a larger 
room, which was used as a council-chamber and ball-room. 

In the way of cultivation they did little. The land was not 
theirs, and they had no motive to improve it; and, moreover, their 
coming was in the midst of the Indian war. Here and there a 
little vegetable garden was formed ; but their main supply of food 
they were forced to buy from boats on the river, by which means 
their remaining funds were sadly broken in upon. 

Five of their number were taken prisoners by the Indians ; food 
became scarce; in the fall, a marsh behind the town sent up miasm 
that produced fevers ; then winter came, and, despite of Mr. Barlow's 
promise, brought frost in plenty ; and, by and by, they heard from 
beyond seas of the carnage that was desolating the fire-sides they 
had left. Never were men in a more mournful situation ; but still, 
twice in the week, the whole colony came together, and to the 
sound of the violin danced oft* hunger and care. 

The savage scout that had been lurking all day in the thicket, 
listened to the strange music, and hastening to his fellows, told 
them, that the whites would be upon them, for he had seen them 
at their war-dance ; and the careful Connecticut man, as he guided 
his broadhorn in the shadow of the Virginia shore, wondered what 
mischief " the red varmint" were at next ; or, if he knew the sound 
of the fiddle, shook his head, as he thought of the whisky that 
must have been used to produce all that merriment. 

But French vivacity, though it could. work wonders, could not 
pay for land. Some of the Gallipolis settlers went to Detroit, 
others to Kaskaskia ; a few bought their lands of the Ohio Com- 
pany, who treated them with great liberality ; and in 1795, Congress, 
being informed of the circumstances, granted to the sufferers 



1790. LEGAL SURVEY OF VIRGINIA RESERVE LANDS. 711 

twenty-four thousand acres of land opposite Little Sandy river, to 
which, in 1798, twelve hundred acres more were added; which 
tract has since been known as French Grant. 

The influence of this settlement upon the State was unimpor- 
tant; but it forms a curious little episode in Ohio history, and 
affords a strange example of national character.* 

During this period, however, other settlements had been taking 
place in Ohio, which in their influence upon the destinies of the 
State were deeply felt ; — that of the Virginia Reserve, between the 
Scioto and Little Miami rivers, that of the Connecticut Reserve, 
and that of Dayton. 

In 1787, the reserved lands of the Old Dominion, north of the 
Ohio, were examined, and in August of that year entries were 
commenced. Against the validity of these entries, Congress, in 
1788, entered their protest. This protest, which was practically a 
prohibition of settlement, was withdrawn in 1790. As soon as 
this was done, it became an object to have surveys made in the 
reserved region, but as this was an undertaking of great danger, 
in consequence of the Indian wars, high prices in land or money 
had to be paid to the surveyors. 

The person who took the lead in this gainful but unsafe enter- 
prise was Nathaniel Massie, then twenty-seven years old. He had 
been for six years or more in the "West, and had prepared himself 
in Colonel Anderson's office for the details of his business. Thus 
prepared, in December, 1790, he entered into the following con- 
tract with certain persons therein named : 

"Articles of agreement between Nathaniel Massie, of one part, 
and the several persons that have hereunto subscribed, of the other 
part, witnesseth, that the subscribers hereof doth oblige themselves 
to settle in the town laid off, on the north-west side of the Ohio, 
opposite the lower part of the Two Islands ; and make said town, 
or the neighborhood, on the north-west side of the Ohio, their 
permanent seat of residence for two years from the date hereof; 
no subscriber shall absent himself more than two months at a time, 
and during such absence furnish a strong, able-bodied man suffi- 
cient to bear arms at least equal to himself; no subscriber shall 
absent himself the time above mentioned in case of actual danger, 
nor shall such absence be but once a year; no subscriber shall 



*See the communication of Mr. Meulette — Also American Pioneer, i. 94. 



712 CONNECTICUT SELLS HER LAND IN OHIO. 1795. 

absent himself in case of actual danger, or if absent shall return 
immediately. Each of the subscribers doth oblige themselves to 
comply with the rules and regulations that shall be agreed on by 
a majority thereof for the support of the settlement. 

"In consideration whereof, Nathaniel Massie doth bind and 
oblige himself, his heirs, &c, to make over and convey to such of 
the subscribers that comply with the above mentioned conditions, 
at the expiration of two years, a good and sufficient title unto one 
in-lot in said town, containing five poles in front and eleven back, 
one out-lot of four acres convenient to said town, in the bottom, 
which the said Massie is to put them in immediate possession of, 
also one hundred acres of land, which the said Massie has shown 
to a part of the subscribers ; the conveyance to be made to each of 
the subscribers, their heirs or assigns. 

"In witness whereof, each of the parties have hereunto set 
their hands and seals, this 1st day of December, 1790." 

The town thus laid off was situated some twelve miles above 
Maysville, and was called Manchester; it is still known to the 
voyager on the Ohio. From this point, Massie and his companions 
made surveying expeditions through the perilous years from 1791 
to 1796, but though often distressed and in danger, they were 
never wearied nor afraid ; and at length, with "Wayne's treaty all 
danger of importance was at an end.* 

Connecticut, as has been stated, had, in 1786 resigned her claims 
to western lands, with the exception of a reserved tract extending 
one hundred and twenty miles beyond Pennsylvania. Of this 
tract, so far as the Indian title was extinguished, a survey was 
ordered in October, 1786, and an office opened for its disposal ; 
part was sold, and in 1792, half a million of acres were given to 
those citizens of Connecticut, who had lost property by the acts 
of the British troops, during the Eevolutionary War, at New 
London, New Haven and elsewhere ; these lands are known as the 
"Firelands" and the "Sufferers' lands," and lie in the western 
part of the reserve. In May, 1795, the Legislature of Connecticut 
authorized a committee to take steps for the disposal of the remain- 
der of their western domain ; this committee made advertisement 
accordingly, and before autumn had disposed of it to fifty-six 
persons, forming the Connecticut Laud Company, for one million 
two hundred thousand dollars, and upon the 5th or 9th of Septem- 



* McDonald's Sketch of General Massie. 



1795. RAPID SETTLEMENT OF MIAMI VALLEY. 713 

ber, quit-claimed to the purchasers the whole title of the State, 
territorial and juridical. 

These purchasers, on the same day, conveyed the three millions 
of acres transferred to them by the State, to John Morgan, John 
Caldwell, and Jonathan Brace, in trust; and upon the quit-claim 
deeds of those trustees, the titles to all real estate in the Western 
Reserve, of necessity, rest. Surveys were commenced in 1796, and 
by the close of 1797, all the lands east of the Cuyahoga were divi- 
ded into townships five miles square. The agent of the Connecti- 
cut Land Company was General Moses Cleveland, and in honor of 
him the leading city on the Reserve, in 1796, received its name. 
That township and five others were retained for private sale, and 
the remainder were disposed of by a lottery, the first drawing in 
which took place in February, 1798. 

"Wayne's treaty also led at once to the foundation of Dayton, and 
the peopling of that fertile region. The original proposition by 
Symmes had been for the purchase of two millions of acres between 
the Miamies; this was changed very shortly to a contract for one 
million, extending from the Great Miami eastwardly twenty miles ; 
but the contractor being unable to pay for all he wished, in 1792, 
a patent was issued for 248,540 acres. 

But although his tract was by contract limited toward the east, 
and greatly curtailed in its extent toward the north, by his failure 
to pay the whole amount due, Judge Symmes had not hesitated to 
sell lands lying between the eastern boundary of his purchase and 
the Little Miami, and even after his patent issued continued to 
dispose of an imaginary right in those north of the quantity pat- 
ented. The first irregularity, the sale of lands along the Little 
Miamf, was cured by the act of Congress in 1792, which authori- 
zed the extension of his purchase from one river to the other; but 
the sales of territory north of the tract transferred to him by Con- 
gress, were so entirely unauthorized in the view of the govern- 
ment, that in 1796 it refused to recognize them as valid, and those 
who had become purchasers beyond the patent line, were at the 
mercy of the federal rulers, until an act was procured in their favor 
in 1799, by which pre-emption rights were secured to them. 

Among those who were thus left in suspense during three years, 
were the settlers throughout the region of which Dayton forms 
the centre. 

Seventeen days after Wayne's treaty, St. Clair, Wilkinson, Jona- 
than Dayton, and Israel Ludlow contracted with Symmes for the 
46 



714 PROCEEDINGS OF LAND COMPANIES. 1795. 

seventh and eighth ranges, between Mad river and the Little 
Miami. Three settlements were to be made, one at the mouth of 
Mad river, one on the Little Miami, in the seventh range, and 
another on the Mad river. 

On the 21st of September, 1795, Daniel C. Cooper started to 
survey and mark out a road in the purchase, and John Dunlap to 
run its boundaries, which was done before the 4th of October. 
Upon the 4th of November, Mr. Ludlow laid off the town of Bay-. 
ton, which was disposed of by lottery. 

From 1790 to 1795, the Governor and Judges of the North- West 
Territory published sixty-four statutes. Thirty-four of these were 
adopted at Cincinnati, during June, July and August of the last 
named year, and were intended to form a pretty complete body of 
statutory provisions ; they are known as the Maxwell Code, from 
the name of the publisher, but were passed by Governor St. Clair 
and Judges Symmes and Turner. 

Among them was that which provided that the common law of 
England, and all statutes in aid thereof, made previous to the 
fourth year of James I, should be in full force within the territory. 

Of the system, as a whole, Mr. Chase says that, with many im- 
perfections, " it may be doubted whether any colony, at so early a 
period after its first establishment, ever had one so good." 

Just after the conclusion of Wayne's treaty, a speculation in 
Michigan, of the most gigantic kind, was undertaken by certain 
astute New Englanders, named Robert Randall, Charles Whitney, 
Israel Jones, Ebenezer Allen, &c, who, in connection with various 
persons in and about Detroit, proposed to buy of the Indians 
eighteen or twenty million acres, lying on Lakes Erie, Huron and 
Michigan, the pre-emption right of which they hoped to obtain 
from the United States, by giving members of Congress an interest 
in the investment. 

Some of the members who were approached, however, revealed 
the plan, and Randall, the principal conspirator, having been rep- 
rimanded, the whole speculation disappeared. 

Another enterprise, equally gigantic, but far less objectionable, 
dates from the 20th of February, 1795, to wit, the North American 
Land Company, which was formed in Philadelphia, under the 
management of Robert Morris, John Nicholson and James Green- 
leaf. This company owned vast tracts in various States, which, 
under an agreement bearing date as above, were offered to the 
public. 



PERIOD VI. 

1796—1811. 

m 

Before the close of the year 1795, the Union had safely passed 
through the first great crisis in its history. At its formation 
it was embarrassed with debt ; it was embroiled in difficulties with 
England, Spain and France; its first years were occupied in prose- 
cuting a harassing war with the Indian tribes, and in quelling the 
spirit of insubordination to its authority among its own citizens. 
But these difficulties were now overcome by the wisdom and pru- 
dence of the first chief Executive, and by the devotion and fidelity 
of the men to whom the administration of the new government 
was committed ; and all the questions at issue with foreign powers, 
and all the embarrassments that threatened the safety of the coun- 
try at home, were met and settled by them in a way that neither 
compromised the national honor, nor sacrificed the national 
interest. 

The new government inherited from the confederation a difficulty 
with Great Britain, which in the end threatened to involve the two 
nations in another war, and to dismember the North- West from 
the Union, by the means of a protectorate over the Indian tribes ; 
but the vigor and prudence of the government secured a treaty by 
which all its rights were maintained, and the integrity of its territory 
guaranteed. It inherited a difficulty with Spain, which that power 
sought, through the venality of their politicians, to separate the ter- 
ritories of the South- West from the Union, and to extend its power 
to the Alleghenies; but the schemes of the conspirators against the 
integrity of their country were disconcerted, and Spain was com- 
pelled to surrender the control of the Mississippi, through which 
only they and she hoped for the realization of the objects of their 
tortuous policy. It encountered and defeated the attempt of the 
agents of the French Republic to seduce the people of the country 
into opposition to their government, to ally themselves with the 
radical republicans of France, and to plunge the nation into the 
vortex of the European war. It was called to meet the combined 
hostility of all the tribes of the North- West, and it succeeded, after 
great expenditures and great sacrifices, in destroying their power, 



716 RAPID SETTLEMENT OF NORTH-WEST TERRITORY. 1796. 

and in extending the authority of the nation over them and their 
country. It was met with great opposition in all its measures by 
the disaffected portion of its own citizens — an opposition so bitter 
as to break out in open insurrection against the execution of its 
laws — but it overcame that opposition, and quelled that revolt, 
without the shedding of blood, or without such exercise of its 
authority as would alienate and embitter any portion of the 
people. * 

While the administration of Washington was thus successful in 
averting the dangers that beset the new government, at home and 
abroad, the beneficial effects of its policy were especially felt in the 
West. The successful close of the Indian war, and the treaty of 
Greenville especially, were hailed with joy everywhere along the 
frontier. All the population of the West had participated in the 
dangers and privations of the war, and they were all now ready to 
enjoy the quiet and security of the peace. The great and fertile 
region north-west of the Ohio was now open to the enterprise of 
the pioneer population of the West; the danger of Indian hostility 
was at an end ; and an emigration began immediately to find its 
way to the valleys of the Miamies, the Scioto, and the Muskingum, 
so considerable that the population of the North-West, before the 
close of the year 1796, was estimated at five thousand. 

Western Pennsylvania, too, experienced the beneficial results of 
the cessation of hostilities with the Indian^, and the suppression of 
the insubordinate spirit of a portion of its people. Settlers began 
to come from the east to extend its settlements, and to fill up its 
towns. The region east and south of the Ohio and Allegheny • 
began at once to receive a large accession of population, and, it is 
said, at the close of the year 1795, Pittsburgh contained a popula- 
tion of fourteen hundred souls. 

The region north and west of the Allegheny and the Ohio was, 
at the close of the Indian war, mainly a wilderness, with here and 
there only an isolated settlement or a solitary cabin. Several small 
forts and block houses were built in that region through the period 
of the Revolutionary and Indian wars. 

A fort was built on the site of the old village of Kittanning, 
known also by the name of Appleby's fort, by the government, in 
1776. 

In 1791, Captain Orr built a block house near the site of Taren- 
tum, on the west side of the Allegheny river. 

In 1787, a fort named Franklin was built near the mouth of 
French creek, about a mile above the site of the old French fort, 



1796. CONDITION OF NORTH-WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 717 

Venango, by a detachment of United States troops from Fort Pitt, 
under the command of Captain Hart. 

In 1794, a block house was built near the site of the old French 
fort, Le Bceuf, by Major Denny, then in command of an expedition 
to Presqu' Isle, as the means of cutting off the communication of 
the Six Nations with the Western Indians. 

With the same object, in 1795, under the direction of General 
Irvine, two block houses were built at Presqu' Isle, and a small 
garrison was maintained there for a time for the protection of the 
surveyors engaged in ascertaining and locating the donation lands 
in that region of the State. 

Around these points, and at others along the Allegheny, hardy 
and adventurous settlers had gathered as early as 1790, and, after 
the passage of the land law of 1792. many settlers passed over into 
that region, but the continuance of Indian hostilities drove the 
greater number of them from their claims. And it was from this cir- 
cumstance, combined with the unwise and injudicious legislation 
of the State at that period, that those difficulties arose in regard to 
the titles to the lands in North- Western Pennsylvania, that so long 
impeded, and still to a limited extent affects its prosperity. 

It may be proper here, then, to make reference to the land laws 
of North- Western Pennsylvania, and the influence they exerted on 
the settlement of that region.* 

The title to all the lands within the limits of Pennsylvania was 
vested in William Penn, and his heirs, by the terms of the 
royal charter of Charles II, on the 4th of March, 1681. The title 
conveyed in that charter, however, to Penn, did not justify him in 
disregarding the prior rights of the aboriginal inhabitants, and, in 
a spirit of justice that contrasts nobly w T ith the policy pursued by 
his contemporaries, " he established a rule in his province that 
no lands should be occupied by his people, until they were first 
purchased from the Indians." In accordance with this wise and 
just policy, between the years 1682 and 1736, twenty different pur- 
chases, of greater or less extent, were made, by the proprietor or 
his successors, of the Indian lands east of the mountains, on terms 
which were regarded as mutually satisfactory. 
* In 1737, a release to the proprietaries was signed by certain 
Delaware chiefs, on the basis of a deed said to have been made in 
1686, for certain lands, a part of the boundaries of which was de- 



* In relation to this subject see Smith's Laws of Pennsylvania, vol. ii. p. 105, Note. 



718 PURCHASES OP THE PROPRIETARIES, 1796. 

scribed as " extending westward to Eeshamony creek, from which 
said line doth extend itself back into the woods, as far as a man 
can go in a day and a half." The walk was performed, and ex- 
tended, it is said, about thirty miles beyond the Lehigh hills, and 
over the Kittatinny mountains. The Indians were greatly dis- 
satisfied with the extent of the purchase as thus measured, com- 
plained that the white men ran instead of walking, that they 
intended the line should have been measured up the creek, by its 
several courses, and thus the "Walking Purchase," as it was 
called, became one of the chief grievances that alienated the feel- 
ings of the Delawares, and induced them to join the French in the 
war of 1754. 

In 1749, the chiefs of the Six Nations, the Belawares and the 
Shawanese signed another deed, confirming the sale previously 
made, of the lands east of the Susquehanna, as far up that river to 
the mouth of Cantaguy creek, and bounded on the north by a line 
drawn from thence to the Delaware at the mouth of Lechawaehsein 
creek, and thence down that river to Kittatinny hills. 

At the treaty of Albany, in 1754, the chiefs of the Six Nations 
made to the proprietaries a deed, conveying their title to all the 
lands bounded by a line drawn " from the Kittatinny hills, up the 
Susquehanna river, to a point one mile above the mouth of Kaya- 
rondinhagh creek, thence north-west and by west as far as the said 
province of Pennsylvania extends, to its western boundary; thence 
along the said western line to the south line or boundary of the 
said province ; thence by the said line or boundary to the south side 
of the said Kittatinny hills, and thence along the south side of said 
hills to the place of beginning." This purchase included nearly 
the whole of the Indian lands in Pennsylvania: it was made with- 
out regard to the rights of the other tribes, and in consequence it 
became the immediate occasion for the Indian war of that period. 
In order, therefore, to allay their hostility, on the representations of 
the home government, the proprietaries released to them in 1758, 
all the lands included within the purchase, west of a line drawn 
along the east side of the Allegheny mountains. 

The last purchase of the proprietaries was made at Port Stanwix, 
in 1768. It comprehended all the lands included within " a line 
drawn from Owegy, on the east branch of the Susquehanna, thence 
to Towanda, thence up the same and across to the head of Pine 
creek, and down the same to Kittanning, and from Kittanning 
down the Allegheny and Ohio rivers to the south line of the pro- 
vince, and thence by the said line to the Allegheny mountains, and 



1796. THE DIVESTING ACT. 719 

up the same across the Susquehanna to the Delaware, and thence 
by the Lechawachsein creek and a line to the place of beginning." 

In the conviction that the Revolutionary contest would result in 
the independence of the colonies, and in the belief that the posses- 
sion of so large a domain by the Penn family would endanger the 
peace and liberty of the Commonwealth, the legislature of Penn- 
sylvania passed an act on the 28th of June, 1779, vesting the estates 
of the proprietaries in the commonwealth, for the use and benefit 
of all its citizens. To the proprietaries were reserved their private 
estates, and all manors surveyed before the declaration of indepen- 
dence, and, in lieu of their proprietary claim, a compensation of 
one hundred and thirty thousand pounds sterling was granted to 
them. The rights of all third parties, derived from them before 
the 4th of July, 1776, were confirmed. The vacant lands belong- 
ing to the proprietaries within the limits of all the previous pur- 
chases, were constituted a fund for defraying the expenses of the 
war, paying the compensation granted to the proprietaries, reward- 
ing the officers and soldiers of the State, and in providing for the 
public expenses. 

In October, 1784, a treaty was made with the Six Nations, at Fort 
Stanwix, at which all their title was extinguished to the lands in- 
cluded within the following boundaries: "Beginning at the south 
side of the Ohio river, where the western boundary of the State of 
Pennsylvania crosses the said river, near Shingho's old town at the 
mouth of Beaver creek, and thence by a due north line to the end of 
the forty-second, and the beginning of the forty-third degrees of 
north latitude ; thence by a due east line, separating the forty-second 
and forty-third degrees of north latitude, to the east side of the east 
branch of the river Susquehanna, and thence by the bounds of 
the purchase of 1768 to the place of beginning. 

And in January, 1785, at a treaty held at Fort M'Intosh, with 
the chiefs of the Delawares and the Wyandots, a purchase was 
made from them of all the title of those tribes to the lands included 
in the same boundaries. 

Thus, in a period of one hundred and two years, the title of the 
Indians to all the lands within the limits of the State of Pennsyl- 
vania was extinguished, and the commonwealth became possessed 
of the ownership of all the vacant lands within the State. A few 
years later the bounds of the State, and, by consequence, the extent 
of its vacant lands, were still further increased by the purchase of 
what was then and is still known as the Triangle. 

It has been seen that the cessions of New York, in 1781, and of 



720 PURCHASE OF THE TRIANGLE. 1796. 

Massachusetts, in 1785, comprehended a release of all their respec- 
tive claims to the lands lying west of a north and south line drawn 
through the most western bent or inclination of Lake Ontario, pro- 
vided that line should be found to run through a point twenty 
miles west of the most westerly bent or inclination of the Niagara 
river. The cession of Connecticut, too, in 1786, comprehended a 
release of all the claims of that State to the lands in the "West, ex- 
cept a reservation known as the Western Reserve, extending west- 
ward one hundred and twenty miles from the western boundary of 
Pennsylvania. There, therefore, remained a tract of land of trian- 
gular form, containing an area of two hundred and two thousand 
one hundred and eighty-seven acres, lying west of the boundary of 
New York, north of the charter boundary of Pennsylvania, and 
east of the Connecticut Reserve, that was thus out of the jurisdic- 
tion of any of the surrounding States, and still remaining in the 
possession of the Indians. 

General Irvine discovered, while surveying the donation lands of 
North-Western Pennsylvania, that the northern boundary of that 
State would strike Lake Erie so as to leave but a few miles of lake 
coast without a harbor within the State ; and, in consequence, 
through his representations, a movement was set on foot to secure 
from the Indians, and from the United States, the cession of the 
Triangle, in order to secure to Pennsylvania the possession of the 
harbor of Presqu' Isle. Accordingly, the board of treasury was in- 
duced to make, on the 6th of June, a contract of the sale to the State 
of Pennsylvania, of the tract described as " bounded on the east by 
New York, on the south by Pennsylvania, on the north and west 
by Lake Erie." And on the 4th of September, 1788, it was re- 
solved by Congress, "That the United States do relinquish and 
transfer to Pennsylvania, all their right, title, and claim to the gov- 
ernment and jurisdiction of said land forever, and it is declared and 
made known, that the laws and public acts of Pennsylvania shall 
extend over every part of the said tract, as if the said tract had 
originally been within the charter bounds of said State." And by 
an act of the 2d of October, 1788, the sum of twelve hundred 
pounds was appropriated to purchase the Indian title to the tract, 
in fulfillment of the contract to sell it to Pennsylvania. % 

At the treaty of Fort Harmar, on the 9th of January, 1789, Corn- 
planter, and other chiefs of the Six Nations, signed a deed, in con- 
sideration of the sum of twelve hundred pounds, acknowledging 
"the right of soil and jurisdiction to and over that tract of coun- 
try bounded on the south by the north line of Pennsylvania, on the 



1796. THE DEPRECIATION LANDS. 721 

east by the west boundary of New York, and on the north by the 
margin of Lake Erie, including Presqu' Isle and all the bays and 
harbors along the margin of said Lake Erie, from the west boun- 
dary of Pennsylvania to where the west boundary of New York 
may intersect the south margin of the said Lake Erie, to be vested 
in-the said State of Pennsylvania, agreeably to the act of Congress 
of the 6th of July, 1788." By an act of the 13th of April, 1791, 
the governor of Pennsylvania was authorized to complete the con- 
tract with the United States, which was done on the 3d of March, 
1792, and the Triangle was finally conveyed to the State of Penn- 
sylvania, for the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand, six hun- 
dred and forty dollars, and twenty-five cents. 

Preliminary steps, however, were taken by the commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania, for disposing of the lands north and west of the 
Allegheny and Ohio rivers, before the title to that region was se- 
cured from the aboriginal owners. 

During the Eevolution, and especially between the years 1777 
and 1781, the value of the bills of credit issued by the State of 
Pennsylvania, as well as those issued by the Continental Congress, 
continued gradually to depreciate until they fell to a mere nominal 
value. Great losses were, in consequence, sustained by the holders 
of these certificates, especially by the officers and soldiers of the 
State troops, who received them in payment of their services, and 
incessant disputes arose in relation to the deductions to be made 
from the face of the bills. To remedy this inconvenience, the 
legislature, by the act of the 3d of April, 1781, fixed a scale of de- 
preciation, varying from one and a half to seventy -five per cent., 
for each month between the years 1777 and 1781, according to 
which the accounts of the army should be settled. The State, 
otherwise unable to pay the officers and soldiers of the State 
establishment, gave to them certificates in conformity with the pre- 
scribed scale, and these, which were called depreciation certificates, 
were made receivable in payment for lands sold by the State. 

In order to provide for the redemption of these depreciation cer- 
tificates, it was enacted by a law of the 12th of March, 1783, " that 
for the more speedy and effectual complying with the intention of 
the law aforesaid, there be, and hereby is, located and laid off a 
certain tract of land, as follows: Beginning where the western 
boundary of this State crosses the Ohio river, thence up the said 
river to Fort Pitt, thence up the Allegheny river to the mouth of 
Mogulbughtiton (Mahoning) creek, thence by a west line to the 
western boundary of this State, thence south by the said boundary 



722 THE DONATION LANDS. 1796. 

to the place of beginning, reserving to the use of the State three 
thousand acres, in an oblong of not less than one mile in depth 
from the Allegheny and Ohio rivers, and extending up and down 
the said rivers, from opposite Fort Pitt, as far as may be necessary 
to include the same ; and the further quantity of three thousand 
acres on the Ohio, and on both sides of Beaver creek, including 
Fort Mcintosh, all which remaining tract of land as aforesaid is 
hereby appropriated as a further fund for the purpose of redeem- 
ing the certificates aforesaid ; that is to say, the surveyor-general 
of this State shall, according to such directions as may be given 
him by the Supreme Executive Council, cause the aforesaid tract 
of land to be laid out in lots of not less than two hundred, and not 
more than three hundred and fifty acres each, numbering the same 
lots numerically on the draught or plot of the country aforesaid, 
and shall, as soon as the same, or one hundred lots thereof, are 
surveyed, together with the secretary of the land office, and the 
receiver-general, proceed to sell the same lots in numerical order, 
at such times and places, and under such regulations as shall be 
appointed by the Supreme Executive Council ; the full considera- 
tion bid at such sales shall be paid into the receiver-general's office, 
either in gold or silver, or in the certificates aforesaid, upon full 
payment of which consideration, and the expense of surveying, 
together with all fees of the different offices, patents shall be issued 
in the usual form to the several buyers or vendees, and the different 
sums in specie, that may be paid into the receiver-general's office, 
shall be paid over by him to the treasury of this State, for the pur- 
pose of redeeming such certificates as may remain unsatisfied at 
the end of such sales." 

By an act of the 7th of March, 1780, the faith of the State was 
pledged to the officers and privates belonging to the State in the 
Federal army, to bestow upon them " certain donations and quan- 
tities of land, according to their several ranks ; to be surveyed and 
divided off to them, severally, at the end of the war." 

By the act of the 12th of March, 1783, it was ordained " That, 
for the purpose of effectually complying with the letter and inten- 
tion of the said resolve, there be, and there is hereby declared to 
be located and laid off a certain tract of country, beginning at the 
mouth of Mogulbughtiton creek ; thence up the Allegheny river 
to the mouth of Cagnawaga (Conewango) creek; thence due north 
to the northern boundary of this State ; thence west, by the said 
boundary, to the north-west corner of the State; thence south, by 
the western boundary of the State, to the north-west corner of 



1796. THE DONATION LANDS. 723 

lands appropriated by this act for discharging the certificates 
herein mentioned ; and thence by the same lands east to the place 
of beginning; which said tract of country shall be reserved and set 
apart for the only and sole use of fulfilling and carrying into exe- 
cution the said resolve." 

And it was further ordained, " That all officers and private men 
entitled to land as aforesaid, shall, and they are hereby directed to 
make their respective applications for the same within two years 
after peace shall be declared, and in the case of their failure to 
make such application, in person, or in that of their legal repre- 
sentatives within one year of their decease, then it may be lawful 
for any person or persons whatever, to apply to the land-office, 
locate and take up such parts or parcels of said lands, upon such 
terms as the Legislature shall hereafter direct, as may remain unlo- 
cated by the said officers, non-commissioned officers, and private 
men, their heirs, executors, and administrators." 

By the act of the 24th of March, 1785, it was provided that the 
donation lands should " be laid off in lots of four descriptions, one 
to contain five hundred acres each; another, three hundred acres 
each ; another, two hundred and fifty acres each; and another, two 
hundred acres each, with the usual allowances; that a quantity 
equal to what may be necessary for the major-generals, brigadier- 
generals, colonels, captains, and two-thirds of the lieutenant-colo- 
nels, shall be laid off into lots of five hundred acres ; a quantity 
equal to what may be necessary for the regimental surgeons and 
mates, also for the chaplains, majors, and ensigns, into lots of three 
hundred acres each; a quantity equal to what maybe necessary for 
one-third of the lieutenant-colonels, and for the sergeants, sergeant- 
majors, and quartermaster-sergeants, into lots of two hundred and 
fifty acres ; and a quantity equal to what may be necessary for the 
lieutenants, corporals, drummers, fifers, drum-majors, fife-majors, 
and privates, into lots of two hundred acres each." 

And for the impartial distribution of these donations, a lottery 
was provided at which "each applicant, if a major-general, should 
draw four tickets from the wheel containing the numbers on the five 
hundred acre lots; if a brigadier-general, three tickets from said 
wheel ; if a colonel, two tickets from said wheel ; if a lieutenant- 
colonel, one from said wheel, and one from the wheel containing 
the numbers on the two hundred and fifty acre lots ; if a surgeon, 
chaplain, or major, two tickets from the wheel containing the num- 
bers on the three hundred acre lots ; if a captain, one ticket from 
the wheel containing the numbers on the five hundred acre lots ; 



724 THE SETTLEMENT ACT. 1796. 

if a lieutenant, two tickets from the wheel containing the num- 
bers on the two hundred acre lots; if an ensign, or regimental 
surgeon's mate, one ticket from the wheel containing the num- 
bers on the three hundred acre lots; if a sergeant, sergeant-major, 
or quarter-master sergeant, one ticket from the wheel containing 
the numbers on the two hundred and fifty acre lots ; and if a drum- 
major, fife-major, drummer, fifer, corporal, or private sentinel, 
one ticket from the wheel containing the numbers on the two hun- 
dred acre lots." 

Under the law of 1785, an agent was to be appointed whose duty 
it was to explore the donation and depreciation districts, to exam- 
ine the quantity of the lands, and especially to report such as in his 
opinion were unfit for cultivation. General Irvine received the 
appointment, explored the country, and reported that a part of the 
second division of the donation lands was generally unfit for culti- 
vation ; and in consequence, the lots included in it were withdrawn 
from the lottery, and from this circumstance, it received the name 
of the "Struck District." 

The lands within the "Triangle," and the " Struck District," as 
well as all the residue of the lands within the donation and depre- 
ciation districts, including the greater portion of them not taken 
up by the claims of the officers and soldiers of the army, were 
offered for sale under the act of the 3d of April, 1792. That act 
provided that all the lands north and west of the Allegheny river, 
and Conewango creek, not heretofore reserved for public or char- 
itable uses, should be offered for sale to persons who would culti- 
vate, improve and settle them at the rate of seven pounds and ten 
shillings per hundred acres, with an allowance of six per cent, for 
highways. For such as had made actual settlements, it was provi- 
ded that warrants should be issued for tracts of not more than four 
hundred acres to each settler. But by the ninth section, it was 
provided, " That no warrant or survey to be issued or made in 
pursuance of this act, for lands lying north and west of the rivers 
Ohio and Allegheny and Conewango creek, shall vest any title in or 
to the lands therein mentioned, unless the grantee has, prior to the 
date of such warrant, made, or caused to be made, or shall, within 
the space of two years, next after the date of the same, make, or 
cause to be made, an actual settlement thereon, by clearing, fen- 
cing, and cultivating at least two acres for every hundred acres 
contained in one survey, erecting thereon a messuage for the habi- 
tation of man, and residing, or causing a family to reside thereon, 
for the space of five years next following his first settling of the 



1796. THE PENNSYLVANIA POPULATION COMPANY. 725 

same, if lie or she shall so long live, and that in default of such 
actual settlement and residence, it shall, and may be lawful to and 
for this commonwealth to issue new warrants to other actual set- 
tlers for the said lands, or any part thereof, reciting the original 
warrants, and that actual settlements and residence have not been 
made in pursuance thereof, and so often as defaults shall be made 
for the time and in the manner aforesaid, which new grants shall 
be made under and subject to all and every the regulations contained 
in this act: provided always, nevertheless, that if any such actual 
settler or any grantee, in any such original or succeeding warrant, 
shall, by force of arms of the enemies of the United States, be 
prevented from such actual settlement or be driven therefrom, and 
shall persist in his endeavors to make such actual settlement as 
aforesaid, then, in either case, he and his heirs shall be entitled to 
hold the said lands in the same manner as if the actual settlement 
had been made and continued." 

Under the provisions of this act, very many adventurous settlers 
passed over the Allegheny, located themselves at different points 
within the limits of the territory now opened for settlement, com- 
menced improvements, and applied for warrants. But the hostilities 
of the Indians prevented, almost universally, their complying with 
the legal terms of the settlement, necessary to complete their titles. 
They w r ere compelled to abandon their improvements, and retire 
beyond the river; and thus exceedingly perplexing questions arose 
in regard to the true ownership of the lands they had claimed. 

The difficulties that thus arose in regard to the titles of the 
settlers to their claims, were greatly enhanced by the operations of 
certain land companies that were organized with a view of specu- 
lating in the lands of that region. The most prominent of these 
were the North American Land Company, the Pennsylvania Popu- 
lation Company, and the Holland Land Company. 

The North American Land Company has already been referred 
to. Soon after the passage of the act of 1792, John Nicholson, 
who was previously interested in the North American Company, 
applied at the land office for three hundred and ninety warrants, 
to be located in the Triangle, and for two hundred and fifty warrants, 
to be located on the waters of Beaver creek — representing, in all, 
about two hundred and sixty thousand acres. Before, however, 
completing his purchase, the Pennsylvania Population Company 
was formed, of which he was made President, and Messrs. Caze- 
nove, Irvine, Mead, Leet, Hoge and Stewart, Managers. The capi- 
tal stock of the company consisted of two thousand five hundred 



726 THE HOLLAND LAND COMPANY. 1796. 

shares, which was laid out in the purchase of five hundred thou- 
sand acres of land. To this company Mcholson transferred his 
claims, and they perfected the purchase hy paying the legal price 
for them. In addition, they purchased five hundred more warrants 
for lands in the donation district. The terms of their purchases 
were of course those provided in the law — the payment of seven 
pounds ten shillings per hundred acres, and the making, or causing 
to he made, of a legal settlement on each tract covered by a war- 
rant. In order to induce emigrants to settle on their lands, the 
company proposed to grant, in fee simple, to every settler, one 
hundred and fifty acres of land, if he should comply with the 
requisitions of the law imposed upon them ; and in that way it was 
designed that the occupant should secure his land, together with 
his improvements, and the company should secure two hundred and 
fifty acres through him. But the fact that each actual settler could 
secure for himself, by the payment of the stipulated purchase 
money, a tract of four hundred acres, under the law, prevented 
in a great measure the success of the company's scheme of 
monopoly. Settlers generally, indeed, located themselves on lands 
covered by their own warrants, though, in some cases, these in- 
fringed upon the lands of the company. In consequence, suits of 
ejectment were instituted against those who had encroached upon 
the lands to which the company had an incomplete title, and this 
state of things became a fruitful source of litigation for many 
years. 

A far more fruitful source of litigation, however, arose from the 
conflicting constructions placed upon the ninth section of the act 
of 1792, in the long litigation that grew out of the "Holland Land 
Case." The Holland Land Company consisted of "William Willink 
and eleven associates, capitalists of Holland, who had lent a large 
sum of money to the United States during the Revolution. Prefer- 
ring to keep their money invested in the United States, they pur- 
chased large tracts of land in New York and Pennsylvania. After 
the passage of the law of 1792, they commenced to buy warrants^ 
and to locate settlers west of the Allegheny river, on similar terms 
to those of the Population Company, conceding, however, only one 
hundred acres to each settler on their lands. 

In the course of their operations they paid the purchase money 
for one thousand one hundred and sixty-two warrants, and sur- 
veyed one thousand and forty-eight more tracts for location. But 
in consequence of the Indian war, the settlers that had located 
on their lands were prevented from making the improvements 



1796. THE HOLLAND LAND CASE. 727 

required by law within the prescribed two years after the date of 
their warrants. In consequence, a question arose whether the 
company had failed to complete their titles to their lands. On 
the one hand it was claimed, that the conditions of settlement were 
rendered impossible by the enemies of the United States, and, 
therefore, it was not necessary to do any thing more in order to 
perfect the titles to all lands on which warrants were actually laid. 
On the other it was insisted, that the right to those lands was for- 
feited by the neglect of the company to persist in their endeavors 
to maintain their settlements. 

The board of property before 1800, inclined to the former of 
these constructions of the law, and devised a prevention certificate 
which the warrant-holder might present at the land office, setting 
forth that he had been prevented by the enemies of the United 
States from making the settlement of his lands prescribed in the 
law, upon which he was entitled to his patent ; and the Holland 
company received many patents for their lands under these pre- 
vention certificates. The new board of property in 1800, placed a 
different construction upon the law, and refused the issue of any 
more patents on prevention certificates. The Holland Company, 
thus refused patents on these certificates, applied to the Supreme 
Court of the State for a mandamus, to compel the board of pro- 
perty to complete their titles. The cause was heard at the March 
term of 1800. The chief justice held, that the war discharged the 
company from the condition of settlement, and, therefore, their 
patents were due them. Two other judges held, that under the 
law the settler was bound to continuously persevere in his efforts 
to make a settlement, and, as the Holland Company through their 
settlers had not done so, their titles were forfeited; and thus the 
application of the company was refused. 

The decision of the Supreme Court made under these circum- 
stances, instead of calming, greatly increased the excitement in the 
country, and indeed throughout the State powerful interests were 
arrayed on each side of the question. On the one part the land 
companies, the settlers who had been employed to occupy their 
lands, and a large body of emigrants who had passed into the dis- 
puted region and made locations for themselves during the war, 
were claiming that the state of the country had, within the mean- 
ing of the law, prevented the completion of their several settle- 
ments, and were seeking every legal means to enforce and defend 
their claims to their land. On the other, a large body of emigrants 
were passing into the country, especially since the decision of the 



728 THE HOLLAND LAND CASE. 1796. 

Supreme Court, occupying the disputed lands, and applying for new 
warrants for them, on the ground that all former titles were annul- 
led by the default of their holders. 

To prevent the confusion thus about to arise, the Legislature, by 
an act of the 2d of April, 1802, provided for the hearing of an 
agreed case, before the Supreme Court, involving, as it was sup- 
posed, all the points in controversy. The court met at Sunbury, 
in 1802, and decided that though the prevention by the enemies of 
the United States suspended, it did not dispense with the condi- 
tions of settlement, and therefore each settler, to perfect his title, 
was bound to renew his endeavors to maintain a settlement on his 
land as soon as the danger was removed. If so, his warrant was 
good ; if not, it was forfeited. The Holland Company declined to 
abide by the decision of the court, and commenced proceedings in 
the United States Courts. The case was first argued in the United 
States Circuit Court ; the judges disagreed in their constructions of 
the law, and the case was removed to the Supreme Court of the 
United States. In 1805, Chief Justice Marshall decided that, un- 
der the law of 1792, the settler was excused by reason of the war 
from making an actual settlement before January 1st, 1796, and if 
he then persisted in making his settlement, he was entitled to his 
patent, according to law. Under this decision, the Holland Com- 
pany, as well as the other land companies, and individuals who had 
laid warrants in the disputed region during the war, were con- 
firmed in their titles, and thus eventually obtained quiet possession 
of their lands. Many tracts of land, however, claimed by indi- 
viduals, remained long in litigation, in consequence of the difficulty 
of making proof of what constituted an actual settlement, and as 
to who were the original settlers under the law, and in accordance 
with the ruling of the courts ; and thus the title to real estate was 
long insecure, and the peace and harmony of the country was long 
disturbed by the ill-judged and inaccurate legislation of the 
State. 

The effect of all this uncertainty and insecurity of the titles of 
land in North- Western Pennsylvania was, of course, disastrous. 
Emigrants, especially those from the better and more reliable classes 
of society, who would otherwise have been attracted to that region, 
were disposed to avoid it, and to pass on further, to the Western 
Reserve, or to other portions of the North- Western Territory. 
Many who had located themselves in North-Western Pennsylvania, 
wearied with continual litigation, abandoned their claims and 
removed to the West, where the titles to real estate were secure. 



1796. ORGANIZATION OF NORTH-WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA. 729 

Large bodies of land, too long remained, and in some instances 
still remain, in the hands of speculators unoccupied, and unim- 
proved, or only occupied by tenants having no interest in the im- 
provement of the lands or the advancement of the country. From 
these combined, causes, all of them the results of the mischievous 
character of the early legislation of Pennsylvania, the north- 
western portion of that State was long far behind the region west 
of it, in population, progress, and improvement. 

Yet there was at an early day much enterprise manifested by 
the settlers of that country, notwithstanding the embarrassing cir- 
cumstances with which they were surrounded. By an act of the 
Legislature of the 18th of April, 1795, commissioners were ap- 
pointed to survey five thousand acres of the reservation at Presqu' 
Isle, and lay off thereon the town of Erie ; to survey one thousand 
acres of the reservation at the mouth of French creek, and lay off 
thereon the town of Frauklin; to survey one thousand acres of 
the reservation at the mouth of the Conewango creek, and lay off 
thereon the town of Warren; and to survey five hundred acres of 
the reservation at Le Boeuf, and to complete thereon the laying off 
of the town of Waterford, previously commenced by Andrew Elli- 
cott. In addition to these, many other villages soon sprung up, 
and the population of North- Western Pennsylvania so far increased 
that the Legislature divided it, by the act of the 12th of March, 
1800, into the counties of Beaver, Butler, Mercer, Crawford, Erie, 
Warren, Yenango, and Armstrong. 

The ordinance prescribing the mode of surveying and disposing 
of the lands in the North- Western Territory has already been 
given. Changes were afterward made in some of its provisions, 
but its main provisions yet remained, and under its operation the 
many difficulties that have arisen elsewhere, in regard to the secu- 
rity of titles, and the identification of lauds, have been obviated in 
the West. All the lands in the North- West Territory were held 
by the United States, on the basis of purchases made at various 
times from the Indians, and were all surveyed and sold [under the 
provisions of that ordinance; and in this way the title given was 
always secure, and the identification complete. There were, how- 
ever, a variety of tracts, of greater or less extent, in various parts 
of the North- West, which were granted to or reserved by other 
parties, and therefore never came under the operation of the land 
laws of the United States. The more important reservations ex- 
isting at the close of the Indian war were these: 
47 



730 LAND TITLES IN THE NORTH-WEST. 1796. 

It was the custom of the commandants of the different French 
posts in early times, to make concessions to individuals, of specified 
tracts of land, on certain prescribed conditions, some of which have 
already been referred to. In this way very considerable quantities 
of land were conceded around all the French posts, before the 
transfer of the valley of the Mississippi to Great Britain. After 
the sovereignty over that country was transferred to the United 
States, commissioners were appointed at various times to examine 
these titles. All titles that could be proved to have originated 
in accordance with the laws of France, and the usages of the 
French colonies, were confirmed, and, in consequence, large 
bodies of land in Illinois, about Vincennes, Detroit, and elsewhere, 
were, and are still held by titles derived from the French gov- 
ernment. 

A tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, on the 
north side of the Ohio river, opposite to the falls, was granted in 
1783, by the State of Virginia, and reserved in the cession of the 
claim of that state to the North-West, for the use of General 
Clarke, and the officers and soldiers who served under him in the 
conquest of Illinois. 

It has been seen that the State of Connecticut, in the cession of 
her claim to the North-West, in 1786, reserved the jurisdiction and 
ownership over a tract of one hundred and twenty miles in length, 
and of variable width, lying west of Pennsylvania, and including, 
by subsequent survey, an area of three million eight hundred 
thousand acres. Of these lands, as has been stated, &Ye hundred 
thousand acres were donated, in 1792, to the sufferers by the burn- 
ing of New London, Fairfield, Norwich, and other towns in Con- 
necticut, during the Revolutionary war, and the remainder of the 
unsold lands of the Reserve, being about three millions of acres, was 
transferred, in 1795, to the Connecticut Land Company, divided 
into townships of five miles square, and sold. 

The United States military lands consisted of two million Hve 
hundred and sixty thousand acres, set apart by an act of the 1st of 
June, 1796, for the officers and soldiers of the Revolution. They 
were located on the east of the Scioto river, and south of the line 
established by the Greenville treaty, divided into townships of five 
miles square, and sub-divided into lots of one hundred acres each, 
for the location of warrants, as provided by the act. 

The Virginia military lands consisted of a body of lands lying 
between the Scioto and Little Miami rivers, reserved by the State 
of Virginia in 1784, for the use of the Virginia Continental line. 



1796. LAND TITLES IN THE NORTH-WEST. 731 

It was never surveyed in any regular form, and, in consequence, 
much litigation has arisen in regard to the conflict of claims and of 
boundaries within that district. 

The Ohio Company's lands consisted at first of one million five 
hundred thousand acres, on the Ohio river, afterward reduced to 
nine hundred and sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty-five 
acres, which that company paid for and patented. 

The donation tract was a body of one hundred thousand acres, 
granted to the Ohio Company, on the north of their lands, on the 
condition that they should locate one actual settler on each hundred 
acres of the tract within five years from the date of the grant, upon 
failure of which all of the lands not occupied within the prescribed 
time should revert to the general government. 

Symmes' purchase, as has been seen, consisted of a tract of three 
hundred and eleven thousand six hundred and eighty-two acres, 
between the two Miamies. 

The Eefugee tract consisted of a body of one hundred thousand 
acres, granted to certain refugees from the British provinces, who 
had attached themselves to the American cause during the Revolu- 
tion. It lies eastward from the Scioto, extending forty-eight miles 
in length, and four and a half in width. 

The French grant was a tract of twenty-four thousand acres, on 
the Ohio, donated to the Gallipolis settlers, in lieu of the losses 
they sustained through the failure of the Scioto Company to make 
good the titles to the lands they sold to them. 

Dohrman's grant was a township of land granted Arnold Henry 
Dohrman, a merchant of Lisbon, for the aid he rendered to the 
American cause in the Revolutionary war. 

The Moravian lands consisted of three several tracts, on the 
Muskingum, of four thousand acres each, granted by act of Con- 
gress to the Moravian Brethren of Bethlehem, in trust for the 
Christian Indians residing on them. 

In addition to these, there were several small tracts of land in 
various portions of the JSTorth-West, donated to individuals for 
eminent services to the country. 

The great event of 1796 was the final transfer of the northern 
posts from Britain to the United States, under Jay's treaty. This 
was to have taken place on or before the first of June, but owing 
to the late period at which the House of Representatives, after 
their memorable debate upon the treaty, passed the necessary appro- 
priations, it was July before the American government felt itself 



732 SETTLEMENT OF CHILLICOTHE. 1796.' 

justified in addressing the authorities in Canada in regard to 
Detroit and the other frontier forts. When at last called upon to 
give them up, the British at once did so, and Wayne transferred 
his head-quarters to the neighborhood of the lakes, where a county 
named from him was established, including the north-west of Ohio, 
the north-east of Indiana, and the whole of Michigan.* 

Meanwhile, the treaty with Spain was likely to become ineffect- 
ual, in consequence of the alliance of Spain and France upon the 
19th of August, and the difficulties which, at the same time, arose 
between the latter power and the United States. Spain took advan- 
tage of the new position of affairs to refuse the delivery of the 
posts on the Mississippi, as had been stipulated, and proceeded, as 
has been already related, to tempt the honesty of leading western 
politicians. 

During this year settlements went on rapidly in the West. Early 
in the year, Nathaniel Massie, to whom reference has already been 
made, took steps to found a town upon the Scioto, on a portion of 
the lands which he had entered. This town he named, when sur- 
veyed, Chillicothe. 

One hundred in and out-lots in the town were chosen by lot," by 
the first one hundred settlers, as a donation, according to the original 
proposition of the proprietor. A number of in and out-lots were 
also sold to other persons desiring to settle in the town. The first 
choice of in-lots were disposed of for the moderate sum of ten 
dollars each. The town increased rapidly, and before the winter 
of 1796, it had in it several stores, taverns, and shops for me- 
chanics. 

The arts of civilized life soon began to unfold their power and 
influence in a more systematic manner than had ever been wit- 
nessed by many of its inhabitants, especially those who were born 
and raised in the frontier settlements, where neither law nor gospel 
were understood or attended to. 

There were three places in Ohio called Chillicothe by the Indians, 
one of which was in the neighborhood of this town site. It is a 
Shawanese word, and denotes place or site. Old Chillicothe was on 
the Little Miami, and the other was on or near the Maumee, or 
Miami of the Lake. The Shawanese nation, which originated from 
the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida, was divided into four tribes — 
the Piqua, Mequachake, Kiskapocoke, and Chillicothe tribes. 



Washington's Speech, American State Papers, i. 30. Chase's Sketch, p. 27. 



1796. SETTLEMENT OF CHILLICOTHE. 733 

The formation of the Connecticut Land Company has already 
been noticed. Early in the spring of 1796, the directors of that 
company selected and sent out forty-three surveyors, under the 
direction of General Moses Cleveland, to survey that portion of 
their lands lying east of the Cuyahoga river. The party rendez- 
voused at Schenectady, in June, collected there the materials and 
stores necessary for their enterprise, and thence proceeded in boats 
by way of the Mohawk, the Oswego, Lake Ontario, and the Niagara, 
to Buffalo. There they held a council with the chiefs of the 
Seneca and Mohawk tribes, and obtained from them a cession of 
their claims to the lands included in the company's purchase, for the 
sum of twelve hundred dollars. Thence they proceeded along the 
lake shore, a part of them by land, and a part in their boats, and 
arrived at the site of Conneaut on the 4th of July. There they 
erected a cabin for the accommodation of the party, and for the 
storage of their goods, to which they gave the name oi "Stowe 
Castle," and immediately commenced their survey. One of the 
parties commenced a meridian line from the lake at the boundary 
of Pennsylvania, and ran south to the high lands north of the 
Mahoning river. Another, under the direction of Cleveland, sur- 
veyed the lake coast to the mouth of the Cuyahoga river, which 
they entered and explored for eleven miles from its mouth. 

After the completion of this preliminary survey, another explora- 
tion of the lake shore was made from Conneaut to Sandusky. On 
the return of the party to the mouth of the Cuyahoga, they com- 
menced the survey of a town site to which they gave the name of 
Cleveland. It was laid out into two hundred and twenty lots of 
eight rods in front, and forty rods in the rear, around a public 
square of ten acres. About the 1st of October, a cabin was raised, 
and the party soon after returned to Conneaut, leaving Job Styles 
and his family, and Captain Paine, to occupy the new city. 

At that time, it is said, the white inhabitants west of the Gen- 
essee river, consisted only of the garrison at Niagara, two families 
at Lewistown, a British Indian interpreter, two Indian traders, and 
one white family at Buffalo, a few settlers at Presqu' Isle, the party 
of New England surveyors, with two families at Conneaut, one 
family at Cleveland, a French trader at Sandusky, and the settle- 
ment at Detroit. 

In the spring of the next year, the families at Conneaut were 
removed to Cleveland, which was made the head-quarters of the 
surveyors of the company. The whole territory of the purchase 
was laid off in townships of five miles square, and settlers, generally 



734 EXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS. 1796. 

from Connecticut, commenced to occupy the lands on the Cuyahoga 
and elsewhere on the company's lands, and before the end of the 
century, thirty-two separate settlements had been made on the 
Western Reserve.* 

A detachment of American troops, consisting of sixty -five men, 
under the command of Captain Moses Porter, took possession of 
the evacuated fort at Detroit, about the 12th of July. In Septem- 
ber, Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the North- Western Territory, 
proceeded to Detroit, and organized the county of Wayne, and 
established the civil authority in that quarter. 

This year, also, the settlements in the Muskingum, Scioto, and 
Miami valleys were much extended. The immigrants from the 
New England and Middle States, came into the West by way of 
Brownsville and Wheeling. At Brownsville, many fitted up flat 
boats, and descended the Ohio to Limestone, and other points in 
Kentucky, or else landed on the north side of the Ohio. Others 
proceeded by land from Wheeling, to that section of the territory 
they had selected for their future homes. The colonies destined 
for the valleys of the Muskingum and Scioto chiefly passed by this 
route. 

Small villages and farming settlements were made on the banks 
of the Ohio, and its tributaries below the Muskingum. Symmes' 
purchase, on the Miami, underwent rapid changes. 

Cincinnati had increased its population and improved its style of 
building. In 1792, it contained about thirty log cabins, beside the 
barracks and other buildings connected with Fort Washington, 
and about two hundred and fifty inhabitants. 

The first house of worship, for the first Presbyterian Church, was 
erected. In the beginning of the year 1796, Cincinnati had more 
than one hundred log cabins, beside twelve or fifteen frame houses, 
and a population of about six hundred persons. 

Within the Virginia Military Land District, whieh lay between 
the Little Miami and Scioto rivers, several new settlements were 
made, and surveys were executed by Nathaniel Massie, the enter- 
prising pioneer of the Scioto valley, over the most fertile lands 
westward to the Little Miami, as far north as Todd's fork, and on 
all the branches of Paint creek, and eastward to the Scioto. He 
performed much service as a pioneer in extending the settlements 
and the boundaries of civilization in this part of Ohio. As early as 



* American Pioneer, ii. 22-33. 



1796. EXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS. 735 

1790, lie laid out the town of Manchester, on the Ohio, twelve miles 
above Limestone. By the following March, he had his stockade 
complete, and about thirty families within it. 

Emigrants from Virginia, in great numbers, advanced into the 
Scioto valley, and settlements extended on the fine lands lying on 
Paint and Deer creeks, and other branches of the Scioto. 

At the same time the pioneers of civilization were gradually ex- 
tending settlements along the Muskingum, as far as the mouth of 
Licking. It was in this year that Ebenezer Zane obtained the 
grant of a section of land as the consideration of opening a bridle- 
path from the Ohio river at Wheeling, across the country by Chil- 
licothe, to Limestone, in Kentucky, which was located where 
Zanesville now is. The United States mail traversed this route 
for the first time the following year.* 

Before the close of the year 1796, the white population of the 
North- Western Territory, now included in the- State of Ohio, had 
increased to about five thousand souls of all ages. These were 
chiefly distributed in the lower valleys of the Muskingum, Scioto, 
and Miami rivers, and on their small tributaries, within fifty miles 
of the Ohio river. 

With this progress of settlements, the end of the Indian war by 
the treaty at Greenville, and the delivery of the northern posts by 
the British, under Jay's treaty, all apprehension of danger on the 
part of the whites ceased, and friendly intercourse with the natives 
succeeded. Such disaffected Indians as persisted in their feelings 
of hostility to the Americans, retired into the interior of the North- 
Western wilderness, or to their allies in Canada. Forts, stations, 
and stockades, became useless, and were abandoned to decay. The 
hardy pioneer pushed further into the forest, and men of enter- 
prise and capital in the older settlements became interested in se- 
curing claims and titles to extensive bodies of fertile lands, and 
sending out colonies for their occupation. Settlements were 
made, and towns and villages planted in Western Virginia and 
Kentucky. 

During the period of the Indian wars in the north-west, frequent 
acts of hostility were committed by the Cherokees and other south- 
ern Indians on the settlements in Tennessee, especially those along 
the Cumberland river. These depredations, in which many per- 
sons were killed and scalped, were committed by small marauding 



* Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, ii. 316. 



736 SETTLEMENTS SOUTH-WEST. 1796. 

parties. The termination of the Indian war in the North- Wes t 
was followed by treaties with the South- Western Indians, and the 
cessation of hostilities in that quarter. 

In 1790, North Carolina, which claimed jurisdiction over the 
territorial district of Tennessee, ceded to the federal gevernment all 
this territory. The ceded country, by act of Congress, approved 
May 20th, was erected into a territory of the United States, under 
the name of the "South Western Territory." The ordinance of 
1787, for the North-Western Territory, with the exception of the 
sixth article, prohibiting slavery, was adopted as the fundamental 
law in its organization. 

Notwithstanding the hostile attitude of the Indians, large num- 
bers of emigrants, each year, left Virginia, North and South Caro- 
lina, and even Georgia, for this district of country, and settle- 
ments continued to extend into the wilderness. In 1793, the people 
became impatient of their dependent form of government, and 
adopted an address to the governor, that as the territory contained 
more than five thousand free white male persons, the requisite 
number, as provided by the ordinance of 1787, they might have a 
territorial legislature. 

In December of that year, the Governor issued his proclamation 
for the election of a General Assembly, as provided by law. 

The legislature assembled at Knoxville, in February, 1794, and 
passed the necessary laws to open roads, protect the inhabitants 
from Indian depredations, and other matters. 

According to a census ordered by the Territorial Legislature, in 
1795, the aggregate population of the territory was seventy-seven 
thousand two hundred and sixty-two persons, of whom sixty-six 
thousand four hundred and ninety were whites, and the remainder 
slaves and free persons of color. This amount of population more 
than entitled them to a State government, according to the provis- 
ions of the ordinance of Congress. 

The governor of the territory issued his proclamation for an 
election of five persons in each county, to meet in convention for 
the purpose of forming a constitution. This convention assembled 
at Knoxville, on the 11th of January, 1796, and formed the consti- 
tution, and on the 9th of February, Gov. Blount, forwarded to Mr. 
Pickering, Secretary of State, a copy. This was sent by Mr. 
McMinn, who was instructed to tarry long enough in Philadelphia, 
to ascertain whether the new State would be admitted into the 
Union. On the 6th of June, the act was passed by Congress to 
receive the State of Tennessee. 



1796. DEATH OF GENERAL WAYNE. 737 

Four years after the organization of the State government, the 
population had increased to one hundred and five thousand six 
hundred and two souls, including thirteen thousand five hundred 
and eighty-four slaves and persons of color.* 

During 1796, Samuel Jackson and Jonathan Sharpless erected 
" Redstone paper-mill," four miles east of Brownsville, it being the 
first manufactory of the kind west of the Alleghenies. 

In the month of December, 1796, General Anthony Wayne, being 
on his way from Detroit to Philadelphia, was attacked with sick- 
ness, and died in a cabin, at or near Erie, (Presqu' Isle) in the north 
part of Pennsylvania. He was born in Chester county, Pa., Janu- 
ary 1st, 1745 ; hence, in a few days, had he lived, he would have 
been fifty-one years of age. He was a distinguished officer in the 
Revolutionary war, a man of unparalleled bravery, and led the for- 
lorn hope in the attack upon Stoney Point. His remains were 
removed from Presqu' Isle in 1809, by his son, Col. Isaac Wayne, to 
Radnor church-yard, near the place of his birth, and an elegant 
monument erected on his tomb by the Pennsylvania Cincinnati 
Society. 

After the formation of the treaty with Spain, and before the sur- 
1797.] render of the Spanish posts east of the Mississippi, in 
accordance with its provisions, yet another effort was made by Car- 
ondelet to effect the separation of the "West from the Union. 

After the death of General "Wayne, Wilkinson was appointed to 
the command of the Western army. In June, 1797, Power was 
sent back to Kentucky, for the double purpose of inducing Wilkin- 
son to delay the march of the American troops to the posts on the 
Mississippi, professedly until certain questions at issue between the 
two governments were adjusted, and especially for the purpose of 
testing his disposition, and the dispositions of the leading politi- 
cians of Kentucky, in regard to the question of separation. His 
instructions from Carondelet, dated May 26th, 1797, will furnish, 
however, the most satisfactory statement of the purpose of his 
mission : 

" On your journey you will give to understand, adroitly, to those 
persons to whom you have an opportunity of speaking, that the 
delivery of the posts which the Spaniards occupy on the Missis- 
sippi, to the troops of the United States, is directly opposed to the 



* Haywood's History of Tenness ee, pp. 140-160. 



788 INSTRUCTIONS OF POWER 1797. 

interests of those of the West, who, as they must one day separate 
from the Atlantic States, would find themselves without any com- 
munication with lower Louisiana, from whence they ought to ex- 
pect to receive powerful succors in artillery, arms, ammunition and 
money, either publicly or secretly, as soon as ever the Western 
States should determine on a separation, which must injure their 
prosperity and their independence ; that, for this reason, Congress 
is resolved on risking everything to take those posts from Spain, 
and that it would he forging fetters for themselves, to furnish it 
with militia and means, which it can only find in the Western 
States. These same reasons, diffused abroad by means of the pub- 
lic papers, might make the strongest impressions on the people, 
and induce them to throw off the yoke of the Atlantic States. 

"If a hundred thousand dollars, distributed in Kentucky, w T ould 
cause it to rise in insurrection, I am very certain that the minister, 
in the present circumstances, would sacrifice them with pleasure; 
and you may, without exposing yourself too much, promise them 
to those who enjoy the confidence of the people, with another 
equal sum to arm them, in case of necessity, and twenty pieces of 
field artillery. 

"You will arrive, without danger, as bearer of a dispatch for the 
General, where the army may be, whose force, discipline, and dis- 
position you will examine with care; and you will endeavor to 
discover, with your natural penetration, the General's disposition* 
I doubt that a person of his disposition would prefer, through 
vanity, the advantages of commanding the army of the Atlantic 
States to that of being the founder, the liberator, in fine, the Wash- 
ington of the Western States. His part is as brilliant as it is easy; 
all eyes are drawn toward him ; he possesses the confidence of his 
fellow citizens, and of the Kentucky volunteers. At the slightest 
movement, the people will name him the General of the new 
republic ; his reputation will raise an army for him, and Spain, as 
well as France, will furnish him the means of paying it. 

"On taking Fort Massac, we wall send him, instantly, arms and 
artillery; and Spain, limiting herself to the possession of the forts 
of Natchez and Walnut Hills, as far as Fort Confederation, will 
cede to the Western States all the eastern bank to the Ohio, which 
will form a very extensive and powerful republic, connected, by its 
situation and by its interest, with Spain, and in concert with it, 
will force the savages to become a party to it, and to confound 
themselves, in time, with its citizens. 

"The public are discontented with the new taxes; Spain and 



1797. power's propositions. 73£ 

France are enraged at the connection of the United States with 
England ; the army is weak, and devoted to Wilkinson ; the threats 
of Congress authorize me to succor, on the spot, and openly, the 
Western States ; money will not, then, be wanting to me, for I shall 
send, without delay, a ship to Yera Cruz in search of it, as well as 
of ammunition. Nothing more will consequently be required, but 
an instant of firmness and resolution, to make the people of the 
West perfectly happy. If they suffer this instant to escape them, 
and we are forced to deliver up the posts, Kentucky and Tennessee? 
surrounded by the said posts, and without communication with 
lower Louisiana, will ever remain under the oppression of the 
Atlantic States." 

Power proceeded at once to Kentucky, and presented the follow- 
ing communication from Carondelet, to Innis, Sebastian, Nicholas, 
and Murray : 

" His Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, Commander-in-chief, 
and Governor of his Catholic Majesty's provinces of West Florida 
and Louisiana, having communications of importance, embracing 
the interests of said provinces, and at the same time deeply affect- 
ing those of Kentucky, and the western country in general, to 
make to its inhabitants, through the medium of the influential 
characters in this country, and judging it, in the present uncertain 
and critical attitude of politics, highly imprudent and dangerous 
to lay them on paper, has expressly commissioned and authorized 
me to submit the following proposals to the consideration of 
Messrs. S., N\, I., and M., and also of such other gentlemen as may 
be pointed out by them, and to receive from them their sentiments 
and determination on the subject. 

" The above-named gentlemen are immediately to exert all their 
influence, in impressing on the minds of the inhabitants of the 
Western country, a conviction of the necessity of their withdrawing 
and separating themselves from the Federal Union, and forming 
an independent government, wholly unconnected with that of the 
Atlantic States. 

" To prepare and dispose the people for such an event, it will be 
necessary that the most popular and eloquent writers in this State 
should, in well-timed publications, expose, in the most striking 
point of view, the inconveniences and disadvantages that a longer 
connection with, and dependence on, the Atlantic States must in- 
evitably draw upon them, and the great and innumerable difficul- 
ties in which they will probably be entangled if they do not 
speedily secede from the Union; the benefits they will certainly 



740 power's propositions. 1797. 

reap from a secession, ought to be pointed out in the most forcible 
and powerful manner ; and the danger of permitting the federal 
troops to take possession of the posts on the Mississippi, and thus 
forming a cordon of fortified places around them, must be particu- 
larly expatiated upon. 

"In consideration of gentlemen's devoting their time and talents 
to this object, his Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, will appro- 
priate the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to their use, which 
shall be paid in drafts on the royal treasury at E"ew Orleans ; or, if 
more convenient, shall be conveyed at the expense of his Catholic 
Majesty, into this country, and held at their disposal. 

" Moreover, should such persons as shall be instrumental in pro- 
moting the views of his Catholic Majesty, hold any public employ- 
ment, and in consequence of taking an active part in endeavoring 
to effect a secession, shall lose their employment — a compensation 
equal at least to the emoluments of their office, shall be made to 
them, by his Catholic Majesty, let their efforts be crowned with 
success or terminate in diappointment. 

"Immediately after the declaration of independence, Fort Mas- 
sac should be taken possession of by the troops of the new govern- 
ment, which shall be furnished by his Catholic Majesty without 
loss of time, together with twenty field-pieces, with their carriages, 
and every necessary appendage, including powder, ball, &c, to- 
gether with a number of small arms and ammunition, sufficient to 
equip the troops that it shall be judged expedient to raise. 

"The whole to be transported at his expense to the already 
named Fort Massac. His Catholic Majesty will further supply the 
sum of one hundred thousand dollars, for the raising and main- 
taining said troops, which sum shall also be conveyed to and de- 
livered at Fort Massac." 

"The northern boundary of his Catholic Majesty's provinces of 
East and West Florida, shall be designated by a line commencing 
on the Mississippi, at the mouth of the river Yazoo, extending due 
east to the River Confederation, or Tombigbee : Provided, That all 
his Catholic Majesty's forts, posts, and settlements on the Confed- 
eration, or Tombigbee, are included in the south side of such a 
line; but should any of his Majesty's forts, posts, or settlements, 
fall to the north side of said line, then the northern boundary of 
his Majesty's provinces of East and West Florida, shall be desig- 
nated by a line beginning at the same point on the Mississippi, and 
drawn in such a direction as to meet the River Confederation, or 
Tombigbee, six miles to the north of the most northern Spanish 
post, or settlement on said river. 



1T97. power's propositions. 741 

"All the lands north of that line shall be considered as consti- 
tuting a part of the territory of the new government, saving that 
small tract of land at the Chickasaw Bluffs, on the eastern bank of 
the Mississippi, ceded to his Majesty by the Chickasaw nation, in 
a formal treaty concluded on the spot, in the year 1795, between 
his Excellency, Senor Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, Governor of 
Natchez, and Augleakabee, and some other Chickasaw chiefs; 
which tract of land his Majesty reserves for himself. The eastern 
boundary of the Floridas shall be hereafter regulated. 

"His Catholic Majesty will, in case the Indian nations south of 
the Ohio should declare war, or commit hostilities against the new 
government, not only join and assist it in repelling its enemies, 
but if said government shall at any future time esteem it useful to 
reduce said Indian nations, extend its dominion over them, and 
compel them to submit themselves to its constitution and laws, his 
Majesty will heartily concur and co-operate with the new gov- 
ernment in the most effectual manner in obtaining this desira- 
ble end. 

"His Catholic Majesty will not, either directly or indirectly, in- 
terfere in the framing of the constitution or laws which the new 
government shall think fit to adopt; nor will he, at any time, by 
any means whatever, attempt to lessen the independence of the said 
government, or endeavor to acquire an undue influence in it, but 
will, in the manner that shall hereafter be stipulated by treaty, de- 
fend and support it in preserving its independence. 

"The preceding proposals are the outlines of a provisional treaty, 
which hi3 Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, is desirous of en- 
tering into with the inhabitants of the western country, the moment 
they shall be in a situation to treat for themselves. Should they 
not meet entirely with your approbation, and should you wish to 
make any alterations in, or additions to them, I shall on my return, 
if you thimk proper to communicate them to me, lay them before 
his Excellency, who is animated with a sincere and ardent desire 
to foster this promising and rising infant country, and at the same 
time, promote and fortify the interests of his beneficent and royal 
master, in securing, by a generous and disinterested conduct, the 
gratitude of a just, sensible, and enlightened people. 

" The important and unexpected events that have taken place in 
Europe since the ratification of the treaty concluded on the 27th of 
October, 1795, between his Catholic Majesty and the United States 
of America, having convulsed the general system of politics in that 



742 REPLY OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 1797. 

quarter of trie globe, and wherever its influence is extended, caus- 
ing a collision of interests between nations formerly living in the 
most perfect union and harmony, and directing the political views 
of some States toward objects the most remote from their former 
pursuits; but none being so completely unhinged and disjointed as 
the cabinet of Spain, it may be confidently asserted, without in- 
curring the reproach of presumption, that his Catholic Majesty 
will not carry the above-mentioned treaty into execution ; never- 
theless, the thorough knowledge I have of the disposition of the 
Spanish Government justifies me in saying that, so far from it be- 
ing his Majesty's wish to exclude the inhabitants of this western 
country from the free navigation of the Mississippi, or withhold 
from them any of the benefits stipulated for them by the treaty, it 
is positively his intention, so soon as they shall put it in his power 
to treat with them, by declaring themselves independent of the 
federal government, and establishing one of their own, to grant 
them privileges far more extensive, give them a decided preference 
over the Atlantic States, in his commercial connections with them, 
and place them in a situation infinitely more advantageous, in 
every point of view, than that in which they would find themselves 
were the treaty to be carried into effect." 

But the time for the dismemberment of the Union had gone by. 
The people were satisfied with the government. The government 
had given full proof of its vigor, and the conspirators who had been 
so long plotting the ruin of their country for Spanish gold, what- 
ever may have been their secret wishes, were too sagacious not to 
know that it was now impossible to execute their treasonable pro- 
ject. Accordingly, with a show of disinterested patriotism that 
contrasts strongly with their long and tortuous intrigue, they made 
the following reply : 

"Sir: — "We have seen the communication made by you to Mr. 
Sebastian. In answer thereto, we declare unequivocally, that we 
will not be concerned, either directly or indirectly, in any attempt 
that may be made to separate the western country from the United 
States. That whatever part we may at any time be induced to take 
in the politics of our country, that her welfare will be our only in- 
ducement, and that we will never receive any pecuniary, or any 
other reward, for any personal exertions made by us, to promote 
that welfare. 

" The free navigation of the Mississippi must always be the fa- 
vorite object of the inhabitants of the western country ; they cannot 



1797. power's appeal to Wilkinson. 743 

be contented without it ; and will not be deprived of it longer 
than necessity shall compel them to submit to its being withheld 
from them. 

" We flatter ourselves that every thing will be set right by the 
governments of the two nations; but if this should not be the case, 
it appears to us that it must be the policy of Spain to encourage, 
by every possible means, the free intercourse with the inhabitants 
of the western country, as this will be the most efficient means to 
conciliate their good will, and to obtain without hazard, and at re- 
duced prices, those supplies which are indispensably necessary to 
the Spanish government and its subjects." 

Whether Sebastian signed this reply, is not known ; but upon 
proof that he had, for years afterward, received two thousand dol- 
lars annually, as a pension from Spain, for services rendered, it was 
unanimously adjudged by the House of Eepresentatives, in Ken- 
tucky, on the 6th of December, 1806, that he had been guilty, 
while holding the place of Judge of the Court of Appeals, of car- 
rying on a criminal intercourse with the agents of the Spanish gov- 
ernment, and disgracing his country for pay. Before this decision, 
however, Sebastian had resigned his place, and thenceforward was 
lost to the councils of the State. 

Power, however, proceeded to Detroit, to visit General Wilkin- 
son, for whom he had brought, from E"ew Orleans, a large sum of 
money. Aside from this appeal to his avarice, he sought to arouse 
his ambition. 

" The western people,"* said he, "are dissatisfied with the ex* 
cise on whisky, Spain and France are irritated at the late treaty 
which has bound together so closely the United States and Eng- 
land, the army is devoted to its talented and brilliant commander, 
and it requires but firmness and resolution on your part to render 
the Western people free and happy. Can a man of your superior 
genius prefer a subordinate and contracted position, as the com- 
mander of the small and insignificant army of the United States, 
to the glory of being the founder of an empire, the liberator of so 
many millions of his countrymen — the Washington of the West? 
Is not this splendid achievement to be easily accomplished ? Have 
you not the confidence of your fellow-citizens, and principally of 
the Kentucky volunteers ? Would not the people at the slightest 
movement on your part, hail you as the chief of the new republic ? 



* Martin's History of Louisiana, ii., 145. 



744 WILKINSON'S TREATMENT OF POWER. 1796. 

Would not your reputation alone raise you an army, which France 
and Spain would enable you to pay ? The eyes of the world are 
fixed upon you ; be bold and prompt ; do not hestitate to grasp the 
golden opportunity of acquiring wealth, honors, and immortal 
fame. But should Spain be forced to execute the treaty of 1795, 
and surrender all the posts claimed by the United States, then the 
bright visions of independence for the Western people, and of the 
most exalted position and imperishable renown for yourself, must 
forever vanish." 

But Wilkinson, though restrained by no love of his country, or 
no motives of honor or of conscience, was far too sagacious not to 
see that it was now a hopeless project to attempt to sever the 
Union ; and accordingly, w T ith a show of patriotism, often easily 
assumed by those who are destitute of its spirit, he declined to 
entertain the treasonable scheme. 

" Having informed him," said Power, in a letter to Gayoso, " of 
the proposals of the Baron de Carondelet, he proceeded to tell me 
that it was a chimerical project, which it was impossible to execute: 
that the inhabitants of the Western States, having obtained by 
treaty all they desired, would not wish to form any other political 
or commercial alliances ; and that they had no motive for separat- 
ing themselves from the interests of the other States of the Union, 
even if France and Spain should make them the most advanta- 
geous offers; that the fermentation which existed four years back 
is now appeased; that the depredations and vexations which Ameri- 
can commerce suffered from the French privateers, had inspired 
them with an implacable hatred for their nation ; that some of the 
Kentuckians had proposed to him to raise three thousand men to 
invade Louisiana, in case a war should be declared between the 
United States and Spain ; that the latter had no other course to 
pursue, under the present circumstances, but to comply fully with 
the treaty." 

And in order more effectually to shield himself from the sus- 
picion of treason, he caused Power to be removed to the Spanish 
territories under the guard of Captain Shaumburgh, and immedi- 
ately wrote to Captain Benton, at Yincennes: 

" I fear the Spaniards will oblige us to go to blows with them — in 
which case you know they must go to the wall. I shall pursue 
every means in my power to preserve to our country the blessings 
of peace, but shall make every preparation for war, and will be 
guarded against surprise. Mr. Power delivered me a letter from 
the Baron Carondelet, in which he states a variety of frivolous 



1798. HARRISON MADE SECRETARY OF THE TERRITORY. 745 

reasons for not delivering the posts, and begs that no more troops 
may be sent down the Mississippi, before certain adjustments take 
place between our respective courts. I have put aside all his excep- 
tions, and have called on him in the most solemn manner to fulfill 
the treaty, as he regards the interest or honor of his master, and 
have hopes that my letter may produce some change in the conduct 
of the Dons. Although Mr. Power has brought me this letter, it 
is possible it might be a mask to other purposes; I have, therefore, 
for his accommodation and safety, put him in care of Captain 
Shaumburgh, who will see him safe to New Madrid, by the most 
direct route. I pray you to continue your vigilance, and give me 
all the information in your power. I am just from Michilimacki- 
nack, having visited that post to see it put in a state of defense." 

The "occupying claimant" law of Kentucky — which was intended 
1798.] to relieve those who were ejected from lands from the hard- 
ship of paying rent for the time they had held them, while their 
improvements were not paid for or regarded — was also passed in 
this year. It was afterward decided by the Supreme Court of the 
United States, to be unconstitutional, but the justice of that decision 
was not acquiesced in by the best men of Kentucky, and the Appel- 
late Court of that State never recognized it, upon the ground that 
it was not a decision of the majority of the Supreme Court. 

Detroit, during 1797, contained, according to Weld, three hun- 
dred houses. 

The Congress of the United States, on the 7th of April, 1798, 
passed an act organizing the territory of the Mississippi; and 
Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the North- Western Territory, was 
appointed the Governor. Mr. Sargent, for some cause, was an 
unpopular man as Secretary and acting Governor in the absence of 
St. Clair. He was a pompous, over-bearing man; and in 1801, he 
was accused of misdoings in Mississippi. During the spring of 
this year, Gen. Wilkinson had been ordered to the country still 
held by the Spaniards, who, however, abandoned the region in dis- 
pute without serious opposition. By the 10th of October, the line 
dividing the possessions of Spain and the Federal Government, 
was in a great measure run, and the head-quarters of the American 
commander were fixed at Loftus Heights, six miles north of the 
ol^st degree of north latitude. 

The appointment of Sargent to the charge of the South- West 
Territory, led to the choice of William Henry Harrison, who had 
been aid-de-camp to General Wayne, in 1794, and whose character 
48 



746 TERRITORIAL REPRESENTATIVES CHOSEN. 1798. 

stood very high in the estimation of the public, to the Secretary- 
ship of the North-West, which place he held until appointed to rep- 
resent that territory in Congress. 

The jSTorth- We stern Territory, as may be seen by a reference to the 
ordinance of 1787, was to have a representative assembly as soon 
as its inhabitants numbered five thousand. Upon the 29th of 
October, Governor St. Clair gave notice by proclamation that the 
required population existed, and directed an election of representa- 
tives to be held on the third Monday in December. 

The representatives, when assembled, were required to nominate 
ten persons, whose names were sent to the President of the United 
States, who selected five, and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, appointed them, for the legislative council. In this mode 
the country passed into the second grade of a territorial govern- 
ment. 

During the summer of 1798, Congress passed an act concerning 
alien enemies. The first section of that act provided — 

" That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, 
at any time during the continuance of this act,* to order all such 
aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the 
United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are con- 
cerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the gov- 
ernment thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, 
within such time as shall be expressed in such order; which order 
shall be served on such alien by delivering him a copy thereof, or 
leaving the same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of 
the Secretary of State, by the Marshal, or other person to whom 
the same shall be directed. And in case any alien so ordered to 
depart, shall be found at large within the United States after the 
time limited in such order for his departure, and not having 
obtained a license from the President to reside therein, or having 
obtained such license, shall not have conformed thereto, every such 
alien shall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a term not 
exceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to become 
a citizen of the United States: Provided always, and be it further 
enacted, that if any alien so ordered to depart, shall prove, to the 
satisfaction of the President, by evidence to be taken before such 
person or persons as the President shall direct, who are for that 
purpose hereby authorized to administer oaths, that no injury or 



* This act was limited to the time of two years from and after its passage. 



1798. SEDITION LAWS UNPOPULAR IN THE WEST. 747 

danger to the United States will arise from suffering such alien to 
reside therein, the President may grant a license to such alien to 
remain within the United States for such time as he shall judge 
proper, and at such place as he shall designate. And the President 
may also require of such alien to enter into a bond to the United 
States, in such penal sum as he may direct, with one or more suffi- 
cient sureties, to the satisfaction of the person authorized by the 
President to take the same, conditioned for the good behavior of 
such alien during his residence in the United States, and not viola- 
ting his license, which license the President may revoke whenever 
he shall think proper." 

And at the same session an act was passed in addition to the act 
for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States. 
The second section of it provided — 

"That if any person shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall 
cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered or published, or 
shall, knowingly and willingly, assist in writing, printing, uttering 
or publishing, any false, scandalous and malicious writing or wri- 
tings against the government of the United States, or either house 
of the Congress of the United States, or the President of the 
United States, with intent to defame the said government, or either 
house of the said Congress, or the President, or to bring them, or 
either of them, into contempt or disrepute; or to excite against 
them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of 
the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States ; 
or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or 
resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President 
of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, or of the 
powers in him vested by the constitution of the United States ; or 
to resist, oppose or defeat any such law or act; or to aid, encourage 
or abet any hostile design of any foreign nation against the United 
States, their people, or government, then such person, being thereof 
convicted before any court of the United States having jurisdiction 
thereof, shall be punished, by a fine not exceeding two thousand 
dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years." 

These acts, known in the political history of the country as the 
Alien and Sedition Laws, passed as they were under the Federal 
administration of John Adams, excited great opposition. They 
were, by the democratic party, especially, everywhere regarded with 
horror, and hated; and in Virginia and Kentucky, especially, called 
forth in opposition the most able men, and produced the most 
violent measures. 



748 CONVENTION OF FIRST LEGISLATURE IN TERRITORY. 1799. 

The governor of Kentucky called the attention of the Legisla- 
ture to them, and on the 8th of November, resolutions, prepared by 
Mr. Jefferson, were introduced into the House, declaring that the 
United States are "united by a compact under the style and title 
of a constitution for the United States ; that to this compact, each 
State acceded, as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States 
forming to itself the other party; that the government created by 
this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the ex- 
tent of the powers delegated to itself; but that, as in all other cases 
of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has 
an equal right to judge for himself, as well of infractions, as the 
mode and manner of address." 

And this doctrine was further developed by the mover of the 
resolutions, John Breckenridge : said he, " I consider the co-States 
to be alone parties to the federal compact, and solely authorized to 
judge in the last resort of the power exercised under the compact — 
Congress not being a party, but merely the creature of the com- 
pact, and subject as to its assumption of power, to the final judg- 
ment of those by whom, and for whose use, itself and its powers 
were all created." In another passage he says, "If upon the rep- 
resentation of the States, from whom they derive their powers, 
they should nevertheless attempt to enforce them, I hesitate not to 
declare it as my opinion, that it is then the right and duty of the 
several States, to nullify those acts, and protect their citizens from their 
operation."* 

To this doctrine, since disclaimed by Kentucky, in a clear and 
formal declaration, in 1838, William Murray, of Franklin, alone, 
offered a steady opposition, and took the ground since occupied by 
Mr. Webster with so great power; but he argued in vain — the Sen- 
ate unanimously passed the resolutions. The House acted with 
almost equal unanimity, and the governor gave them his appro- 
bation. 

A change in the Penal Code of Kentucky took place during 
1798, by which the punishment of death was confined to the 
crime of murder, and for all others the penitentiary system was 
substituted. 

The representatives of the North- West Territory, elected under the 
1799.] proclamation of Governor St. Clair, met at Cincinnati on 



* Butler, pp 285-87. 



1799. burnet's remarks on the new legislature. 749 

the 22d of January, 1799, and under the provisions of the ordinance 
of 1787, nominated ten persons, whose names were sent to the 
President of the United States. On the 2d of March, the President 
selected from the list of candidates, the names of Jacob Burnet, 
James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Robert Oliver, and David 
Vance, and on the next day the Senate confirmed their nomination 
as the Legislative Council of the North- West Territory. 

The territorial legislature again met at Cincinnati on the 16th of 
September, but for want of a quorum was not organized until the 
24th of that month. The House of Representatives consisted of nine- 
teen members, of whom seven were from Hamilton county, four 
from Ross, three from Wayne, two from Adams, one from Jeffer- 
son, one from Washington, and one from Knox. 

After the organization of the legislature, Gov. St. Clair addressed 
the two houses in the representatives' chamber, and recommended 
such measures to their consideration as, in his judgment, were 
suited to the condition of the country, and would advance the 
safety and prosperity of the people. 

" The legislative body," says Mr. Burnet, " continued in session 
till the 19th of December, when having finished their business, the 
governor prorogued them, at their request, till the first Monday in 
November. This being the first session, it was necessarily a very 
laborious one. The transition from a colonial to a semi-independ- 
ent government, called for a general revision, as well as a consid- 
erable enlargement of the statute-book. Some of the adopted laws 
were repealed, many others altered and amended, and a long list 
of new ones added to the code. New offices were to be created 
and filled — the duties attached to them prescribed, and a plan of 
ways and means devised to meet the increased expenditures, occa- 
sioned by the change which had just taken place. 

"As the number of members in each branch was small, and a 
large portion of them either unprepared or indisposed to partake 
largely of the labors of the session, the pressure fell on the shoulders 
of a few. Although the branch to which I belonged, was composed 
of sensible, strong-minded men, yet they were unaccustomed to 
the duties of their new station, and not conversant with the science 
of law. The consequence was, that they relied chiefly and almost 
entirely on me, to draft and prepare the bills and other documents, 
which originated in the council, as will appear by referring to the 
journal of the session. 

" One of the important duties which devolved on the legislature, 
was the election of a delegate to represent the territory in Con- 



750 LEGISLATURE ELECTS DELEGATE TO CONGRESS. 1799. 

gress. As soon as the governor's proclamation made its appear- 
ance, the election of a person to fill that station excited general 
attention. Before the meeting of the legislature, public opinion 
had settled down on William Henry Harrison, and Arthur St. 
Clair, Jr., who were eventually the only candidates. On the 3d of 
October, the two houses met in the representatives' chamber, 
according to a joint resolution, and proceeded to the election. The 
ballots being taken and counted, it appeared that William Henry 
Harrison had eleven votes, and Arthur St. C'air, Jr., ten votes ; the 
former was therefore declared to be duly elected. The legislature, 
by joint resolution, prescribed the form of a certificate of his election ; 
having received that certificate, he resigned the office of Secretary 
of the territory — proceeded forthwith to Philadelphia, and took 
his seat, Congress being then in session. 

"Though he represented the territory but one year, he obtained 
some important advantages for his constituents. He introduced a 
resolution to subdivide the surveys of the public lands, and to ofTer 
them for sale in small tracts — he succeeded in getting that measure 
through both houses, in opposition to the interests of speculators 
who were, and who wished to be, the retailers of land to the poorer 
classes of the community. His proposition became a law, and was 
hailed as the most beneficent act that Congress had ever done for 
the territory. It put it in the power of every industrious man, 
however poor, to become a freeholder, and to lay a foundation for 
the future support and comfort of his family. At the same session, 
he obtained a liberal extension of time for the pre-emptioners in 
the northern part of the Miami purchase, which enabled them to 
secure their farms, and eventually to become independent, and 
even wealthy."* 

The following additional information in regard to the proceed- 
ings of that legislature is quoted from a circular of Mr. Harrison to 
the people of the territory, dated May 14th, 1800. 

"Amongst the variety of objects which engaged my attention, 
as peculiarly interesting to our territory, none appeared to me of 
so much importance as the adoption of a system for the sale of the 
public lands, which would give more favorable terms to that class 
of purchasers who are likely to become actual settlers, than was 
offered by the existing laws upon that subject; and, conformably 
to this idea, I procured the passage of a resolution, at an early 



* Historical Transactions of Ohio. i. 71. 



1799. FIRST LAWS OF THE LEGISLATURE. 751 

period, for the appointment of a committee to take the matter into 
consideration. 

" Shortly after, I reported a bill containing terms for the pur- 
chaser as favorable as could have been expected. This bill was 
adopted by the House of Representatives without any material 
alteration ; but in the Senate, amendments were introduced, obliging 
the purchaser to pay interest on that part of the money for which 
a credit was given, from the date of the purchase, and directing 
that one half of the land (instead of the whole, as was provided 
by the bill from the House of Representatives,) should be sold in 
half sections of three hundred and twenty acres, and the other half 
in whole sections of six hundred and forty acres. All my exertions, 
aided by some of the ablest members of the lower house, at a con- 
ference for that purpose, were not sufficient to induce the Senate 
to recede from their amendments ; but, upon the whole, there is 
cause of congratulation to my fellow-citizens that terms as favor- 
able as the bill still contains, have been procured. 

" This law promises to be the foundation of a great increase of 
population and wealth to our country; for although the minimum 
price of the land is still fixed at two dollars per acre, the time for 
making payments has been so extended as to put it in the power 
of every industrious man to comply with them, it being only 
necessary to pay one-fourth part of the money in hand, and the 
balance at the end of two, three, and four years ; besides this, the 
odious circumstance of forfeiture, which was made the penalty of 
failing in the payments under the old law, is entirely abolished, 
and the purchaser is allowed one year after the last payment is due 
to collect the money ; if the land is not then paid for it is sold, 
and, after the public have been reimbursed, the balance of the mo- 
ney is returned to the purchaser. Four land-offices are directed to 
be opened — one at Cincinnati, one at Chillicothe, one at Marietta, 
and one at Steubenville — for the sale of the lands in the neighbor- 
hood of those places." 

In addition to this, may properly be added the following review 
of its proceedings, by Mr. Chase : 

" The whole number of acts passed and approved by the gov- 
ernor was thirty-seven. Of these the most important related to 
the militia, to the administration of justice, and to taxation. Pro- 
vision was made for the efficient organization and. discipline of the 
military force of the territory; justices of the peace were author- 
ized to hear and determine all actions upon the case, except trover, 
and all actions of debt, except upon bonds for the performance of 



752 ADJOURNMENT OF TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE. 1799. 

covenants, without limitation as to the amount in controversy ; and 
a regular system of taxation was established. The tax for territo- 
rial purposes was levied upon lands ; that for county purposes upon 
persons, personal property, and houses and lots. 

" During this session, a bill, authorizing a lottery for a public 
purpose, passed by the council, was rejected by the representatives. 
Thus early was the policy adopted of interdicting this demoralizing 
and ruinous mode of gambling and taxation ; a policy which, with 
but a temporary deviation, has ever since honorably characterized 
the Legislature of Ohio. 

"Before adjournment, the legislature issued an address to the 
people, in which they congratulated their constituents upon the 
change in the form of government ; rendered an account of their pub- 
lic conduct as legislators; adverted to the future greatness and im- 
portance of this part of the American empire ; and the provision 
made by the national government for secular and religious instruc- 
tion in the West; and upon these considerations, urged upon the 
people the practice of industry, frugality, temperance, and every 
moral virtue. 'Religion, morality and knowledge/ said they, ' are 
necessary to all good governments. Let us, therefore, inculcate 
the principles of humanity, benevolence, honesty and punctuality 
in dealing, sincerity, and charity, and all the social affections/ 

"About the same time an address was voted to the President of 
the United States, expressing the entire confidence of the legisla- 
ture in the wisdom aud purity of his administration, and their 
warm attachment to the American constitution and government. 
The vote upon this address proved that the differences of political 
sentiment, which then agitated all the States, had extended to the 
Territory. The address was carried by eleven ayes against five 
noes. 

" On the 19th of December, this protracted session of the first 
legislature was terminated by the governor. In his speech on this 
occasion he enumerated eleven acts, to which, in the course of the 
session, he had thought fit to apply his absolute veto. These acts 
he had not returned to the legislature, because the two houses were 
under no obligation to consider the reasons on which his veto was 
founded; and, at any rate, as his negative was unqualified, the only 
effect of such a return would be to bring on a vexatious, and pro- 
bably fruitless, altercation between the legislative body and the 
executive. Of the eleven acts thus negatived, six related to the 
erection of new counties. These were disapproved for various 
reasons, but mainly because the governor claimed that the power 



1800. PROPOSALS TO DIVIDE NORTH-WEST TERRITORY. 753 

exercised in enacting them, was vested by the ordinance, not in the 
legislature, but in himself. This free exercise of the veto power 
excited much dissatisfaction among the people, and the controversy 
which ensued between the governor and the legislature, as to the 
extent of their respective powers, tended to confirm and strengthen 
the popular disaffection."* 

The great extent of the territory north-west of the Ohio, made the 
1800.] ordinary operations of government extremely uncertain, 
and the efficient action of Courts almost impossible. The Com- 
mittee of Congress, upon the 3d of March, 1800, reported upon the 
subject, that — 

" In the three western counties there has been but one court 
having cognizance of crimes, in five years : and the immunity 
which offenders experience, attracts, as to an asylum, the most vile 
and abandoned criminals, and at the same time deters useful and 
virtuous persons from making settlements in such society. The 
extreme necessity of judiciary attention and assistance, is experi- 
enced in civil as well as criminal cases. The supplying to vacant 
places such necessary officers as may be wanted, such as clerks, 
recorders, and others of like kind, is, from the impossibility of cor- 
rect notice and information, utterly neglected. This territory is 
exposed, as a frontier, to foreign nations, whose agents can find 
sufficient interest in exciting or fomenting insurrection and discon- 
tent, as thereby they can more easily divert a valuable trade in 
furs from the United States, and also have a part thereof on which 
they border, which feels so little the cherishing hand of their 
proper government, or so little dread of its energy, as to render 
their attachment perfectly uncertain and ambiguous. 

The committee would further suggest, that the law of the 3d of 
March, 1791, granting land to certain persons in the western part 
of said territory, and directing the laying out of the same, remains 
unexecuted; that great discontent, in consequence of such neg- 
lect, is excited in those who were interested in the provisions of 
said law, and which require the immediate attention of this legis- 
lature. To minister a remedy to these evils, it occurs to this com- 
mittee that it is expedient that a division of said territory, into two 
distinct and separate governments should be made ; and that such 
division be made, by a line beginning at the mouth of the Great 



* Chase's Sketch, p. 20. 



754 INDIANA TERRITORY FORMED. 1800. 

Miami river, running directly north, until it intersects the bound- 
ary between the United States and Canada."* 

In accordance with the spirit of this resolution, an act was 
passed, and approved upon the 7th of May, from which the follow- 
ing provisions are extracted : 

" That from and after the 4th day of July next, all that part of 
the territory of the United States north-west of the Ohio river, 
which lies to the westward of a line beginning at the Ohio, oppo- 
site to the mouth of Kentucky river, and running thence to Fort 
Recovery, and thence north, until it shall intersect the territorial 
line between the United States and Canada, shall, for the purpose 
of temporary government, constitute a separate territory, and be 
called the Indiana Territory. 

, "And be it further enacted, That there shall be established with- 
in the said territory a government, in all respects similar to that 
provided by the ordinance of Congress, passed on the thirteenth 
day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, for the 
government of the territory of the United States, north-w T est of 
the river Ohio ; and the inhabitants thereof shall be entitled to, and 
enjoy, all and singular, the rights, privileges, and advantages, 
granted and secured to the people by the said ordinance. 

"And be it further enacted, That so much of the ordinance for 
the government of the territory of the United States north-west of 
the Ohio river, as relates to the organization of a General Assem- 
bly therein, and prescribes the powers thereof, shall be in force and 
operate in the Indiana Territory, whenever satisfactory evidence 
shall be given to the governor thereof that such is the wish of a 
majority of the freeholders, notwithstanding there may not be 
therein five thousand free male inhabitants of the age of twenty- 
one years and upward : Provided, that until there shall be five 
thousand free male inhabitants of twenty-one years and upward, 
in said territory, the whole number of Representatives to the Gen- 
eral Assembly shall not be less than seven, nor more than nine, 
to be apportioned by the governor to the several counties in said ter- 
ritory, agreeably to the number of free males of the age of twenty- 
one years and upward, which they may respectively contain. 

"And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained, 
shall be construed so as in any manner to affect the government 
now in force in the territory of the United States, north-west of 



* American State Papers, xx. 206. 



1800. N. WEST TERRITORY LEGISLATURE AT CHILLICOTHE. 755 

the Ohio river, further than to prohibit the exercise thereof within 
the Indiana Territory, from and after the aforesaid fourth of July 
next: Provided, That whenever that part of the territory of the 
United States which lies to the eastward of a line beginning at the 
mouth of the Great Miami river, and running thence, due north, to 
the territorial line between the United States and Canada, shall be 
erected into an independent State, and admitted into the Union on 
an equal footing with the original States, thenceforth said line shall 
become and remain permanently the boundary line between such 
State and the Indiana Territory, any thing in this act contained to 
the contrary notwithstanding. 

"And be it further enacted, That until it shall be otherwise or- 
dered by the Legislatures of the said territories, respectively, Chil- 
licothe, on the Scioto river, shall be the seat of the government of 
the territory of the United States north-west of the Ohio river ; 
and that St. Yincennes, on the Wabash river, shall be the seat of 
the government for the Indiana Territory."* 

The person appointed to govern the new-made territory was 
"William H. Harrison, whose commission was dated in 1801. 

It has been mentioned that the State of Connecticut, in the 
cession of her claims to the West, had reserved the title both to 
the jurisdiction and soil of the Western Reserve. When she dis- 
posed of the soil, however, troubles at once arose, for the settlers 
found themselves without a government upon which to lean. 

Upon their representation, the mother State, in October, 1797? 
authorized her Senators to release her jurisdiction over the Eeserve 
to the Union. Upon the 21st of March, 1800, a committee of Con- 
gress reported in favor of accepting this cession, and upon the 30th 
of May the release was made by the Governor of the State, in 
accordance with a law passed during that month ; the United States 
issuing letters patent to Connecticut for the soil, and Connecticut 
transferring all her claims of jurisdiction to the Federal Govern- 
ment, f At that time, settlements had been commenced in thirty- 
five of the townships, and one thousand persons had become set- 
tlers; mills had been built, and seven hundred miles of road cut 
in various directions. 

The "Connecticut Reserve" continued to receive numerous emi- 
grants from the New England States, who formed settlements chiefly 



* Land Laws, 451. 

t American State Taper.?, xyi. 94-98. Chase's Statutes, i. G4-G6. 



756 GOVERNOR ST. CLAIR'S SPEECH. 1800 

near Lake Erie. The population in this part of the territory had 
increased so fast, that in December, 1800, the county of Trumbull 
was organized. About this period, a large number of settlers on 
the military lands of North -Western Pennsylvania, who had become 
involved in the troubles arising out of the land laws of that district, 
abandoned their improvements, to avoid litigation, and retired to 
the southern part of the Western Reserve. They were an acquisi- 
tion to this part of Ohio, and by industry and frugality, in a few 
years, more than retrieved the loss of their improvements. 

Congress having made Chillicothe the capital of the North- 
Western Territory, on the third of November, 1800, the General 
Assembly met at that place. At this meeting, Governor St. Clair, 
in strong terms, expressed his sense of the want of popularity under 
which he labored. 

"My term of office," said he, "and yours, gentlemen of the 
House of Representatives, will soon expire. It is, indeed, very 
uncertain whether I shall ever meet another Assembly in the char- 
acter I now hold, for I well know that the vilest calumnies and the 
greatest falsehoods are insidiously circulated among the people, 
with a view to prevent it. While I regret the baseness and malevo- 
lence of the authors, and well know that the laws have put the 
means of correction fully in my power, they have nothing to dread 
from me but the contempt they justly merit. The remorse of their 
own consciences will, one day, be punishment sufficient. Their 
arts may, however, succeed. Be that as it may, of this I am certain, 
that be my successor whom he may, he can never have the interests 
of the people of this territory more truly at heart than I have had, 
nor labor more assiduously for their good than I have done ; and I 
am not conscious that any one act of my administration has been 
influenced by any other motive than a sincere desire to promote 
their welfare and happiness." 

Notwithstanding the general dislike felt toward him, however, 
St. Clair was re-appointed, in 1801, to the place he had so long 
occupied. 

Toward the close of this year, the first missionary to the Con- 
necticut Reserve came thither, under the patronage of the Connect- 
icut Missionary Society. He found no township containing more 
than eleven families. 

The governor and several of the legislators of the North- Western 
1801.] Territory having been insulted during the autumn of 1801, 
at Chillicothe, while the Assembly was in session — and no measures 



1801. PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE AT CHILLICOTHE. 757 

being taken by the authorities of the capital to protect the execu- 
tive — a law was passed, removing the seat of government to Cin- 
cinnati again. But it was not destined that the territorial Assem- 
bly should meet again anywhere. The unpopularity of St. Clair, 
al ready referred to, was causing many to long for a State govern- 
ment, and self-rule. This unpopularity arose in part from the feel- 
ings connected with his defeat; in part from his being identified 
with the Federal party, then fast falling into disrepute ; and in part 
from his assuming powers which most thought he had no right to 
exercise, especially the power of sub-dividing the counties of the 
territory. 

But the opposition, though very powerful out of the Assembly, 
was in the minority, even in the House of Representatives, and 
during December, 1801, was forced to protest against a measure 
brought forward in the Council, for changing the Ordinance of 
1787 in such a manner as to make the Scioto and a line drawn from 
the intersection of that river, and the Indian boundary to the 
western extremity of the Connecticut Reserve, the limit of the 
most eastern State to be formed from the Territory. 

This change, if made, would long have postponed the formation 
of a State government beyond the Ohio, and against it Tiffin, 
"Worthington, Langham, Darlinton, Massie, Dunlavy, and Morrow, 
recorded solemnly their objections. ISTot content with this, it was 
determined that some one should at once visit "Washington, on be- 
half of the objectors; and upon the 20th of December, Thomas 
Worthinsrton obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the 
session. His acts and those of his co-laborers belong to the next 
year. 

From 1799 to 1803 the territorial legislature met annually, but 
made not many laws, owing to the extraordinary powers conferred 
on the governor, by the Ordinance of 1787, and the very arbitrary 
manner by which he vetoed mauy of the bills that passed. During 
the period of the territorial legislature, most of the business usually 
done by territorial legislatures since, was done by the governor 
of the territory. He erected new counties, fixed county seats, and 
issued divers proclamations enacting laws by his own authority, 
and put his veto upon all legislative enactments which he fancied 
encroached on his prerogatives, and therefore his administration 
became extremely unpopular. 

On the 15th of January, 1802, the legislature of that State passed 
1802.] an act "for the -establishment of a college at Canonsburg, 



758 JEFFERSON COLLEGE CHARTERED. 1802, 

in the county of Washington, in the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
vania. 

About the year 1785, the Rev. John McMillan, who had been 
the pastor of the Presbyterian congregations of Chartiers and 
Pigeon creeks, since 1776, opened at his residence a school for the 
purpose of preparing young men for the ministry, at which several 
of the most distinguished clergymen of that denomination, at that 
period, received their first training for their profession. The inter- 
est on the subject of education awakened in that region by the 
success of McMillan's school, as well as that of one or two others, 
maintained for a brief period, led the Synod of Virginia, which 
then extended its jurisdiction over Western Pennsylvania, to take 
measures for the establishment of one or more institutions of learn- 
ing within its bounds. Accordingly that body, at its meeting in 
1791, resolved to establish two academies; one in the county of 
Rockbridge, Virginia, under the care of Rev. "William Graham, 
and under the superintendence of the Presbyteries of Lexington 
and Hanover, a school which has since grown into the Washington 
College of Lexington ; and the other in the county of Washington, 
Pennsylvania, under the care of Rev. John McMillan, and under 
the superientendence of the Presbytery of Redstone. At the 
meeting of that Presbytery in October, 1792, it was resolved " to 
appoint Canonsburg to be the seat of the institution of learning 
which they are appointed by the Synod to superintend." 

The Canonsburg Academy was, in consequence, established at 
that village. A large and commodious stone building was erected 
for its use, a corps of teachers was appointed, and many of the 
most distinguished men in all departments of public life in the 
West received their education there. The Academy remained un- 
der the care of the Redstone Presbytery until 1798, at which time 
a change was made in the institution. The Board of Trustees be- 
came a close corporation, and all ecclesiastical supervision over the 
institution ceased. By the act of 1802, the Canonsburg Academy 
was incorporated under the name of Jefferson College, and the 
property of the academy was vested in the trustees of the college. 
At the same time, a donation of three thousand dollars was made 
to it by the State. The college was fully organized, the Rev. 
Thomas Watson was elected President, and a corps of professors 
was appointed, and Jefferson College thus became the first, as it 
has proved to be one of the most efficient institutions west of the 
mountains. More than four thousand students have been educated 
at it, and it has sent out more than fourteen hundred graduates, 



1802. CONVENTION FOR A NEW STATE AUTHORIZED. 759 

many of whom occupy, or have occupied the highest positions in 
every department of public and professional life. 

In January, 1802, an act was passed by the Legislature of the 
North- Western Territory, to establish a university at the town of 
Athens. Two townships of land, w T ithin the Ohio Company's pur- 
chase, consisting of forty-six thousand and eighty acres, had previ- 
ously been donated by Congress, for the support of an institution 
of learning. It 1804 it was re-chartered by the State government, 
and fully organized under the name of the Ohio University, with a 
board of twenty- four trustees, chosen by the Legislature, and with 
an endowment fund arising from its lands of about four thousand 
five hundred dollars. 

The great dissatisfaction which existed in the North- Western 
Territory with the administration of Governor St. Clair, excited the 
wish among many of the prominent men of the Territory for the 
establishment of a State government, north of the Ohio river, and, 
as has been seen, Worthington set out for Philadelphia late in the 
preceding year, to secure that object, as well as to protest against 
any change in the boundaries of the North- We stern States, as con- 
templated in the ordinance. 

While Worthington was on his way to the seat of government, 
Massie presented, on the 4th of January, a resolution for choosing 
a committee to address Congress, in respect to the proposed State 
government. This, upon the following day, the House refused to 
pass, however, by a vote of twelve to five. An attempt was next 
made to procure a census of the territory, and an act for that pur- 
pose passed the House, but the council postponed the consideration 
of it until the next session, which was to commence at Cincinnati 
on the fourth Monday of the following November.* 

Worthington, meantime at Philadelphia, pursued the ends of his 
mission, and used his influence to effect that organization "which, 
terminating the influence of tyranny," was to "meliorate the cir- 
cumstances of thousands, by freeing them from the domination of 
a despotic chief." His efforts proved successful, and upon the 4th 
of March a report was made to the House in favor of authorizing 
a State Convention. This report went upon the basis that the 
territory, by the United States census made in 1800, contained 
more than forty-five thousand inhabitants, and as the government, 
since that time, had sold half a million of acres, that the territory 



* See Journal of the Council, 53 and 78, and Journal of the House, 111, 115, 155. 



760 LANDS RESERVED FOR SCHOOL FUNDS. 1802. 

east of the Miami, supposing the past rate of increase to continue, 
would, by the time a State government could be formed, contain 
the sixty thousand persons contemplated by the ordinance; and 
upon this basis proposed that a convention should be held, to deter- 
mine, 1st, whether it were expedient to form a State government, 
and 2d, to prepare a constitution, if such an organization were 
deemed best. In the formation of this State, however, a change of 
boundaries was proposed, by which, in accordance with the fifth 
article of the ordinance of 1787, all of the territory north of a line 
drawn due east from the head of Lake Michigan to Lake Erie was 
to be excluded from the new government about to be called into 
existence. The report closed as follows: 

"The committee observe, in the ordinance for ascertaining the 
mode of disposing of lands in the Western Territory, of the 20th 
of May, 1785, the following section, which, so far as respects the 
subject of schools, remains unaltered: 

" ' There shall be reserved for the United States out of every town- 
ship, the four lots, being numbered 8, 11, 26, 29, and out of every 
fractional part of a township so many lots, of the same numbers, 
as shall be found thereon for future sale. There shall be reserved 
the lot No. 16 of every township, for the maintenance of public 
schools within the said township ; also, one-third part of all gold, 
silver, lead and copper mines, to be sold or otherwise disposed of, 
as Congress shall hereafter direct.' 

" The committee also observe, in the third and fourth articles of 
the ordinance of the 13th July, 1787, the following stipulations, 
to wit : 

" 'Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good gov- 
ernment and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of 
education shall forever be encouraged, &c. 

"'The legislatures of those districts or new States, shall never 
interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States 
in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may 
find necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona fide pur- 
chasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the 
United States; and in no case shall non-resident proprietors be 
taxed higher than residents.' 

" The committee, taking into consideration these stipulations, 
viewing the lands of the United States within the said Territory as 
an important source of revenue; deeming it also of the highest 
importance to the stability and permanence of the union of the 
eastern and western parts of the United States, that the intercourse 



1802. CONVENTION OBTAIN FURTHER APPROPRIATIONS. 761 

should, as far as possible, be facilitated, and their interests be libe- 
rally and mutually consulted and promoted, are of opinion that the 
provisions of the aforesaid articles may be varied for the reciprocal 

advantage of the United States and the State of — , when 

formed, and the people thereof. They have therefore deemed it 
proper, in lieu of the said provisions, to offer the following propo- 
sitions to the convention of the eastern State of the said territory, 
when formed, for their free acceptance or rejection, without any 
condition or restraint whatever, which, if accepted by the conven- 
tion, shall be obligatory upon the United States : 

" 'That the section No. 16, in every township sold or directed to 
be sold by the United States, shall be granted to the inhabitants of 
such township for the use of schools. 

" ' That the six miles reservation, including the salt springs com- 
monly called the Scioto salt springs, shall be granted to the State 

of , when formed, for the use of the people thereof; the 

same to be used under such terms, conditions and regulations, as 
the Legislature of the said State shall direct: Provided, the said 
Legislature shall never sell nor lease the same for a longer term 
than years. 

" < That one-tenth part of the net proceeds of the lands lying in 
the said State, hereafter sold by Congress, after deducting all ex- 
penses incident to the same, shall be applied to the laying out and 
making turnpike or other roads, leading from the navigable waters 
emptying into the Atlantic to the Ohio, and continued afterward 

through the State of ; such roads to be laid out under 

the authority of Congress, with the consent of the several States 
through which the roads shall pass : Provided, that the convention 

of the State of shall, on its part, assent that every and each 

tract of land sold by Congress shall be and remain exempt from 
any tax laid by order and under authority of the State, whether for 
State, county, township, or any other purpose whatever, for the 
term of ten years, from and after the completion of the payment of 
the purchase money on such tract to the United States.' " 

In accordance with the recommendation of their committee, 
Congress, upon the 30th of April, passed a law, carrying, with 
slight modifications the view above given into effect. The pro- 
visions of this law were thought by many in the territory unau- 
thorized, but no opposition was offered to the appointment of per- 
sons to attend the convention, and the legislature even gave way 
to the embryo government, and failed to assemble according to 
adjournment. The convention met upon the 1st of November ; 
49 



762 JEFFERSON REMOVES ST. CLAIR FROM OFFICE. 1802. 

its members were generally Jeffersonian in their national politics, 
and had been opposed to the change of boundaries proposed the 
previous year. Before proceeding to business, Governor St. Clair 
proposed to address them, in his official character, as the chief ex- 
ecutive magistrate of the territory. This proposition was resisted 
by several of the members; but, after discussion, a motion was 
made, and adopted, by a majority of five, that, "Arthur St. Clair, 
Sen., Esquire, be permitted to address the convention, on those 
points which he deems of importance." 

He advised the postponement of a State organization until the 
people of the original eastern division were plainly entitled to de- 
mand it, and were not subject to be bound by conditions.* This 
advice, given as it was, caused Jefferson instantly to remove St. 
Clair, and when the vote was taken upon doing that which he ad- 
vised them not to do, but one of thirty-three, Ephraim Cutler, of 
Washington, voted with the govern or. f 

On one point, the proposed boundaries of the new State were 
altered. 

" To every person who has attended to this subject, and who has 
consulted the maps of the western country, extant at the time the 
ordinance of 1787 was passed, Lake Michigan was believed to be, 
and was represented by all the maps of that day, as being very far 
north of the position which it has since been ascertained to occupy. 
I have seen the map in the Department of State, which was before 
the committee of Congress, who framed and reported the ordinance 
for the government of the territory. On that map, the southern 
boundary of Michigan was represented as being above the forty- 
second degree of north latitude. And there was a pencil line, said 
to have been made by the committee, passing through the southern 
bend of the lake to the Canada line, which struck the strait not 
far below the town of Detroit. That line was manifestly intended 
by the committee, and by Congress, to be the northern boundary 
of our State ; and on the principles by which courts of chancery 
construe contracts, accompanied by plats, it would seem that the 
map, and the line referred to, should be conclusive evidence of our 
boundary, without reference to the real position of the lake. 

"When the convention sat, in 1802, the prevailing understanding 
was, that the old maps were nearly correct, and that the line, as 
defined in the ordinance, would terminate at some point on the 



* Burnet's Letters, 108, 111. f Ibid. 110. 



1802. OHIO BECOMES A STATE. 763 

strait above the Maumee bay. "While the convention was in ses- 
sion, a man who had hunted many years on Lake Michigan, and 
was well acquainted with its position, happened to be in Chilli- 
cothe ; and, in conversation with one of its members, told him that 
the lake extended much further south than was generally supposed, 
and that a map of the country, which he had seen, placed its 
southern bend many miles north of its true position. This infor- 
mation excited some uneasiness, and induced the convention to 
modify the clause, describing the north boundary, so as to guard 
its being depressed below the most northern cape of the Maumee 
bay."* 

"With this change, and some extension of the school and road 
donations, the convention agreed to the proposal of Congress, and 
upon the 29th of "November, their agreement was ratified and 
signed, as was also the constitution of the State of Ohio. Of this 
constitution nothing further need be said, than that it bore in every 
provision the marks of democratic feeling; of full faith in the 
people. By the people themselves, however, it was never exam- 
ined; but no opposition was offered to it, and a General Assembly 
was required to meet at Chillicothe on the first Tuesday of March, 
1803. 

After the ratification by Congress of the Constitution of Ohio, 
and her admission into the Union, the Peninsula of Michigan was 
wholly within the territory of Indiana. 

On the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison, of Indiana 
Territory, at Yincennes, entered into an agreement with various 
chiefs of the Pottawattamie, Eel river, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskas- 
kia and Kickapoo tribes, by which were settled the bounds of a 
tract of land near that place, said to have been given by the Indians 
to its founder; and certain chiefs were named who were to con- 
clude the matter at Fort Wayne. This was the first step taken by 
Harrison in those negotiations which continued through so many 
years, and added so much to the dominions of the confederation. 
He found the natives jealous and out of temper, owing partly to 
American injustice, but also in a great degree, it was thought, to 
the arts of the British traders and agents. 

In January of this year, Governor Harrison also communicated 
to the President the following letter, detailing some of the most 
curious land speculations of which there is any account : 



* Historical Transactions of Ohio, p. 115. 



764 COMPLAINT AGAINST LAND JOBBEES. 1802. 

" The court established at this place, under the authority of the 
State of Virginia, in the year 1780, (as I have before done myself 
the honor to inform you,) assumed to themselves the right of 
granting lands to every applicant. Having exercised this power 
for some time without opposition, they began to conclude that 
their right over the land was supreme, and that they could with 
as much propriety grant to themselves as to others. 

" Accordingly, an arrangement was made, by which the whole 
country to which the Indian title was supposed to be extinguished, 
was divided between the members of the court ; and orders to that 
effect entered on their journal, each member absenting himself 
from the court on the day that the order was to be made in his 
favor, so that it might appear to be the act of his fellows only. 
The tract thus disposed of, extends on the Wabash twenty-four 
leagues from La Pointe Coupee to the mouth of White river, and 
forty leagues into the country west, and thirty east from the 
Wabash, excluding only the land immediately surrounding this 
town, which had before been granted to the amount of twenty or 
thirty thousand acres. 

" The authors of this ridiculous transaction soon found that no 
advantage could be derived from it, as they could find no purcha- 
sers, and I believe that the idea of holding any part of the land 
was, by the greater part of them, abandoned a few years ago ; how- 
ever, the claim was discovered, and a part of it purchased by some 
of those speculators who infest our country, and through these peo- 
ple, a number of others in different parts of the United States have 
become concerned, some of whom are actually preparing to make 
settlements on the land the ensuing spring. Indeed, I should 
not be surprised to see five hundred families settling under these 
titles in the course of a year. 

"The price at which the land is sold enables any body to become 
a purchaser; one thousand acres being frequently given for an in- 
different horse or a rifle gun. And as a formal deed is made 
reciting the grant of the court, (made as it is pretended, under the 
authority of the State of Virginia,) many ignorant persons have 
been induced to part with their little all to obtain this ideal pro- 
perty, and they will no doubt endeavor to strengthen their claim, 
as soon as they have discovered the deception, by an actual settle- 
ment. The extent of these speculations was unknown to me until 
lately. 

"I am now informed that a number of persons are in the habit 
of repairing to this place, where they purchase two or three 



1803. FIRST LEGISLATURE OF OHIO. 765 

hundred thousand acres of this claim, for which they get a deed 
properly authenticated and recorded, and then disperse themselves 
over the United States to cheat the ignorant and credulous. In 
some measure, to check this practice, I have forbidden the recorder 
and prothonotary of this county from recording or authenticating 
any of these papers; being determined that the official seals of the 
territory should not be prostituted to a purpose so base as that of 
assisting an infamous fraud." 

During the month of June, 1803, certain Indian chiefs, agreeable 
1803.] to their promise made at Yincennes the preceding year, 
met at Fort Wayne, and transferred to Governor Harrison the 
lands claimed by the United States about Post Yincennes, and 
their act was confirmed at Yincennes, on the 7th of August, by 
various chiefs and warriors. On the 13th of August, the Illinois 
tribes, including the Kaskaskias, Michiganies, Cahokias and Ta- 
marois, made a conveyance to the United States of their right to a 
large portion of the Illinois country south and east of the Illinois river. 

On the 1st of March, 1803, the first general assembly ufider the con- 
stitution of Ohio was held at Chillicothe, for the purpose of organizing 
the State Government, and especially for the purpose of appoint- 
ing the judicial and executive officers provided for in the constitu- 
tion — a Secretary and Auditor, and a Treasurer of State, and their 
respective duties assigned to them. Senators were elected, and 
provisions made for the election by the people, of a representative 
to Congress. Judges for the new courts were appointed, the court 
of common pleas was organized, and the business of the court of 
quarter sessions transferred to it; justices of the peace were provi- 
ded, and the business of the territorial magistrates was assigned to 
them. And many other provisions for the complete organization 
of the new government and for the administration of justice, were 
enacted. 

Upon the 15th of April, the House of Eepresentatives of the 
new State of Ohio, signed a bill respecting a college township in 
the district of Cincinnati. The history of this township is thus 
given by Judge Burnet : 

"The ordinance adopted by Congress for the disposal of the 
public domain, did not authorize a grant of college land, to the 
purchasers, of less than two millions of acres. The original propo- 
sition of Mr. Symmes being for that quantity, entitled him to the 
benefit of such a grant. It was his intention, no doubt, to close 
his contract, in conformity with his proposal. He therefore stated, 



766 HISTORY OF SYMMES' COLLEGE TOWNSHIP. 1803. 

in his printed publication, before referred to, that a college town- 
ship had been given; and he described his situation to be, as 
nearly opposite the mouth of Licking river, as an entire township 
could be found, eligible in point of soil and situation. He also 
selected in good faith, one of the best townships in the purchase, 
answering the description, and marked it on his map, as the 
college township. 

" The township thus selected, was the third of the first entire 
range on which the town of Springdale now stands. The tract 
w 7 as reserved from sale, and retained for the intended purpose, 
until Mr. Symmes ascertained, that his agents had relinquished 
one-half of his proposed purchase, by closing a contract for one 
million of acres, by which his right to college lands was abandoned, 
and of course not provided for in the contract. He then, very 
properly, erased the endorsement from the map, and offered the 
township for sale, and as it was one of the best and most desirable 
portions of his purchase, it was rapidly located. 

" The matter remained in this situation, till the application in 
1792, to change the boundaries of the purchase, and to grant a 
patent for as much land as his means would enable him to pay for. 
When the bill for that purpose was under consideration, General 
Dayton, the agent, and one of the associates of Mr. Symmes, being 
then an influential member of the House of Representatives, pro- 
posed a section, authorizing the President to convey to Mr. Symmes 
and his associates, one entire township in trust, for the purpose of 
establishing an academy, and other schools of learning, conform- 
ably to an order of Congress, of the 2d of October, 1787. 

" The fact was, that the right, under the order referred to, had 
been lost, by the relinquishment of half the proposed purchase, in 
consequence of which the contract contained no stipulation for 
such a grant. Notwithstanding, from some cause, either want of 
correct information, or a willingness then to make the gratuity, — 
most probably the latter — the section was adopted and became a 
part of the law. At that time, there was not an entire township in 
the purchase, undisposed of. Large quantities of all of them had 
been sold by Mr. Symmes, after his right to college lands had been 
lost, by the conduct of his agents, Dayton and Marsh. It was not, 
therefore, in his power to make the appropriation required by the 
act of Congress, though in arranging his payment at the treasury, 
he was credited with the price of the township. 

" The matter remained in that situation, till about the time the 
legislature was elected, under the second grade of the territorial 



1803. HISTORY OF SYMMES' COLLEGE TOWNSHIP. 767 

government, in 1799. Mr. Symmes, then feeling the embarrass- 
ment of his situation, and aware that the subject would be taken 
up by the legislature, made a written proposition to the governor, 
offering the second township of the second fractional range, for the 
purposes of a college. On examination, the governor found, that 
he had sold an undivided moiety of that township, for a valuable 
consideration, in 1788 ; that the purchaser had obtained a decree 
in the circuit court of Pennsylvania, for a specific execution of the 
contract ; and that he had also sold several smaller portions of the 
same township to others, who then held contracts for same. As a 
matter of course, the township was refused. He then appealed from 
the decision of the governor, to the territorial legislature. They 
also refused to receive it, for the same reasons which had been 
assigned by the governor. 

" A similar refusal was afterward made, for the same reason, by 
the state legislature, to whom it was again offered. I had the 
charity to believe, that when Mr. Symmes first proposed the town- 
ship to the governor, it was his intention to buy up the claims 
against it, which he probably might have done at that time, on fair 
and moderate terms ; but he omitted to do so, till that arrange- 
ment became impracticable, and until his embarrassments, pro- 
duced by the refusal of Congress to confirm his contract for the 
land he had sold out of his patent, rendered it impossible for him 
to make any remuneration to government, or the intended bene- 
ficiaries of the grant. 

" The delegates representing the territory in Congress, were 
instructed, from time to time, to exert their influence to induce the 
government in some form, to secure the grant to the people of the 
Miami purchase. But nothing effectual was accomplished, till the 
establishment of the State government in 1803; when a law was 
passed by Congress vesting in the legislature of Ohio, a quantity 
of land equal to one entire township, to be located under their 
direction, for the purpose of establishing an academy, in lieu of the 
township already granted, for the same purpose, by virtue of the 
act, entitled ' an act authorizing the grant and conveyance of cer- 
tain lands to John C. Symmes and his associates.' Under the 
authority of an act of the Ohio legislature, passed in April, 1803, 
by which commissioners were appointed who made a location of 
these lands, amounting to thirty-six sections, as they are now held 
by the Miami University. In consequence of the early sales, by 
Judge Symmes, these lands were necessarily located west of the 
Great Miami river; and, consequently, without the limit of 
Symmes' purchase." 



768 TREACHERY OF SPANISH INTENDANT. 1800. 

Under the administration of Gayoso, after the treaty of Madrid, 
and the surrender of the posts to the American government, noth- 
ing occurred to disturb the friendly feeling then existing between 
the province of Louisiana and the United States.* Immediately 
after his death, however, the Intendant Morales, in 1799, published 
an interdict, refusing any longer to allow the port of I^ew Orleans 
to be used as a place of deposit for the trade of the Ohio, without, 
according to the stipulations of the treaty of Madrid, providing any 
other suitable point for that purpose. 

The immediate effect of this ill-timed and faithless order was to 
cut off at once the whole commerce of the American settlements in 
the valley, and in consequence to derange and embarrass the busi- 
ness of that region. The right of the free navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and the right of the deposit at New Orleans were specifically 
guaranteed to the people of the "West hj the treaty of Madrid, after 
a long and vexatious negotiation, and this infringement of those 
rights, now without notice or without reason, excited much indig- 
nation among the American people. 

The federal government shared the feeling of the people, and 
prepared at once to compel the Spanish authorities to open a depot 
for the American trade. With that view, President Adams ordered 
three regiments of the army to concentrate on the lower Ohio, to 
be ready for any emergency that might arise. Soon after, Congress, 
for the ostensible purpose, however, of avenging the spoliations of 
the French upon American commerce, authorized the enlistment 
of twelve regiments to serve during the continuance of the difficul- 
ties with France. Washington was vested with the chief command 
of the army. Wilkinson was called to the seat of government to 
arrange with the cabinet the plan of a campaign against Louisiana, 
and throughout the West preparations were being made with 
secrecy, but with great vigor, for an early descent upon New 
Orleans ; but the recurrence of the Presidential election, and the 
choice of Mr. Jefferson as the Chief Magistrate, induced Mr. Adams 
to suspend the enterprise, and to leave the responsibility of the 
question to his successor in office. 

In the meantime, a change was effected in the political condition 
of the province. On the 1st of October, 1800, a secret treaty was 
held at St. Ildefonso, between the king of Spain, and the first con- 
sul of the French republic, at which it was stipulated that the Duke 
of Parma, a prince of the Spanish branch of the House of Bourbon, 



Gayarre's Spanish Domination in Louisiana. 



1803. CONGRESS RESOLVES TO REBUKE SPAIN. 769 

whose territories were annexed to the republic, should be put in 
possession of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, which was to be erected 
into the kingdom of Etruria, under the protection and guarantee 
of the French government. 

As an equivalent to that guarantee, the third article of the treaty 
provided that — 

"His Catholic Majesty promises and engages to retrocede to the 
French republic, six months after the full and entire execution of 
the above conditions and stipulations relative to his Royal High- 
ness, the Duke of Parma, the colony or province of Louisiana, with 
the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it 
had when France possessed it, and such as it ought to be after the 
treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other 
States." 

Morales was superseded by Lopez in the government of Louisi- 
ana, his interdict was disavowed by the king, the right of deposit 
was promptly restored, and thus the difficulties arising from his 
bad faith, which were about to involve Spain in a war with the 
United States, were adjusted. 

Rumors of the transfer of the province to France reached Lou- 
isiana, and excited much sensation among its people. Especially, 
they excited much distrust among the Spanish inhabitants,, and 
particularly in the mind of Morales, who was again Intendant, 
against the large and increasing number of Americans who were 
emigrating at that critical time to Louisiana. To arrest the influx 
of what he regarded as a dangerous population, Morales published 
a decree of the king, of the 18th of July, 1802, forbidding the 
grant of any land in Louisiana to any citizen of the United States. 

To further the same policy, Morales issued an order, on the 16th 
of October, suspending again the right of deposit at E"ew Orleans. 
This new infraction of the treaty greatly embarrassed, and, in con- 
sequence, aroused the indignation of the people of the "West. Peti- 
tions, appeals, and even threats, were addressed to the general 
government, and the embarrassments of the people of the "West 
were urged in such a manner as to induce the government to take 
immediate measures for their relief. 

On the 7th of January, 1803, the House of Representatives 
passed resolutions, declaring " the firm determination of Congress 
to sustain the Executive of the United States in such measures as 
he might adopt for asserting the rights, and vindicating the inju- 
ries of the American citizens ; and declaring their unalterable deter- 
mination to maintain the boundaries, and rights of navigation and 



770 PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA PROPOSED. 1803. 

commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing 
treaties." And on the 11th of January, the President, Mr. Jeffer- 
son, sent a message to the Senate, nominating Robert R. Living- 
ston and James Monroe ministers to the French government, and 
Charles Pinckney and James Monroe to that of Spain, with fall 
powers to form treaties " for enlarging and more effectually secur- 
ing our rights and interests in the river Mississippi, and in the ter- 
ritories eastward thereof." 

The secret treaty of St. Ildefonso, as has been seen, had been 
formed on the 1st of October, 1890 ; on the 29th of the next March, 
Eufus King, then Minister in London, wrote home in relation to a 
reported cession of Louisiana, and its influence on the United 
States : on the 9th of June, 1801, Mr. Pinckney, at Madrid, was 
instructed in relation to the alleged transfer, and upon the 28th of 
September, Mr. Livingston, at Paris, was written to upon the same 
topic. On the 20th of November, Mr. King sent from London a 
copy of the treaty signed at Madrid, March 21, 1801, by which the 
Prince of Parma (son-in-law of the King of Spain) was established 
in Tuscany ; this had been the consideration for the grant of Lou- 
isiana to France in the previous autumn, and that grant was now 
confirmed. 

From that time till July, 1802, a constant correspondence went 
on between the American Secretary of State and the Ministers at 
Paris, London, and Madrid, relative to the important question, 
What can be done to secure the interests of the Union in relation 
to the Mississippi ? Mr. Livingston, in France, was of opinion that 
a cession of New Orleans might possibly be obtained from that 
power; and to obtain it he advised the payment of " a large price,' 1 
if required. Mr. Livingston at the same time wrote and laid be- 
fore the French leaders an elaborate memoir, intended to show that 
true policy required France not to retain Louisiana, but when, on 
the last of August, he again made propositions, Talleyrand told 
him that the First Consul was not ready to receive, them. Still the 
sagacious ambassador felt " persuaded that the whole would end in 
a relinquishment of the country, and transfer of the capital to the 
United States ;" and pursued his labors in hope, asking from his 
government only explicit instructions as to how much he might 
offer France for the Floridas, which it was supposed she would 
soon get from Spain, and also for New Orleans. 

His views were acquiesced in by the President, and Mr. Monroe 
went out in March, 1803, bearing instructions, the object of which 
was " to procure a cession of New Orleans and the Floridas to the 



1803. NEGOTIATIONS FOR LOUISIANA. 771 

United States." All idea of purchasing Louisiana west of the 
Mississippi, was thus far disclaimed by Mr. Livingston, in October, 
1802, and by Mr. Jefferson in January, 1803. Upon the 10th of 
the latter month, however, Mr. Livingston proposed to the Minis- 
ter of Napoleon to cede to the United States not only New Orleans 
and Florida, but also all of Louisiana above the river Arkansas. 
But such were not the views entertained in the Cabinet of the 
United States, and upon the 2d of March the instructions sent to 
Messrs. Livingston and Monroe, gave a plan which expressly left 
to France "all her territory on the west side of the Mississippi."* 

In conformity with these orders, when Talleyrand, on the 11th 
of the next month, asked Livingston if he wished all of Louisiana, 
he answered that his government desired only New Orleans and 
Florida, though, in his opinion, good policy would lead France to 
cede all west of the Mississippi above the Arkansas, so as to place 
a barrier between her own colony and Canada. Talleyrand still 
suggested the cession of the whole French domain in North 
America, and asked how much would be given for it ; Mr. Living- 
ston intimated that twenty millions of francs might be a fair price ; 
this the Minister of Bonaparte said was too low, but asked the 
American to think of the matter. He did think of it, and con- 
cluded that the purchase of Louisiana entire was too large an ob- 
ject for the United States, and that, if acquired, it ought to be 
exchanged with Spain for the Floridas, reserving only New Or- 
leans. 

On the 12th of April, Mr. Monroe reached Paris, and upon the 
13th the Minister of the Treasury, Marbois, who was a personal 
friend of Livingston, had a long conversation with him, from which 
it appeared that Napoleon, then about to renew his wars with 
England, wished to sell Louisiana entire, and that the only ques- 
tion was as to price. Bonaparte had named what equaled one 
hundred and twenty-five millions of francs, but to this the Kepub- 
licans turned a deaf ear, offering only forty or fifty millions. In a 
short time, however, a compromise took place, and the American 
negotiators, going entirely beyond the letter of their instructions, 
agreed to pay eighty millions of francs for the vast territory upon 
and beyond the river first navigated by Marquette ; the treaty was 
arranged upon the 30th of the month in which the purchase had 
first been suggested. 



* For the documents on this subject, see American State Papers, vol. ii., pp. 525 to 544- 



772 NEGOTIATIONS FOR LOUISIANA. 1803. 

This act of the ministers, though, unauthorized and unexpected, 
was at once agreed to by the President. Congress was summoned 
to meet upon the 17th of October, and on that day the treaty was 
laid before the Senate : by the 21st the transfer was ratified, and 
upon the 20th of the following December, the Province of Louisi- 
ana was officially delivered over to Governor Claiborne, of Missis- 
sippi, and General Wilkinson, who were empowered to assume the 
government. 

To this transfer of Louisiana, Spain at first objected, as she 
alleged, " on solid grounds," but early in 1804, renounced her 
opposition. 

From this statement it will be seen that Mr. Jefferson had no 
agency in the purchase of Louisiana, beyond the approval of the 
unlooked for act of his ministers. If any one deserves to be re- 
membered, in connection with the great bargain, it was Mr. Liv- 
ingston, whose efforts to secure it were consistent and unremitting. 

It was, however, more owing to the peculiar circumstances which 
surrounded Napoleon, as the First Consul, that the purchase of 
Louisiana was effected at all, and especially at that time, and at 
such a price. The motives with which he was influenced in its 
sale, are exposed in detail by M. de Barbe Marbois, who was min- 
ister of the Public Treasury at that period, and who, in the charac- 
ter of confidential secretary of Napoleon, conducted the negotiation, 
and drew up the treaty. 

The crisis was an alarming one to France. The Court of St. 
James had learned the purport of the secret treaty of St. Ildefonso, 
by which Louisiana had been re-ceded to France. The latter gov- 
ernment had its fleet fitted out, ostensibly for America. The king 
of England became alarmed, and in quick succession sent mes- 
sages to Parliament, and prompt action was taken to fit out the 
navy. Napoleon dreaded the maritime power of England. To 
Marbois he said : 

"The principles of a maritime supremacy are subversive of one 
of the noblest rights of nature, science and genius have secured to 
man; I mean the right of traversing every sea with as much liberty 
as the bird flies through the air; of making use of the waves, winds, 
climates, and productions of the globe; of bringing near to one 
another, by a bold navigation, nations that have been separated, 
since the creation ; of carrying civilization into regions that are a 
prey to ignorance and barbarism."* 

}h _ L *Marbois' Louisiana, p. 258. 



1803, NEGOTIATIONS FOR LOUISIANA. 773 

The discussions in the French Cabinet continued, at intervals. 
for several days. Mr. Livingston was the American minister to 
the French Kepublic, and for two years had been negotiating for 
indemnity for maritime spoliations. Mr. Monroe was on his way 
thither, with instructions to secure the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and even to purchase Kew Orleans, and some small part of 
the vast territory of Louisiana. Napoleon wanted money, and he 
foresaw the probability that this province would fall into the hands 
of England, and that a sale of the whole country to the United 
States, would add to its national greatness, and make this govern- 
ment a formidable rival of Great Britain. After the close of the 
conference with his counselors, Napoleon said to Marbois : 

"Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season; I re- 
nounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans that I will cede ; it 
is the whole country, without any reservation. 

" If I should regulate my terms, according to the value of these 
vast regions to the United States, the indemnity would have no 
limits. I will be moderate, in consideration of the necessity in 
which I am of making a sale. But keep this to yourself. I want 
fifty millions (of francs,) and for less than that sum I will not treat : 
I would rather make a desperate attempt to keep these fine coun- 
tries. To-morrow you shall have full powers. 

"Perhaps it will also be objected to me, that the Americans may 
be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centuries; but 
my foresight does not embrace such remote fears. Besides, we 
may hereafter expect rivalries among the members of the Union. 
The confederations, that are called perpetual, only lasts until one 
of the contracting parties finds it to its interest to break them, and 
it is to prevent the danger to which the colossal power of England 
exposes us, that I would provide a remedy." 

The Minister Barbois, who details this conversation, made no 
reply. The First Consul continued: 

"Mr. Monroe is on the point of arriving. To this minister, go- 
ing two thousand leagues from his constituents, the president must 
have given, after defining the object of his mission, secret instruc- 
tions, more extensive than the ostensible authorization of Congress, 
for the stipulations of the payments to be made. 

"Neither this minister nor his colleague is prepared for a de- 
cision which goes infinitely beyond anything that they are to ask 
of us. Begin by making them the overture, without any subter- 
fuge. You will acquaint me, day by day, hour by hour, of your 
progress. The Cabinet of London is informed of the measures 



774 PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA. 1803. 

adopted at Washington, but can have no suspicion of those I am 
now taking. Observe the greatest secrecy, and recommend it to 
the American ministers; they have not a less interest than yourself 
in conforming to this council."* 

The conferences began the same day between Mr. Livingston 
and M. Barbe Marbois, to whom the First Consul confided the ne- 
gotiation. The American minister had not the necessary powers, 
and he had become distrustful of the French cabinet. Such an 
offer as the sale of the whole of Louisiana, came so unexpected, and 
being ignorant, of course, as he was, of the motives and views of 
Napoleon, he suspected artifice. Mr. Monroe arrived on the 12th 
of April, with more extensive powers, but heard with surprise 
and distrust the offer of the French ambassador. The historian 



"As soon as the negotiation was entered on, 'the American min- 
isters declared they were ready to treat on the footing of the cession 
of the entire colony, and they did not hesitate to take on them- 
selves the responsibility of augmenting the sum that they had been 
authorized to offer. The draft of the principal treaty was com. 
municated to them. They prepared another one, but consented to 
adopt provisionally, as the basis of their conferences, that of the 
French negotiator, and they easily agreed to the declaration con- 
tained in the first article." 

The negotiations being finished, the treaty for the sale and pur- 
chase of Louisiana was completed on the 30th of April, and signed 
on the 3d of May. The intelligence of this negotiation was not 
less astounding to the people of the United States than the propo- 
sition to sell the whole country, by Marbois, was to Messrs. Living- 
ston and Monroe. The Federal party rallied to defeat it; Mr. 
Jefferson and the plenipotentiaries were assailed in their public 
journals, and, as is common under high party excitement, extrava- 
gant tales were told on both sides. Yet, as the prominent actors 
have passed away, and the transaction is now viewed in the per- 
spective of history, the purchase and possession has long been 
regarded as one of the most valuable and splendid achievements 
ever acquired by this nation. 

The following observation of Napoleon to Marbois, after the 
conclusion of the treaty, furnishes an insight to his reflections : 

" This accession of territory strengthens forever the power of the 



* Marbois' History of Louisiana, pp. 260, 280. 



1803. TRANSFER OF LOUISIANA TO UNITED STATES. 775 

United States ; and I have just given to England a maritime rival 
that will, sooner or later, humble her pride."* 

The English ministry, when they were informed of the mission 
of Mr. Monroe to France, and its object, made a proposition to 
Rufus King, the American envoy at London, to undertake the con- 
quest of Louisiana, with the concurrence of the United States, and 
retrocede it to our government as soon as peace should be made 
with France. But it appears the British ministry had no knowl- 
edge of the nature and extent of the negotiations at Paris, until 
they were concluded. The result was communicated without 
delay, and Mr. King received a satisfactory answer from Lord 
Hawkesbury respecting the cession. 

The treaty was forwarded to Washington with as much dispatch 
as possible, where it arrived on the 14th of July. 

And now, another difficulty arose with Spain. The Spanish 
minister, having received orders from his government, made a 
solemn protest against the ratification of the treaty, alleging that 
France had contracted with Spain not to retrocede the province to 
any other power. 

The Federalists, who opposed the treaty, imputed to France a 
disgraceful deception ; that there was a secret concert, and that 
Spain was acting under the influence of that government. Amidst 
a series of complicated embarrassments, Mr. Jefferson convened 
Congress, which met on the 17th of October, and laid the several 
treaties before the Senate. Both the nature of the contract, and 
the magnitude of the sum, opened a wide field of debate. 

The opposers of the treaty contended that Congress had no 
power to annex, by treaty, new territories to the confederacy, as 
that right could only belong to the whole people of the United 
States. But after a free debate, the Senate ratified the treaties on 
the 20th day of October, by a majority of twenty-four votes against 
seven, to which the President gave his sanction the next day. All 
the documents were communicated to the House of Representa- 
tives, and, after a short debate, the necessary law to create the 
stock and carry out the treaty, was passed without any formidable 
opposition. 

The next step was to make the regular transfer from Spain to 
France, and from France to the United States, for the secret treaty 
of St. Ildefonso had not been carried into effect in Louisiana. 



*Marbois, 312. 



776 ADDRESS OF LAUSSAT. — EXCHANGE OF BANNERS. 1803. 

M. Laussat had been appointed the plenipotentiary of the French 
republic, and on the 30th of November he met the Spanish com- 
missioners in the council chamber at New Orleans, received in due 
form the keys of the city, and issued a proclamation to the Louisi- 
anians, informing them of the retrocession of the country to France, 
and by that government to the United States. At a signal given 
by the firing of cannon, the Spanish flag was lowered, and the 
French hoisted. 

The French sovereignty lasted only twenty days, during which 
M. Laussat, as Governor-General s provided for the administration 
of justice only in summary and urgent matters. 

General Wilkinson, having command of the United States troops, 
established his camp, on the 19th of December, a short distance 
above New Orleans; at the same time the Spanish troops embarked 
and sailed for Havana. The next day, discharges of artillery from 
the forts and vessels, announced the farewell of the French oflicers. 
On the 20th, M. Laussat, with a numerous retinue, went to the 
City Hall, while, by previous arrangement, the American troops 
entered the capital. General Wilkinson and Governor Claiborne, 
American commissioners, were received in due form in the Hall. 

The treaty of cession, the respective powers of commissioners, 
and the certificate of exchange of ratifications were read. M. 
Laussat then pronounced these words : — 

"In conformity with the treaty, I put the United States in 
possession of Louisiana and its dependencies. The citizens and 
inhabitants who wish to remain here and obey the laws, are from 
this moment exonerated from the oath of fidelity to the French 
republic." 

Mr. Claiborne, the governor of the territory of Mississippi, exer- 
cising the power of governor-general and intendant of the province 
of Louisiana, delivered a congratulatory discourse to the Louisi- 
anians. 

" This cession," said he, "secures to you and your descendants 
the inheritance of liberty, perpetual laws, and magistrates, whom 
you will elect yourselves." 

The ceremonies closed with the exchange of flags, which was 
done by lowering the one and raising the other. When they met 
midway, they were kept stationary for a moment, while the artil- 
lery and trumpets celebrated the Union. The American flag then 
rose to its full height, and while it waived in the air, the Americans 
expressed their joy in a tremendous shout. 

The American government went into operation quietly, and the 



1804. TRANSFER OF UPPER LOUISIANA. 777 

French and Spanish population soon became accustomed to the 
new order of things, and after a lapse of fifty-three years, no dis- 
tinction appears, except in family names. 

Thus, in a persevering effort to gain the free navigation of the 
Mississippi, and the port of New Orleans, by an unexpected and 
fortuitous train of circumstances, the United States gained the 
immense territories of Louisiana, and extended her boundaries to 
the Pacific Ocean. 

The transfer of Upper Louisiana to the United States, was effected 
1804.] at St. Louis, on the 9th and 10th of March, 1804. 

Amos Stoddard, a captain of artillery in the service of the United 
States, and to whom the public is indebted for an admirable his- 
torical sketch of Louisiana, was constituted the agent of the French 
republic for receiving from the Spanish authorities, the possession 
of Upper Louisiana. 

He arrived at St. Louis early in March, and on the 9th day, 
received in due form, possession of the province, in the name of 
the French republic, and the next day made the transfer to the 
United States government, which he likewise represented. 

When the transfer was completely effected — when in the pres- 
ence of the assembled population the flag of the United States had 
replaced that of Spain — the tears and lamentations of the ancient 
inhabitants proved how much they were attached to the old gov- 
ernment, and how much they dreaded the change which the treaty 
of cession had brought about. 

Congress, on the 20th of March, divided Louisiana into two ter- 
ritories. The southern province was denominated the territory of 
Orleans ; the northern was called Upper Louisiana. Captain Stod- 
dard was appointed temporarily the governor, with all the powers 
and prerogatives of the Spanish lieutenant-governor in Upper 
Louisiana. 

In his sketches of Louisiana, Stoddard says : 

" St. Louis has two long streets, running parallel to the river, 
with a variety of others intersecting them at right angles. It con- 
tains about one hundred and eighty houses, and the best of them 
are built of stone. Some of them include large gardens, and even 
squares, attached to them, are inclosed with high stone walls; and 
these, together with the rock scattered along the shore and about 
the streets, render the air uncomfortably warm in summer. A 
small, sloping hill extends along in the rear of the town, on the 
eummit of which is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie, 
50 



778 ADDRESS OF MAJOR STODDARD. 1804. 

which affords plenty of hay, as also pasture for the cattle and horses 
of the inhabitants. " 

On entering upon his office, Major Stoddard published the fol- 
lowing address to the inhabitants of Upper Louisiana : 

" The period has now arrived, when, in consequence of amicable 
negotiations, Louisiana is in possession of the United States. The 
plan of a permanent territorial government for you is already un- 
der the consideration of Congress, and will doubtless be completed 
as soon as the importance of the measure will admit. But in the 
meantime, to secure your rights, and prevent a delay of justice, 
his Excellency "William C. C. Claiborne, Governor of the Missis- 
sippi Territory, is invested with those authorities and powers (de- 
rived from an act of Congress) usually exercised by the governor 
and intendant-general under his Catholic Majesty; and permit me 
to add, that, by virtue of the authority and power vested in him by 
the President of the United States, he has been pleased to commis- 
sion me as first civil commander of Upper Louisiana. 

" Directed to cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and 
to make known the sentiments of the United States relative to the 
security and preservation of all your rights, both civil and religious, 
I know of no mode better calculated to begin the salutary work 
than a circular address. 

"It will not be necessary to advert to the various preliminary 
arrangements which have conspired to place you in your present 
political situation; with these it is presumed you are already 
acquainted. Suffice it to observe, that Spain, in 1800 and 1801, 
retroceded the colony and province of Louisiana to France ; and 
that France, in 1803, conveyed the same territory to the United 
States, who are now in the peaceable and legal possession of it 
These transfers were made with honorable views, and under 
such forms and sanctions as are usually practiced among civilized 
nations. 

" Thus you will perceive that you are divested of the character 
of subjects, and clothed with that of citizens. You now form an 
integral part of a great community, the powers of whose govern- 
ment are circumscribed and defined by charter, and the liberty of 
the citizen extended and secured. Between this government and 
its citizens many reciprocal duties exist, and the prompt and regu- 
lar performance of them is necessary to the safety and welfare of 
the whole. 

" No one can plead exemption from these duties; they are equally 
obligatory on the rich and the poor; on men in power, as well as 



1804. ADDKESS OF MAJOR STODDARD. 779 

on those not intrusted with it. They are not prescribed as whim 
and caprice may dictate; on the contrary, they result from the 
actual or implied compact between society and its members, and 
are founded not only on the sober lessons of experience, but in the 
immutable nature of things. If, therefore, the government be 
bound to protect its citizens in the enjoyment of their liberty, pro- 
perty, and religion, the citizens are no less bound to obey the laws, 
and to aid the magistrate in the execution of them ; to repel inva- 
sion, and in periods of public danger, to yield a portion of their 
time and exertions in defense of public liberty. 

" In governments differently constituted, where popular elections 
are unknown, and where the exercise of power is confided to those 
of high birth, and great wealth, the public defense is committed to 
men who make the science of war an exclusive trade and profes- 
sion ; but in all free republics, where the citizens are capacitated 
to elect, and to be elected, into offices of emolument and dignity, 
permanent armies of any considerable extent are justly deemed 
hostile to liberty ; and therefore the militia is considered as the 
palladium of their safety. Hence the origin of this maxim, that 
every soldier is a citizen, and every citizen a soldier. 

" "With these general principles before you, it is confidently ex- 
pected that you will not be less faithful to the United States than 
you have been to his Catholic Majesty. 

"Your local situation, the varieties in your language and educa- 
tion have contributed to render your manners, laws, and customs, 
and even your prejudices, somewhat different from those of your 
neighbors, but not less favorable to virtue, and to good order in 
society. These deserve something more than mere indulgence ; 
they shall be respected. 

" If, in the course of former time, the people on different sides 
of the Mississippi fostered national prejudices and antipathies 
against each other, suffer not these cankers of human happiness 
any longer to disturb your repose, or to awaken your resentment ; 
draw the veil of oblivion over the past, and unite in pleasing 
anticipations of the future ; embrace each other as brethren of the 
same mighty family, and think not, that any member of it can 
derive happiness from the misery or degradation of another. 

"Little will the authority and example of the best magistrates 
avail, when the public mind becomes tainted with perverse senti- 
ments, or languishes under an indifference to its true interests. 
Suffer not the pride of virtue, nor the holy fire of religion, to 
become extinct. If these be different in their nature, they are 



780 ADDRESS OF MAJOR STODDARD. 1804, 

necessary supports to each other. Cherish the sentiments of order 
and tranquillity, and frown on the disturbers of the public peace. 
Avoid as much as possible all legal contests ; banish village vexa- 
tion, and unite in the cultivation of the social and moral affections. 

" Admitted as you are into the embraces of a wise and magnani- 
mous nation, patriotism will gradually warm your breasts, and 
stamp its features on your future actions. To be useful, it must 
be enlightened ; not the eifect of passion, local prejudice, or blind 
impulse. Happy the people who possess invaluable rights, and 
know how to exercise them to the best advantage ; wretched are 
those who do not think and act freely. 

" It is a sure test of wisdom, to honor and support the govern- 
ment under which you live, and to acquiesce in the decisions of 
the public will, when they are constitutionally expressed. Confide, 
therefore, in the justice and integrity of our federal president; he 
is the faithful guardian of the laws; he entertains the most benefi- 
cent views relative to the glory and happiness of this territory; 
and the merit derived from the acquisition of Louisiana, without 
any other, will perpetuate his fame to posterity. Place equal con- 
fidence in all the other constituted authorities of the Union. They 
will protect your rights, and indeed your feelings, and all the ten- 
der felicities and sympathies, so dear to rational and intelligent 
creatures. 

" A very short experience of their equitable and pacific policy 
will enable you to view them in their proper light. I flatter myself 
that you will give their measures a fair trial, and not precipitate 
yourselves into conclusions, which you may afterward see cause to 
retract. The first official acts of my present station, authorized by 
high authority, will confirm these remarks. 

" The United States, in the acquisition of Louisiana, were actua- 
ted by just and liberal views. Hence the admission of an article 
in the treaty of cession, the substance of which is, that the inhabi- 
tants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated into the Union, 
and admitted as soon as possible to the enjoyment of all the rights, 
advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States ; and, 
in the meantime, be maintained and protected in the free enjoy- 
ment of their liberty, property and religion. 

"From these cursory hints, you will be enabled to comprehend 
your present political situation, and to anticipate the future desti- 
nies of your country. You may soon expect the establishment of 
a territorial government, administered by men* of wisdom and 
integrity, whose salaries will be paid out of the treasury of the 



1804. ADDRESS OF MAJOR STODDARD. 781 

United States. From your present population, and the rapidity of 
its increase,- this territorial establishment must soon be succeeded 
by your admission as a State into the Federal Union. At that 
period, you will be at liberty to try an experiment in legislation, 
and to frame such a government as may best comport with your 
local interests, manners and customs ; popular suffrage will be its 
basis. The enaction of laws, and the appointment of judges to 
expound them, and to carry them into effect, are among the first 
privileges of organized society. 

" Equal to these, indeed, and connected with them, is the inesti- 
mable right of trial by jury. The forms of judicial processes, and 
the rules for the admission of testimony in courts of justice, when 
firmly established, are of great and obvious advantage to the people. 
It is also of importance, that a distinction be made between trials of 
a capital nature, and those of an inferior degree, as likewise between 
all criminal and civil contestations. In fine, Upper Louisiana, 
from its climate, population, soil, and productions, and from other 
natural advantages attached to it, will, in all human probability, 
soon become a star of no inconsiderable magnitude in the American 
constellation. 

"Be assured that the United States feel all the ardor for your 
interests, which a warm attachment can inspire. I have reason to 
believe that it will be among some of their first objects, to ascertain 
and confirm your land titles. They well know the deranged state 
of these titles, and of the existence of a multitude of equitable 
claims under legal surveys, where no grants or concessions have 
been procured. What ultimate measures will be taken on this 
subject, does not become me to conjecture; but this much I will 
venture to affirm, that the most ample justice will be done ; and 
that, in the final adjustment of claims, no settler or landholder will 
have any just cause to complain. Claimants of this description 
have hitherto invariably experienced the liberality of government ; 
and surely it will not be less liberal to the citizens of Upper Louisi- 
ana, who form a strong cordon across an exposed frontier of a vast 
empire, and are entitled by solemn stipulations to all the rights 
and immunities of freemen. 

"My duty, not more indeed than my inclination, urges me to 
cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and between you 
and the United States. I suspect my talents to be unequal to the 
duties which devolve on me in the organization and temporary ad- 
ministration of the government; the want of a proper knowledge of 
your laws and language, is among the difficulties I have to encoun- 



782 OBSERVATIONS OF BRACKENRIDGE. 1804. 

ter. But my ambition and exertions bear some proportion to the 
honor conferred on me ; and the heavy responsibility attached to 
my office, admonishes me to be prudent and circumspect. 

" Inflexible justice and impartiality shall guide me in all my de- 
terminations. If, however, in the discharge of a variety of compli- 
cated duties, almost wholly prescribed by the civil law, and the 
code of the Indies, I be led into error, consider it as involuntary, 
and not as the effect of inattention, or of any exclusive favors or 
affections. Destined to be the temporary guardian of the rights 
and liberties of at least ten thousand people, I may not be able to 
gratify the just expectations of all ; but your prosperity and happi- 
ness will claim all my time and talents ; and no earthly enjoyment 
could be more complete, than that derived from your public and 
individual security, and from the increase of your opulence and 
power." 

The following observations of Hon. H. M. Brackenridge, made a 
few years later, during his residence in Upper Louisiana, will illus- 
trate the great change that the transfer of that country to the United 
States effected in the character of its government, and in the 
habits of its people : 

" The present government appears to be operating a general 
change : its silent but subtile spirit is felt in every nerve and vein 
of the body politic. The United States, acting upon broad prin- 
ciples, cannot be influenced by contemptible partialities between 
their own sons and their adopted children. They do not want col- 
onies — they will disdain to hold others in the same state, which 
they themselves so nobly despised. They are, in fact, both na- 
tives of the same land, and both can claim Freedom as their birth- 
right. 

"A singular change has taken place, which, one would think, 
ought not to be the result of a transition from a despotism to a 're- 
publican government; luxury has increased in a wonderful degree, 
and there exists something like a distinction in the classes of soci- 
ety. On the other hand, more pains are taken with the education 
of youth ; some have sent their sons to the seminaries of the United 
States, and all seem anxious to attain this desirable end. Several 
of the young men have entered the army of the United States, and 
have discovered talents. The females are also instructed with more 
care, and the sound of the piano is now heard in their dwellings for 
the first time. 

"Personal property, a few articles excepted, has fallen on an 
average, two hundred per cent, in value, and real property risen at 



1804. OBSERVATIONS OF BRACKENRIDGE. 783 

least five hundred. But the prices of merchandise had- no propor- 
tion to the price of produce. Five bushels of corn were formerly 
necessary for the purchase of a handkerchief, which can now he 
had for one. The cultivators raised little produce beyond what was 
necessary for their own subsistence; it was therefore held at high 
prices, but fell far short of the present proportion to the price of 
imported articles ; the petty trade was the principal dependence for 
these supplies. Their agriculture was so limited, that instances 
have been known, of their having been supplied by the king, on 
the failure of their crops from the inundation of the Mississippi. 
The low value of lands naturally arose from the great quantities 
lying waste and unoccupied, in proportion to the extent of the 
population, or of its probable increase, and the consequent facility 
with which it could be obtained. Kent was scarcely known. 

" It may be questioned, whether the poorest class has been bene- 
fited by the change. Fearless of absolute want, they always lived 
in a careless and thoughtless manner ; at present a greater part of 
them obtain a precarious subsistence. They generally possess a 
cart, a horse or two, a small stock of cattle, and cultivate small 
plats of ground. At St. Louis they have more employment than 
in the other villages ; they make hay in the prairie, haul wood for 
sale, and are employed to do trifling jobs in town ; some are boat- 
men or patrons. At Ste. Genevieve, they depend more upon their 
agriculture, and have portions in the great field, but this will prob- 
ably soon be taken from them by the greater industry of the Amer- 
ican cultivators, who are continually purchasing, and who can give 
double the sum for rent; they are sometimes employed in hauling 
lead from the mines, but it will not be sufficient for their support 
A number have removed to the country, and, in imitation of the 
Americans, have settled down on public lands, but here they can- 
not expect to remain long. Those who live in the more remote 
villages, are less affected by the change, but there is little prospect 
of their being better situated. But few of them have obtained per- 
mission from the commandant to settle on lands ; in fact, there was 
no safety from the depredations of the Indians, in forming esta- 
blishments beyond the villages. Land was only valued for what 
it could produce, and any one could obtain as much as he chose to 
cultivate. 

"Until possession was taken of the country by us, there was no 
safety from the robberies of the Osage Indians. That impolitic 
lenity, which the Spanish and even the French government have 
manifested toward them, instead of a firm, though just course, gave 



784 OBSERVATIONS OF BRACKENRIDGE. 1804, 

rise to trie most insolent deportment on their part. I Lave "been 
informed by the people of Ste. Genevieve, who suffered infinitely 
the most, that they were on one occasion left without a horse to 
turn a mill. The Osages were never followed to any great dis- 
tance, or overtaken; this impunity necessarily encouraged them. 
They generally entered the neighborhood of the villages, divided 
into small parties, and during the night, stole in and carried away 
every thing they could find, frequently breaking open stables, and 
taking out the horses. After uniting at a small distance, their 
place of rendezvous, they marched leisurely home, driving the 
stolen horses before them, and without the least dread of being 
pursued. They have not dared to act in this manner under the 
present government; there have been a few solitary instances of 
robberies by them, within these three or four years, but they are 
sufficiently acquainted with the Americans to know, that they will 
be instantly pursued, even into their villages, and compelled to sur- 
render. 

""What serves, however, to lessen the atrocity of these outrages, 
it has been remarked, that they are never known to take away the 
lives of those who fall into their hands. The insolence of the 
other nations who came openly to their villages, the Piorias, Loups, 
Kickapoos, Chickasaws, Cherokees, &c, is inconceivable. They 
were sometimes perfectly masters of the villages, and excited gene- 
ral consternation. I have seen the houses on some occasions closed 
up, and the doors barred by the terrified inhabitants ; they were 
not always safe even there. It is strange how these people have 
entirely disappeared within a few years — there are at present scarcely 
a sufficient number to supply the villages with game. 

"If I am asked, whether the ancient inhabitants are more eon- 
tented, or happy, under the new order of things, or have reason to 
be so, I should consider the question a difficult one, and answer it 
with hesitation. It is not easy to know the secret sentiments of 
men, and happiness is a relative term. It is true, I have heard 
murmurings against the present government, and something like 
sorrowing after that of Spain, which I rather attributed to moment- 
ary chagrin, than to real and sincere sentiment ; besides, this gen- 
erally proceeds from those who were wont to bask in the sunshine 
of favor. Yet I have not observed those signs which unequivocally 
mark a suffering and unhappy people. The principal source of 
uneasiness arises from the difficulties of settling the land claimed 
by the commissioners, on the part of the United States. The prin- 
cipal inhabitants have lost much of that influence which they for- 



1804. OBSERVATIONS OF BRACKENMDGE. 785 

merly possessed, and are superseded in trade and in lucrative 
occupations, by strangers ; their claims, therefore, constitute their 
chief dependence. The subject of those claims embraces such a 
variety of topics, that it is not possible to give any correct idea of 
them in this cursory view. It is a subject on which the claimants 
are feelingly alive. This anxiety is a tacit compliment to our gov- 
ernment, for under the former, their claims would be scarcely 
worth attention. The general complaint is, the want of sufficient 
liberality in determining on the claims. 

" The lower class have never been in the habit of thinking be- 
yond what immediately concern themselves ; they cannot, therefore, 
be expected to foresee political consequences. They were formerly 
under a kind of dependence, or rather vassalage, to the great men 
of villages, to whom they looked up for their support and protec- 
tion. Had they been more accustomed to think it possible, that 
by industry it was in their power to become rich, and independent 
also, the change would have been instantly felt in their prosperity. 
But they possess a certain indifference and apathy, which cannot 
be changed till the present generation shall pass away. They are 
of late observed to become fond of intoxicating liquors. There is 
a middle class, whose claims or possessions were not extensive, but 
sure, and from the increased value of their property, have obtained, 
since the change of government, a handsome competence. They, 
upon the whole, are well satisfied; I have heard many of them ex- 
press their approbation of the American government, in the warm- 
est terms. They feel and speak like freemen, and are not slow in 
declaring, that formerly the field of enterprise was occupied by 
the monopolies of a few, and it is now open to every industrious 
citizen. 

"There are some things in the administration of justice, which 
they do not yet perfectly comprehend; the trial by jury, and the 
multifarious forms of our jurisprudence. They had not been ac- 
customed to distinguish between the slow and cautious advances of 
even-handed justice, and the dispatch of arbitrary power. In their 
simple state of society, when the subjects of litigation were not of 
great value, the administration of justice might be speedy and sim- 
ple ; but they ought to be aware, that when a society becomes ex- 
tensive, and its occupations, relations, and interests more numerous, 
people less acquainted with each other, the laws must be more 
complex. The trial by jury is foreign to the customs and manners . 
of their ancestors; it is therefore not to be expected that they should 
at once comprehend its utility and importance. 



786 STATISTICS OF UPPER LOUISIANA. 1804. 

" The chief advantages which accrued from the change of gov- 
ernment may be summed up in a few words. The inhabitants de- 
rived a security from the Indians ; a more extensive field, and a 
greater reward was offered to industry and enterprise ; specie be- 
came more abundant, and merchandise cheaper. Landed property 
was greatly enhanced in value. In opposition, it maybe said, that 
formerly they were more content, had less anxiety ; there was more 
cordiality and friendship, living in the utmost harmony, with 
scarcely any clashing interests. This, perhaps, is not unlike the 
notions of old people, who believe that in their early days every 
thing was more happily ordered." 

Upper Louisiana included all that part of the ancient province 
which lay north of a spot on the Mississippi, called Hope Encamp- 
ment, nearly opposite the Chickasaw bluffs ; including the territory 
now within the jurisdiction of the States of Arkansas, Missouri , 
Iowa, a large part of the territory of Minnesota, and all the vast 
regions of the West, far as the Pacific Ocean, south of the forty- 
ninth degree of north latitude, not claimed by Spain. 

The civilized population of this territory is given by Major Stod- 
dard, with as much accuracy as the nature of the case admitted. 
The settled portions had been divided into "Districts," for purposes 
of local government. The population in 1803, in the settlements 
of Arkansas, Little Prairie, and New Madrid, was estimated on 
such data as could be obtained, at one thousand three hundred and 
fifty; of which two-thirds, or less, were Anglo-Americans, and the 
other third French. 

The District of Cape Girardeau, included the territory between 
Tywappaty Bottom and Apple creek — population in 1804, one 
thousand four hundred and seventy whites, and a few slaves. Ex- 
cepting three or four families, all were emigrants from the United 
States. 

The District of Ste. Genevieve extended from Apple creek to the 
Merrimac. The settlements, (besides the village of Ste. Genevieve) 
included settlements on the head waters of the St. Francois and 
the lead mines. Population in 1804, two thousand three hundred 
and fifty whites, and five hundred and twenty slaves. More than 
half were Anglo-Americans. 

The District of St. Louis, included the territory lying between 
the Merrimac and Missouri rivers. It contained the villages of St. 
Louis, Carondelet, and St. Ferdinand, with several good settle- 
ments extending westward into what is now Franklin county. 

The village of Carondelet contained between forty and fifty 



1804. STATISTICS OF UPPEK LOUISIANA. 787 

houses, population chiefly Canadian-French. St. Ferdinand con- 
tained sixty houses. The population of the district was about two 
thousand two hundred and eighty whites, and five hundred blacks. 
St. Louis contained about one hundred and eighty houses, which, 
allowing six persons to each house, would make the population one 
thousand and eighty. About three-fifths of the population in this 
district were Anglo-Americans. Each of the districts extended in- 
definitely west. 

The largest and most populous settlement in St. Louis District, 
was called St. Andrews. It was situated near the Missouri, in the 
north-western part of the present county of St. Louis. 

The District of St. Charles, included all the inhabited country 
between the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. It had two compact 
villages, St. Charles, and Portage des Sioux, the inhabitants of 
which were French Creoles and Canadians. Femme Osage was 
an extensive settlement of Anglo-American families. The popu- 
lation of the district in 1804, was about one thousand four hundred 
whites, and one hundred and fifty blacks. The American and 
French population were about equally divided.* 

The aggregate population of Upper Louisiana at the period of 
the cession, was about ten thousand one hundred and twenty, of 
which three thousand seven hundred and sixty were French, in- 
cluding a few Spanish families; five thousand and ninety were 
Anglo-Americans, who had immigrated to the country after 1790 ; 
and one thousand two hundred and seventy black people, who were 
slaves, with very few exceptions. 

Several circumstances had given impulse to migration to this 
province. The transfer of the Illinois country to the British 
crown, in 1765, caused many wealthy and respectable families to 
retire across the Mississippi. 

The ordinance of 1787, which prohibited involuntary servitude 
in the North-Western Territory, caused slaveholders, who were 
disposed to preserve this species of property, to abandon their 
ancient possessions. 

" The distance of this province from the capital, New Orleans, 
added to a wilderness of nearly a thousand miles in extent between 
them, seemed to point out the necessity of strengthening it ; and 
she conceived it good policy to populate it by the citizens of the 
United States, especially as they appeared disposed to act with 
vigor against the English. Additional prospects, therefore, were 

* See Stoddard's Sketches, pp. 211, 224. 



788 CHARACTER OF POPULATION. 1804. 

held out to settlers, and pains were taken to disseminate them in 
every direction. Large quantities of land were granted them, 
attended with no other expenses than those of office fees and sur- 
veys, which were not exorbitant, and they were totally exempted 
from taxation. This sufficiently accounts for the rapid population 
of Upper Louisiana, which, in 1804, consisted of more than three- 
fifths of English Americans."* 

Why did so many American citizens expatriate themselves, place 
themselves and their posterity under Spanish despotism, and beyond 
the protection of the rights of conscience ? This is a question of 
grave and momentous import, and if it remained unanswered ? 
might leave a suspicion on the character and motives of the Ameri- 
can emigrants. Happily, we have the opportunity for explanation. 
We have been intimately acquainted with a large number of these 
pioneers, a few of whom still linger amongst us, and more than 
thirty years since we heard their own explanations. f 

They acted under a 'presentiment that, in some way, the jurisdiction of 
the United States would be extended over this country. They projected 
no violent action — no revolutionary schemes. The impression 
doubtless had its origin in the efforts in the western country to 
obtain the navigation of the Mississippi. Of the character of the 
American population, we ought to say a word, to correct an erro- 
neous notion that has prevailed in the Atlantic States concerning 
frontier emigration. 

"A number had fled their country to avoid the consequences of 
crime or improvidence. But probably a majority were peaceable, 
industrious, moral and well disposed persons, who, from various 
motives, had crossed the "Great Water." Some from the love of 
adventure, some from that spirit of restlessness which belongs to a 
class; but a much larger number with the expectation of obtaining 
large tracts of land, which the government gave to each settler for 
the trifling expense of surveying and recording. 

"Under the Spanish government, the Roman Catholic faith was 
the established religion of the province, and no other Christian 
sect was tolerated by the laws of Spain. Each emigrant was 
required to be un bon Catholique, as the French expressed it; yet, by 
the connivance of the commandants of Upper Louisiana, and by 
the use of a legal fiction in the examination of Americans who 
applied for lands, toleration in fact existed. 



* Sketches of Louisiana, 225. 

f Author of Life of Daniel Boone. 



1804. LARGE PURCHASES OF LAND FROM INDIANS. 789 

" Many protestant families, communicants in Baptist, Methodist 
and Presbyterian, and other churches, settled in the province, and 
remained undisturbed in their religious principles. Protestant 
itinerant clergymen passed over from Illinois, and preached in the 
log cabins of the settlers, unmolested, though they were occasion- 
ally threatened with imprisonment in the Calabozo at St. Louis. 
Yet these threats were never executed. 

"No protestant religious society was organized amongst these 
emigrants until after the treaty of cession."* 

During the month of August in this year, a series of treaties 
was made by Governor Harrison, at Yincennes, by which the claims 
of several Indian nations to large tracts of land in Indiana and 
Illinois were relinquished to the United States, for due considera- 
tion. The Delawares sold their claim to a large tract between the 
Wabash and Ohio rivers ; and the Piankeshaws gave up their title 
to lands granted by the Kaskaskia Indians the preceding year. 

It should be understood by all that, in most instances, Indian 
claims are vague and undefined; that several tribes set up a claim 
to the same tract, and that the policy of the United States has been 
to negotiate with each claimant, without regard to priority of 
right. 

In November, Harrison negotiated with the chiefs of the united 
nations of Sacs and Foxes, for their claim to the immense tract of 
country lying between the Mississippi, Illinois, Fox river of Illinois, 
and Wisconsin rivers, comprehending about fifty millions of acres. 
The consideration given was the protection of the United States, 
and goods delivered at the value of two thousand two hundred and 
thirty-four dollars and fifty cents, and an annuity of one thousand 
dollars, (six hundred to the Sacs, and four hundred to the Foxes,) 
forever. An article in this treaty provided that as long as the 
United States remained the owner of the land, "the Indians belong- 
ing to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege of living [and hunt- 
ing" on the land. 

The remark just made applies to this case. When the French 
discovered and took possession of Illinois, neither the Sacs nor 
Foxes had any claim or existence on this tract of country. 

During this year, measures were adopted to learn the facts as to 
the settlements about Detroit, and an elaborate report upon them 
was made by C. Jouett, the Indian agent in Michigan. From that 



* Life of Boone, in Sparks' Biography, vol. xxiii. 166. 



790 DESCRIPTION OF OLD DETROIT. 1804. 

report is taken some sentences illustrative of the state of the 
capital : 

"The town of Detroit. — The charter, which is for fifteen acres 
square, was granted in the time of Louis XIV. of France, and is 
now, from the best information I have been able to collect, at 
Quebec. Of those two hundred and twenty-five acres, only four 
are occupied by the town and Fort Lenault. The remainder is a 
common, except twenty-four acres, which were added, twenty years 
ago, to a farm belonging to "William Macomb. 

"As to the titles to the lots in town, I should conceive that the 
citizens might legally claim, from a length of undisturbed and 
peaceable possession, even in the absence of a more valid and sub- 
stantial tenure. Several of those lots are held by the commanding 
officer, as appendages of the garrison. A stockade encloses the 
town, fort and citadel. The pickets, as well as the public houses, 
are in a state of gradual decay, and in a few years, without repairs, 
they must fall to the ground. 

" The streets are narrow, straight, regular, and intersect each 
other at right angles. The houses are, for the most part, low and 
inelegant ; and although many of them are convenient and suited 
to the occupations of the people, there are, perhaps, a majority of 
them which require very considerable reparation." 

Congress, during 1804, granted a township of land in Michigan 
for the support of a college. 

Among other events of interest that marked this year, was the 
emigration into this country of the persons composing the society 
of Harmonic 

This society had its origin in Wirtemberg, in Germany, from a 
schism in the Lutheran church, about the year 1785. On account 
of the persecution that they had met with, for their religious 
opinions, in their native country, a considerable body of them con- 
cluded to migrate, and in 1803, their pastor, Mr. George Eapp, 
came to this country in their behalf, to look out a site on which 
they might locate. He accordingly purchased a tract of land on 
the left bank of Conoquenessing creek, in Butler county, Pennsyl- 
vania, and fourteen miles south-west of Butler borough, for the 
new society, and in the autumn of the following year, some one 
hundred and fifty families came over, and took possession of this 
purchase, to which was given the name of Harmonie, (now often, 
though incorrectly, spelled Harmony.) Here, in a new country, 
surrounded by strangers, of whose language they were ignorant, 



1804. ADVENT OF RAPP'S COMMUNITY. 791 

unaccustomed to our mode of clearing the forest, and possessed of 
no more wealth than just sufficient to purchase the soil, and to re- 
move to their new possessions, they had many difficulties to con- 
tend with, and many privations to endure ; yet, though some 
became discouraged, and left the society, the main body showed 
that same indomitable courage, industry, and perseverance that 
characterized the early settlers of our country generally, and that 
gained for them, in a few years, the admiration of the neighboring 
country. Perhaps, too, there was something in the religious char- 
acter of their confederation, that lent them additional courage. 
They did not seem to be banded together upon mere principles of 
communism, but relied upon some religious sanction derived from 
Acts iv, verse 32. 

Their principal occupation was the culture of the grape, and the 
raising of sheep. But the soil and climate in the region where they 
had located, not proving particularly favorable to these objects, they 
concluded to migrate, and accordingly, in the year 1813, they de- 
puted Frederick Eapp, an adopted son of their pastor and leader, 
to seek for a new location, and he, after a diligent search through 
the six Western States, finally fixed on a tract of land on the Wa- 
bash, fifty miles from its mouth, and fifteen miles north of Mt. 
Vernon, in Posey county, State of Indiana, as likely to be favorable 
to their purposes. To this place the society migrated, in the year 
1814, and immediately built up a town, consisting of some two 
hundred houses, including two churches, several mills, a cotton and 
woolen factory, a brew house, and a distillery, to which they gave 
the name of New Harmonic Their purchase consisted of about 
seventeen thousand acres, most of it of excellent quality, on which 
they proceeded to clear, as speedily as possible, an immense farm ; 
they planted orchards and vineyards, and raised the sheep to sup- 
ply the woolen manufactories which they had erected. In this loca- 
tion, too, they contended with many difficulties, as the land which 
they occupied was entirely unreclaimed, and they were obliged to 
provide for themselves any comforts that they afterward enjoyed. 

As perseverance, however, always begets prosperity, so they too 
thrived admirably, and in 1824, ten years from the date of their 
migration, their property consisted of thirty thousand acres of land, 
together with improvements, stock, and personal effects, amounting 
to the estimated value of nearly a million of dollars. 

About this time, however, that is, in 1824 or 1825, finding their 
location in Indiana very unhealthy, they again determined to 
change their place of residence, to return to Pennsylvania, where 



792 PROGRESS OF RAPP's COMMUNITY. 1804. 

they purchased a tract of land on the Ohio river, in Beaver county, 
about eighteen miles below Pittsburgh. Here they again erected 
a town, which they called Economy. It consisted of some one 
hundred and thirty houses, an elegant church, a large woolen and 
cotton factory, a store, a tavern, a large steam mill, a brewery, a dis- 
tillery, a tan yard, and various other workshops. Besides these, 
they afterward also built a large and commodious house for a con- 
cert hall, in which they have a museum of natural curiosities, a 
collection of minerals, a mathematical school, a library, and a 
drawing school. 

About the time of their migration, Mr. Frederick Rapp, acting 
again under power of attorney from the members of the society, 
sold land of their possessions in Indiana, to the amount of one 
hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, to Robert Owen, who 
there founded a colony, the history of which will be noticed here- 
after. 

In 1831, the Economites met with a serious reverse, by the admission 
among them of a German adventurer, calling himself Count De Leon, 
who succeeded in breeding a lamentable schism among the members, 
so that a large number of them left the parent society, under the guid- 
ance of the Count, taking with them, by agreement, some one hundred 
and five thousand dollars. These established themselves in Philips- 
burg, a village situated some twelve miles below Economy, on the 
Ohio river, opposite Rochester, giving to their new colony the name of 
ETew Philadelphia, a name which has not, however, survived their ad- 
vent ; for the experiment proved entirely unsuccessful. The Count 
was discovered to be a selfish, deceitful impostor, and the society, 
which at the commencement numbered some three or four hun- 
dred members, broke up after a short time, and the Count hav- 
ing fled, most of them returned to the parent society, richer in 
experience, though perhaps poorer in worldly goods, than they had 
left. 

The Duke of Saxe Weimar, who visited the colony about the 
year 1826, in speaking of it, says : 

" At the inn, a fine large frame house, we were received by Mr. 
Rapp, the principal, at the head of the community. He is a grey- 
headed and venerable old man; most of the members emigrated 
twenty-one years ago from Wirtemberg, along with him. 

" The warehouse was shown to us, where the articles made here 
for sale or use are preserved, and I admired the excellence of all. 
The articles for the use of the society are kept by themselves, as 
the members have no private possessions, and every thing is in com- 



1804. LIFE AND HABITS OF THE COMMUNITY. 793 

mon ; so must they, in relation to all their wants, be supplied from 
the common stock. The clothing and food they make use of is of 
the best quality. Of the latter, flour, salt meat, and all long keep- 
ing articles, are served out monthly; fresh meat, on the contrary, 
and whatever spoils readily, is distributed whenever it is killed, ac- 
cording to the size of the family, &c. As every house has a garden, 
each family raises its own vegetables and some poultry, and each 
family has its own bake-oven. For such things as are not raised 
in Economy, there is a store provided, from which the members, 
with the knowledge of the directors, may purchase what is neces- 
sary, and the people of the vicinity may also do the same. 

"Mr. Rapp finally conducted us into the factory again, and said 
that the girls had especially requested this visit, that I might hear 
them sing. When their work is done, they collect in one of the 
factory rooms, to the number of sixty or seventy, to sing spiritual 
and other songs. They have a peculiar hymn book, containing 
hymns from the Wirtemberg psalm book, and others written by the 
elder Rapp. A chair was placed for the old patriarch, who sat 
amidst the girls, and they commenced a hymn in a very delight- 
ful manner. It was naturally symphonious, and exceedingly well 
arranged. The girls sang four pieces, at first sacred, but afterward, 
by Mr. Rapp's desire, of a gay character. "With real emotion did I 
witness this interesting scene. The factories and workshops are 
warmed during the winter by means of pipes connected with the 
steam engine. All the workmen, and especially the females, had 
very healthy complexions, and moved me deeply by the warm- 
hearted friendliness with which they saluted the elder Rapp. I 
was also much gratified to see vessels containing fresh sweet-scented 
flowers, standing on all the machines. The neatness which univer- 
sally reigns, is in every respect worthy of praise." 

It has often been a subject of remark and wonder, that Mr. Rapp 
had succeeded in so closely uniting a body of men and women, 
numbering at one time over eight hundred, and exerting so great 
a power over them, as even to control their strongest passions ; 
keeping the sexes apart from each other, and even separating those 
who had been before married; for the observance of a strict 
celibacy is one of the distinguishing traits of the Economites. It 
is said that the power of religious belief has done this wonder. 
Mr. Rapp taught, that the second advent of Christ, which would le 
the end of all things, was near at hand, and that men must keep 
themselves perfectly pure and free from all passions. It is in 
accordance with this belief, it is said, that they so rigidly adhere to 
51 



794 OBSERVATIONS ON THEIR DESTINY. 1804. 

the peculiar and strange doctrine of their teacher, even so long 
after that teacher himself has gone to his long home. 

George Rapp died in the fall of 1847, over ninety years of age, 
beloved and esteemed by all who knew him, but especially by his 
devoted flock, to whom he preached for the last time only a few 
days before his death. The desolating effects of his teachings in 
relation to the rite of matrimony, is now plainly visible in the once 
thriving colony, which now consists almost entirely of old men and 
women, their average age being over sixty, some as old as nearly 
ninety, and some few in the prime of life. Their number, which, 
in 1824, was about eight hundred, is now something less than three 
hundred ; and from the age of the members, there being no proba- 
bility of any new accessions, the decrease for the next ten or twenty 
years will no doubt be in a greater ratio. In 1828, they commenced 
the culture of the mulberry, and raising of silk worms, and in 1840 
their silk manufactures were the best in the country ; but from the 
reduction of their number, they have been forced to abandon the 
enterprise ; their cotton and woolen manufactures, too, from the 
same causes, have dwindled down to insignificance, so that now they 
do little more than make the clothing they wear ; they even have 
to hire hands to assist in their field labors ; very many of their 
houses are tenantless and desolate, as none but members are 
allowed to occupy them, and the whole town of Economy now 
wears a melancholy air of quiet and repose, but also of decline and 
desolation, that is significantly emblematical of the increasing age 
and childless loneliness of its worthy inhabitants. 

According to a report filed in the Circuit Court of the United 
States for the "Western District of Pennsylvania, in a chancery pro- 
ceeding in that court, in the year 1846, where an expelled member 
of the society sues for a distributive share of the society fund, it is 
estimated that the whole value of the property then belonging to 
the society, was nine hundred and one thousand seven hundred 
and twenty-three dollars and forty-two cents; and there were then 
three hundred and twenty-one members entitled to community ; 
the number of actual members of the society would, however, 
exceed that number. The above estimate of property is, no doubt, 
low. At present, their property is estimated at about two millions 
of dollars. 

Honest and upright in all their dealings, peaceable and truly 
virtuous, these people have gained for themselves the esteem and 
regard of all who have in any way come in contact with them ; 
and the success of their undertaking, as regards their increased 



1805. MICHIGAN TERRITORY FORMED. 795 

wealth, when compared to other communistic attempts, such as 
Owens and others, which have failed, shows eminently the great 
power of religion as an element of success, when compared with 
infidelity; for these people are truly, and no doubt sincerely 
religious; but yet they have erred in disregarding one of the great 
laws of nature — that of procreation — and to this they owe the 
decline of their society. Are they any happier than otherwise they 
would have been ? 

On the 11th of January, 1805, Congress made Michigan a sepa- 
rate territory, with William Hull for its Governor ; the change of 
government was to take place on June 30th. The new governor 
accordingly arrived at Detroit, the seat of government, on Monday, 
the 1st day of July, having been preceded by A. B. Woodward, 
the presiding judge of the territory, who arrived there on 
June 29th. 

A short time previous to this, on the 11th of June, there had 
been a conflagration at Detroit, which destroyed all the buildings 
in the place, public and private, together with much of the personal 
property of the inhabitants, and when the new functionaries of the 
government arrived, they found the people, in part, encamped on 
and near the site of the destroyed town, and in part scattered 
through the country. The following is a passage from their 
report to Congress, made in October : 

" The place which bore the appellation of the town of Detroit, 
was a spot of about two acres of ground, completely covered with 
buildings and combustible materials, the narrow intervals of four- 
teen or fifteen feet, used as streets or lanes, only excepted, and the 
whole was environed with a very strong and secure defense of tall 
and solid pickets. 

" The circumjacent ground, the bank of the river alone excepted, 
was a wide commons ; and though assertions are made respecting 
the existence, among the records of Quebec, of a charter from the 
King of France, confirming this commons as an appurtenance to 
the town, it was either the property of the United States, or at 
least such as individual claims did not pretend to cover. The folly 
of attempting to rebuild the town, in the original mode, was obvi- 
ous to every mind ; yet there existed no authority, either in the 
country, or in the officers of the new government, to dispose of the 
adjacent ground. Hence had already arisen a state of dissension 
which urgently required the interposition of some authority to 
quiet. 



796 DETROIT BURNED AND REFOUNDED. 1805. 

" Some of the inhabitants, destitute of shelter, and hopeless of 
any prompt arrangements of government, had re-occupied their 
former ground, and a few buildings had already been erected in 
the midst of the old ruins. Another portion of the inhabitants had 
determined to take possession of the adjacent public ground, and 
to throw themselves on the liberality of the government of the 
United States, either to make them a donation of the ground, as a 
compensation for their sufferings, or to accept of a very moderate 
price for it. If they could have made any arrangement of the 
various pretensions of individuals, or could have agreed on any 
plan of a town, they would soon have begun to build. 

"But the want of a civil authority to decide interfering claims, 
or to compel the refractory to submit to the wishes of a majority, 
had yet prevented them from carrying any particular measure into 
execution. On the morning of Monday, the 1st day of July, the 
inhabitants had assembled for the purpose of resolving on some 
definitive mode of procedure. The judges prevailed on them to 
defer their intentions for a short time, giving them assurances 
that the governor of the territory would shortly arrive, and that 
every arrangement in the power of their domestic government 
would be made for their relief. On these representations they con- 
sented to defer their measures for one fortnight. In the evening 
of the same day, the governor arrived; it was his first measure to 
prevent any encroachments from being made on the public land. 

" The situation of the distressed inhabitants then occupied the 
attention of the members of the government for two or three days. 
The result of these discussions was, to proceed to lay out a new 
town, embracing the whole of old town and the public lands 
adjacent ; to state to the people that nothing in the nature of a title 
could be given under any authorities then possessed by the govern- 
ment; and that they could not be justified in holding out any 
charitable donations whatever, as a compensation for their suffer- 
ings, but that every personal exertion would be made to obtain a 
confirmation of the arrangements about to be made, and to obtain 
the liberal attention of the government of the United States to their 
distresses. 

" A town was accordingly surveyed and laid out, and the want 
of authority to impart any regular title, without the subsequent 
sanction of Congress, being first impressed and clearly understood, 
the lots were exposed to sale under that reservation. Where the 
purchaser of a lot was a proprietor in the old town, he was at 
liberty to extinguish his former property in his new acquisition, 



1805. MICHIGAN LAND CLAIMS INVESTIGATED. 797 

foot for foot, and was expected to pay only for the surplus, at the 
rate expressed in his bid. A considerable part of the inhabitants 
were only tenants in the old town, there being no means of acqui- 
ring any new titles. The sale of course could not be confined 
merely to former proprietors, but, as far as possible, was confined 
to former inhabitants. After the sale of a considerable part, by 
auction, the remainder was disposed of by private contract, deduct- 
ing from the previous sales the basis of the terms. 

"As soon as the necessities of the immediate inhabitants were 
accommodated, the sales were entirely stopped, until the pleasure 
of government could be consulted. As no title could be made, or 
was pretended to be made, no payments were required, or any 
moneys permitted to be received, until the expiration of one year, 
to afford time for Congress to interpose. The remaining part was 
stipulated to be paid in four successive annual installments. The 
highest sum resulting from the bids, was seven cents for a square 
foot, and the whole averaged at least four cents. In this way, the 
inhabitants were fully satisfied to commence their buildings, and 
the interfering pretensions of all individuals were eventually 
reconciled. 

"The validity of any of the titles was not taken into view. The 
possession under the titles, such as they were, was alone regarded, 
and the validity of title left to wait the issue of such measures as 
Congress might adopt, relative to landed titles in the territory of 
Michigan, generally. It therefore now remains for the Congress of 
the United States either to refuse a sanction of the arrangement 
made, or by imparting a regular authority to make it, or in some 
other mode, in their wisdom deemed proper, to relieve the inhabi- 
tants from one of the most immediate distresses, occasioned by the 
calamitous conflagration." 

From the same report, it appears that nearly the only titles to 
land then existing in Michigan were some old grants, made by the 
French government long ago, which were subject to all the feudal 
and seigniorial conditions which usually accompanied titles in 
France, among which was one, that the respective grantees were 
required within a limited period, to obtain a confirmation from the 
king which had, however, mostly been neglected. On the con- 
quests of the French possessions by Great Britain, in the war which 
terminated by the treaty of Paris, in the year 1763, as well in the 
original articles of capitulation in 1759 and 1760, as in the subse- 
quent treaty itself, the property of the inhabitants of the country 
was confirmed to them ; and when, afterward, by the definitive 



798 FIRST INDIANA LEGISLATURE. 1805. 

treaty of peace, at Paris, in 1783, the portion of Canada which 
included Michigan was ceded to the United States, a clause in the 
treaty secures the inhabitants in the enjoyment of their property of 
every kind — land, houses'pr effects ; a point that was further con- 
firmed and strengthened in the treaty of London, negotiated 
between Mr. Jay and Lord Granville, in 1794. There seemed then 
to be no doubt as to the rights of the inhabitants to the lands which 
they held under this old title, yet there was a decided defect as to 
the evidences of title according to American forms. Under the 
American government, no titles had as yet been granted. 

While in Michigan the territorial government was taking shape, 
Indiana passed to the second grade of the same, as provided by the 
ordinance, and obtained her General Assembly; while various trea- 
ties with the northern tribes were transferring to the United States, 
the Indian title to large and valuable tracts of country. 

On the 4th of July, the Wyandots and others, at Fort Industry, 
on the Maumee, ceded all their lands as far west as the western 
boundary of the Connecticut Reserve ; upon the 21st of August, 
Governor Harrison, at Yincennes, received from the Miamies a re- 
gion containing two millions of acres, within what is now Indiana, 
and upon the 30th of December, at the same place, purchased of 
the Piankeshaws, a tract eighty or ninety miles wide, extending 
from the Wabash west, to the cession by the Kaskaskias, in 1803. 

At this time, although some murders by the red men had taken 
place in the Far West, the body of natives seemed bent on peace. 
But mischief was gathering. Tecumthe, his brother, the Prophet, 
and other leading men, had formed at Greenville, the germ of that 
union of tribes, by which the whites were to be restrained in their 
invasions. There is no evidence that the Great Indian of that day 
used any concealment, or meditated any treachery toward the Uni- 
ted States, for many years after this time. 

The efforts of himself and his brother were directed to two 
points; first, the reformation of the savages, whose habits unfitted 
them for continuous and heroic effort; and second, such a union as 
would make the purchase of land by the United States impossible, 
and give to the aborigines a strength that might be dreaded. Both 
these objects were avowed, and both were pursued with wonderful 
energy, perseverance and success; in the whole country bordering 
upon the lakes, the power of the Prophet was felt, and the work of 
reformation went on rapidly. 

It was during this year that Burr paid his first visit to the West. 
On the 11th of July, 1804, he had shot General Hamilton, an event 



1805. burr's first visit to the west. 799 

which he felt would "ostracize " him; would force him to seek 
elsewhere for power, money, and fame. On tbe,2d of March, 1805, 
the Vice President took his celebrated leave of the Senate, and upon 
the 29th of April was at Pittsburgh. His purpose of going west- 
ward was not the gratification of curiosity merely; and from Wil- 
kinson's letter, it is implied that he was concerned with Dayton 
and others, in the projected canal round the Falls at Louisville; a 
proposal which had been before the United States Senate in 
January. 

From Pittsburgh he proceeded down the Ohio to Louisville, 
thence went to Lexington and Nashville by land, and from the 
latter place passed down the Cumberland, and upon the 6th of June 
reached Fort Massac. During his visit to Tennessee he was 
treated with great attention, and both then and previously had 
some conversation relative to a residence in that State, with a view 
to political advancement. His intentions, however, seem to have 
been entirely vague: among other plans, he had some thought of 
trying to displace Governor Claiborne, of the Orleans Territory, and 
took from Wilkinson, whom he met at Fort Massac, a letter to 
Daniel Clark, the governor's most violent foe. 

On the 25th of June, Burr reached the capitol of the South- 
West, where he remained until the 10th of July, when he crossed 
by land to Nashville, and spent a week with General Jackson, and 
upon the 20th of August, was at Lexington again : from Lexing- 
ton, he went by the Falls, Vinceunes, and Kaskaskia, to St. Louis, 
where he met General Wilkinson, about the middle of September. 
By this time, all his plans appear to have undergone another 
change. At New Orleans he had been made aware of the existence 
of an association to invade Mexico, and wrest it from Spain ; he 
was asked to join it, but refused. 

He saw, however, at that time, if not before, that, should the 
dispute relative to boundaries then existing between the United 
States result in war, an opportunity would be given to men of 
spirit to conquer and rule Mexico, and this idea thenceforth became 
his leading one. But in connection with this plan of invasion, in 
case of war, there arose whispers in relation to effecting a separa- 
tion of the Western from the Atlantic States ; of this we have 
knowledge by a letter from Daniel Clark to General Wilkinson, 
written September 7th. 

What Burr's conversations with the commander of St. Louis 
were, are not particularly told, but it is understood that he sug- 



800 PIKE'S MISSISSIPPI EXPEDITION. 1805. 

gested the Mexican plan, and also intimated that the Union was 
rotten, and the western people dissatisfied. Such was the effect of 
his talk, that soon after he left, Wilkinson wrote to the Secretary 
of the ISTavy, advising the government to have an eye on Burr, as 
he was " about something, but whether internal or external," he 
could not learn. 

Thus, during 1805, the idea of a separation of the Western States 
from the Union, by Burr and Wilkinson, had become familiar to 
many minds, even though the principals themselves may have had 
no more thought of such a thing than of taking possession of the 
moon, and dividing her among their friends.* 

Amongst the occurrences of 1805 and 1806, are the expeditions 
of Captain Z. M. Pike ; the first to the sources of the Mississippi, 
and the second to the sources of the Arkansas, Kansas, Platte, and 
Pierre Jaune rivers, and into the provinces of New Spain. These 
expeditions were conducted under the order of government, through 
General James Wilkinson. The journals kept by Captain Pike 
were by him prepared for the press, and issued in an octavo 
volume, with an atlas of maps and charts, in Philadelphia, 1810. 
From this volume is given the following brief abstract : 

The party, consisting of Captain Pike, " with one servant, two 
corporals, and seventeen privates, in a keel boat, seventy feet long, 
provisioned for four months," left the encampment, near St. Louis, 
on the 9th of August, 1805. On the 1st of September they reached 
Dubuque, where the French trader, M. Dubuque, then resided. 
The party reached Prairie du Chein on the 4th. From the appen- 
dix to part first, is made the following extract : 

" The present village of Prairie du Chein was first settled in the 
year 1783, and the first settlers were Girard, Antaya, and Dubuque. 
The old village is about a mile below the present one, and had 
existed during the time the French were possessed of the country. 
It derives its name from a family of Reynards, (Fox Indians,) who 
formerly lived there, distinguished by the appellation of Dogs. The 
present village was settled under the English government, and the 
ground was purchased from the Reynard Indians. 

" There are eight houses scattered round the country, at the dis- 
tance of one, two, three, and five miles. 

" On the west side of the Mississippi are three houses, situated 
on a small stream called the Girard's river, making, in the village 



* For all these facts see Davis' Memoirs of Burr ii. 327, 367, 368 to 370, 378, 379, 380. 



1805. pike's Mississippi expedition. 801 

and vicinity, thirty-seven houses, which it will not be too much to 
calculate ten persons each ; making the population three hundred 
and seventy souls. But this estimate will not answer for the spring 
and autumn, as there are then at least five or six hundred white 
persons. 

" This is owing to the concourse of traders and their engagees, 
from Michilimackinack and other parts, who make this their last 
stage, previous to their launching into the savage wilderness. They 
again meet here in the spring, on their return from their wintering 
grounds, accompanied by three or four hundred Indians, when they 
hold sl fair; the one party disposes of remnants of goods, and the 
other reserved peltries. 

"It is astonishing that there are not more murders and affrays at 
this place as there meet such a heterogeneous mass to trade — the 
use of spirituous liquors being in no manner restricted. But since 
the American government has become known, such accidents are 
much less frequent than formerly. 

" There are a few gentlemen residing at the Prairie du Cheins, 
and many others claiming that appellation ; but the rivalship of 
the Indian trade, occasions them to be guilty of acts at their 
wintering grounds, which they would blush to be guilty of in the 
civilized world. They possess the spirit of generosity and hospi- 
tality in an eminent degree ; but this is the leading feature in the 
character of frontier inhabitants. Their mode of living had obliged 
them to have transient connection with the Indian women ; and 
what was at first policy, is now so confirmed by habit and inclina- 
tion, that it has become, (with a few exceptions,) the ruling prac- 
tice of all the traders; and, in fact, almost half of the in- 
habitants under twenty years, have the blood of the aborigines in 
their veins." 

For a description of the old village and vicinity, Carver is quoted 
by Major Long, who visited Fort Crawford, 1823 : 

" At Prairie du Chein, the breadth of the river is estimated at 
one-half of a mile, including a long and narrow island. Its cur- 
rent, though rapid compared with that of many other streams, is 
gentle when contrasted with that of the same river lower down ; it 
is only when it has been swollen by the Missouri and the Ohio, 
that it acquires the extreme rapidity which characterizes it. The 
village of Prairie du Chein is situated three or four miles above the 
mouth of the Wisconsin, on a beautiful prairie, which extends 
along the eastern bank of the river for about ten miles in length, 
and which is limited to the east by a range of steep hills rising to a 



802 DESCRIPTION OF PRAIRIE DU CHEIN. 1805- 

height of about four hundred and thirty-five feet, and running par- 
allel with the course of the river, at a distance of about a mile and 
a half; on the western bank, the bluffs which rise to the same ele- 
vation, are washed at their base by the river. 

" Pike's mountain, which is on the west bank, immediately op- 
posite to the mouth of the Wisconsin, is about Hve hundred and 
fifty feet high. 'It has received its name from having been re- 
commended by the late General Pike, in his journal, as a position 
well calculated for the construction of a military post, to command 
the Mississippi and Wisconsin. The hill has no particular limits 
in regard to its extent, being merely a part of the river bluffs, which 
stretch along the margin of the river on the west, for several miles, 
and retain pretty nearly the same elevation above the water. The 
side fronting on the river is so abrupt as to render the summit com- 
pletely inaccessible, even to a footman, except in a very few places, 
where he may ascend by taking hold of the bushes and rocks that 
cover the slope. In general, the acclivity is made up of precipices, 
arranged one above another, some of which are one hundred and 
one hundred and fifty feet high. From the top we had a fine view 
of the two rivers, which mingled their waters at the foot of this 
majestic hill.' 

"The prairie has retained its old French appellation, derived 
from an Indian who formerly resided there, and was called the 
Dog. The village consists, exclusive of stores, of about twenty 
dwelling houses, chiefly old, and many of them in a state of decay; 
its population may amount to one hundred and fifty souls. It is 
not in as thriving a situation as it formerly was. Carver tells us, 
that when he visited it, in 1766, it was ' a large town, containing 
about three hundred families; the houses,' he adds, i are well built 
after the Indian manner, and pleasantly situated on a very rich 
soil, from which they raise every necessary of life in great abun- 
dance. This town is the great mart where all the adjacent tribes, 
and even those who inhabit the most remote branches of the Mis- 
sissippi, annually assemble about the latter end of May, bringing 
with them their furs to dispose of to the traders.' 'I should have 
remarked," says the same author, ' that whatever Indians happen 
to meet at La Prairie le Chien, the great mart to which all who in- 
habit the adjacent country resort, though the nations to which they 
belong are at war with each other, yet they are obliged to restrain 
their enmity, and to forbear all hostile acts during their stay there. 
This regulation has long been established among them for their 
mutual convenience, as without it no trade could be carried on.' 



1805. PIKE CROSSES FALLS OF ST. ANTHONY. 803 

" The fort, which is one of the rudest and least comfortable that 
we have seen, is situated about one hundred and fifty yards from 
the river. Its site is low and unpleasant, as a slough extends to the 
south of it. The river bank is here so low and flat, that by a swell 
which took place in the Mississippi the summer before we visited 
it, the water rose upon the prairie, and entered the parade, which 
it covered to the depth of three or four feet; it penetrated into all 
the officers' and soldiers' quarters, so as to render it necessary for 
the garrison to remove from the fort, and encamp upon the neigh- 
boring heights, where they spent about a month. The waters hav- 
ing subsided, at the end of that time, they returned to their 
quarters; the old men of the village say that such an inundation 
may be expected every seven years. The village also suffered 
much from the inundation, though the ground being somewhat 
higher, the injury done to it was not so great. The fort was ori- 
ginally erected for the protection of the white population at the 
village; as a military post, its situation is by no means a judicious 
one, for it commands neither the Mississippi nor "Wisconsin ; but as 
the necessity which lead to its construction is daily becoming less 
urgent, this position will doubtless soon be abandoned; one of the 
block-houses of the fort is situated upon a large mound, which ap- 
pears to be artificial. This mound is so large, that it supported the 
whole of the work at this place, previous to the capture of the fort 
by the British and Indians during the late war. It has been exca- 
vated, but we have not heard that any bones or other remains were 
found in it. This spot, like many of those early settled, has been 
graced with traditions, which, if they contribute but little to the 
history of our North- West Indians, adorn, at least, with a charm of 
romance and fable, some of its most beautiful scenery."* 

Captain Pike with his party reached St. Peter's on the 22d of 
September. Here a council was held with the Sioux Indians, and 
a tract of land purchased, of about one hundred thousand acres, for 
a military post. This eventually provided for the military post of 
St. Peter's. Peace was also negotiated between the Sioux and 
Chippewas, who had been at war for many years. At the foot of 
the Falls of St. Anthony, the boats were unloaded, and with great 
difficulty and labor, raised above the falls and again launched and 
reloaded. 

On the 16th of October, they met a snow storm, and soon after, 



^Long's Expedition to the source of St. Peter's river. 



804 PIKE AND HIS PARTY RETURN TO ST. LOUIS. 1806. 

found they could not get their boats up the rapids before them. 
They were now two hundred and thirty-three miles above the falls 
of St. Anthony. Several of the men were sick, and one broke a 
blood-vessel, and was in a dangerous state. The snow continuing 
to fall, they constructed log houses, excavated canoes, and provi- 
ded a supply of provisions by hunting. Here the sick and a few 
other men of the party were left, while Pike and the rest of the 
party attempted to proceed up the river in canoes. The attempt 
having failed, and the river being frozen, sleds were constructed, 
an which the baggage was transported, partly on the ice, and partly 
on the land. After sustaining various privations, and experiencing 
no small degree of difficulty in this inhospitable wintry region, 
Pike and his little party, with one or two British traders, reached 
Red Lake, then supposed to be the head of the Mississippi, about 
the middle of February, 1806. At Lake Winipec, fifteen miles 
below, was a British trading post, and the flag of that nation flying 
from the fort. The North- Western company then had their posts 
in all this wild region. 

On the 28th of February, the party set out on their homeward 
march, but were detained on the route by ice, and holding "talks " 
with bands of Indians, so that they did not reach the falls of St. 
Anthony until the 10th of April. At the mouth of the St. Peter's, 
another council was held with the Sioux and Sauteurs, a branch of 
the Chippewas. 

After holding conferences with several bands of Indians at 
Prairie du Chein, and other places, Pike and his party reached St. 
Louis on the 30th of April, after an absence of eight months and 
twenty-two days. This was the first exploration ever made of the 
Upper Mississippi, by authority of the United States. The objects 
of the expedition were accomplished, in the selection of positions 
for military posts, in making peace among hostile Indian nations, 
and in tracing the Mississippi to its source. 

The second expedition had for its primary object, the protection 
and "safe delivery" of a deputation of Osages and some captives, 
to the town of the Grand Osage nation. The next was, to promote 
peace and a good understanding between the Kanzas * and Osage 
nations, and the Yanetons, Tetons and Camanches. The explora- 
tion of the country on the head waters of the Arkansas and Red 
rivers, would follow the effort to negotiate with the Camanches. 



* This is pronounced Kanzeau, and, by abbreviation,- Kaw nation. 



1806. pike's western expedition. 805 

For this expedition, Capt. Pike's party consisted of two lieuten- 
ants, one surgeon, one sergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates, and 
one interpreter. Under their charge, were several chiefs of the 
Osages and Pawnees, who, with a number of women and children, 
had been to Washington city. These Indians had been redeemed 
from captivity from among the Pottawattamies. The whole num- 
ber of Indians amounted to fifty-one. 

The party left Belle Fontaine, near the mouth of the Missouri, 
on the 15th of July, 1806. In the company was Dr. John H. Robin- 
son, a volunteer, and a gentleman of scientific attainments ; a Mr. 
Henry, from New Jersey, also a volunteer, who spoke French and a 
little Spanish, and Lieutenant James Wilkinson, son of General 
Wilkinson. The Indians generally walked on the land. On the 
28th of July, they arrived at the mouth of the Osage river, and pro- 
ceeded up that stream to the village of the Grand Osages, which 
they reached on the 19th of August. Having provided horses, the 
party set oft by land on the 1st of September for the heads of the 
Arkansas, holding councils with the various tribes of Indians 
through which they passed. They learned that troops from Mexico 
had visited the Pawnee village. 

At that period there was an old trace, known as the " Spanish 
trace," made in 1720, by a party who left Santa Fe, to exterminate 
the Missouries. 

Pike and his party, after much search, could not find this trace, 
but reached the Arkansas on the 18th of October. They found the 
water only twenty feet wide and six inches deep, though from bank 
to bank was two hundred and fifty yards. Here Lieutenant Wil- 
kinson constructed canoes with pieces of wood and buffalo hides, 
and with three soldiers and an Osage, descended the river to the 
Mississippi, and from thence to New Orleans. 

Pike and his party proceeded onward up the Arkansas until they 
got entangled in the range of mountains and in the depth of a 
severe winter. Here they wandered, half frozen and half starved, 
until the first week in February, when, getting into a grove of tim- 
ber in a sheltered spot, they proceeded to erect a stockade as a 
protection from the Indians. 

Dr. Robinson having received claims against a certain person in 
Mexico, parted from the expedition and attempted to find his way 
alone to Santa Fe. This claim of the Doctor was merely a ruse to 
gain information of the country and the intentions of the Mexican 
Spaniards. The claim was this. In the year 1804, William Mor- 
rison, Esq., an enterprising merchant of Kaskaskia, sent Baptiste 



806 CLARK AND LEWIS RETURN FROM OREGON. 1806. 

La Lande, a Creole, up the Missouri and Platte rivers, and directed 
him, if possible, to push into Santa Fe. He sent in some Indians, 
and the Spaniards came out with horses and carried him and his 
goods into the province. Finding he could sell his goods at a high 
price, and having land and a wife offered him, he concluded to 
expatriate himself and convert the property of Mr. Morrison to his 
own benefit. Mr. M., supposing Pike might meet with some Span- 
ish factor on his route, entrusted him with his claim, with orders 
to collect it. Pike made this claim a pretext for the visit of Dr. 
Robinson to Santa Fe, while the real object was to gain knowledge 
of the country and people. 

On the 16th of February, Pike, while out on a hunting excur- 
sion with one man, was discovered by a Spanish dragoon and a 
Mexican Indian, who were sent out as spies. After a friendly 
interview they left, aud by the 26th instant returned with one hun- 
dred officers and soldiers, who took the party prisoners. Unfortu- 
nately, being ignorant of the geography of the country, and having 
no guide, Pike was on the Eio del Norte instead of the Red river, 
as he supposed. He was in Mexico instead of the United States. 

After undergoing an examination before the governor of Santa 
Fe, whose name was Allencaster, Pike with his comrades were 
allowed to retain their arms, but were marched through Albu- 
querque, St. Fernandez, El Paso, to Chihuahua, where he under- 
went another examination before Governor Salcedo. After various 
embarrassments, accompanied by Dr. Robinson, he had leave to 
depart, by Monclova to San Antonio, in Texas. 

The party commenced the march on the last of April, and 
reached San Antonio, in Texas, where they arrived on the 7th of 
June. Here they tarried one week, and proceeding through Texas, 
reached Natchitoches on the 1st day of July, 1807. 

This expedition, unfortunate as it was to the commander, brought 
to the knowledge of the United States, the plains of the Arkansas, 
and the Mexican region, a large part of which now belongs to the 
United States. 

In September, 1806, Messrs. Lewis and Clarke returned from 
their exploration of the Missouri and Oregon rivers. This expedi- 
tion had been suggested by Mr. Jefferson, in January, 1803. His 
views being sanctioned by Congress, Captain Lewis, and Clarke, 
equal in command, entered the Missouri, May 14, 1804. The 
ensuing winter they spent among the Mandans, and in April, 1805, 
again set forward. With great difficulty, the mountains were 
passed in the September following, and the Pacific reached on the 






1806. BURR AGAIN ACTIVE IN THE WEST. 807 

17th of November. Here the winter of 1805-6 was passed. On 
the 27th of March, 1806, the return journey was begun, and the 
mountains were crossed late in June. 

Daring this year, the conviction became more and more strong 
1806.] that the North- Western tribes were meditating hostilities 
against the United States, but nothing of consequence took place ; 
although Tecumthe and the Prophet constantly extended and con- 
firmed their influence. 

Renewed difficulties with Spain, began early in the year to 
assume a serious appearance ; in February, acts of a semi-hostile 
character took place, and in August, Spanish troops crossed the 
Sabine and took possession of the territory east of that river. This 
led first to a correspondence between Governor Claiborne and the 
Spaniard in command : and next to a movement by General Wil- 
kinson and his army to the contested border.* "While his troops 
were at Natchitoches, in immediate expectation of an engagement, 
Samuel Swartwout. reached Wilkinson's camp, with letters from 
Burr and Dayton, of such a character as almost instantly to bring 
matters in relation to the conquest of Mexico to a crisis. 

Burr, from January to August, Mr. Davis declares, was most of 
the time in Washington and Philadelphia, but not idle ; for, in a 
letter to Wilkinson, dated April 16th, the conspirator says : " Burr 
will be throughout the United States this summer; " and refers to 
"the association," as enlarged, and to the " project " as postponed 
till December. 

In July, Commodore Truxton learned from Burr, that he was 
interested largely in lands upon the Washita, which he proposed to 
settle if his Mexican project failed ; and in August it seems that he 
left for the West. On the 21st of that month, he was in Pittsburgh, 
and there suggested to Colonel George Morgan and his son, the 
probable disunion of the States, growing out of the extreme weak- 
ness of the federal government, a suggestion similar to that said to 
have been made, though in a much more distinct and strong form, 
to General Eaton, in the March preceding. 

His plans, indeed, whatever their extent, were before this time 
fixed and perfected ; for it was upon the 29th of July that he wrote 
from Philadelphia to General Wilkinson the letter confided to 
Swartwout, which led to the development of the whole business; 



* American State Papers* See for documents, Wilkinson's Memoirs. 



808 burr's letter to Wilkinson. 1806. 

this letter is extracted, together with Wilkinson's deposition of 
December 26th, explanatory of Burr's plans : 

"Yours, post-marked 13th of May, is received. I, Aaron Burr, 
have obtained funds, and have actually commenced the enterprise. 
Detachments from different points, and under different pretenses, 
will rendezvous on Ohio, 1st November — everything internal and 

external favors views ; protection of England is secured. T 

is going to Jamaica, to arrange with the Admiral on that station ; 
it will meet on the Mississippi. — England. — N~avy of the United 
States are ready to join, and final orders are given to my friends 
and followers; it will be a host of choice spirits. 

"Wilkinson shall be second to Burr only; Wilkinson shall dic- 
tate the rank and promotion of his officers. Burr will proceed 
westward 1st of August, never to return ; with him go his daughter; 
the husband will follow in October, with a corps of worthies. 

"Send forth an intelligent and confidential friend with whom 
Burr may confer ; he shall return immediately with further inter- 
esting details ; this is essential to concert and harmony of move- 
ment; send a list of all persons known to Wilkinson, west of the 
mountains, who may be useful, with a note delineating their char- 
acters. By your messenger, send me four or five commissions of 
your officers, which you can borrow under any pretense you please ; 
they shall be returned faithfully. 

"Already are orders to the contractor given, to forward six 
months provisions to points Wilkinson may name ; this shall not 
be used until the last moment, and then under proper injunctions; 
the project is brought to the point so long desired. Burr guaran- 
tees the result with his life and honor, with the lives, the honor and 
fortune of hundreds, the best blood of our country. 

" Burr's plan of operations is, to move down rapidly from the 
falls on the 15th November, with the first five hundred or one 
thousand men, in light boats now constructing for that purpose, to 
be at Natchez between the 5th and 15th of December, there to 
meet Wilkinson ; there to determine whether it will be expedient 
in the first instance to seize on or pass by Baton Rouge ; on receipt 
of this send an answer ; draw on Burr for all expenses, &c. The 
people of the country to which we are going, are prepared to 
receive us ; their agents now with Burr say, that if we will protect 
their religion and will not subject them to a foreign power, that in 
three weeks all will be settled. 

" The gods invite to glory and fortune ; it remains to be seen 
whether we deserve the boon ; the bearer of this goes express to 



1806. WILKINSON'S AFFIDAVIT AGAINST BURR. 809 

you ; he will hand a formal letter of introduction to you from Burr ; 
he is a man of inviolable honor and perfect discretion, formed to 
execute rather than to project; capable of relating facts with 
fidelity, and incapable of relating them otherwise ; he is thoroughly 
informed of the plans and intentions of Burr, and will disclose to 
you as far as you inquire, and no further ; he has imbibed a rever- 
ence for your character, and may be embarrassed in your presence ; 
put him at ease and he will satisfy you.* 

"I instantly resolved," says Wilkinson, in his affidavit, "to avail 
myself of the reference made to the bearer, and, in the course 
of some days, drew from him (the said Swartwout,) the following 
disclosure: 'That he had been dispatched by Colonel Burr, from 
Philadelphia ; had passed through the States of Ohio and Kentucky, 
and proceeded frcm Louisville to St. Louis, where he expected to 
find me ; but discovering at Kaskaskias that I had descended the 
river, he procured a skiff, hired hands, and followed me down the 
Mississippi to Fort Adams ; and from thence set out for Natchi- 
toches, in company with Captain Sparks and Hooke, under the 
pretense of a disposition to take part in the campaign against the 
Spaniards, then depending. 

" ' That Colonel Burr, with the support of a powerful association, 
extending from New York to New Orleans, was levying an armed 
body of seven thousand men from the State of New York, and the 
Western States and territories, with a view to carry an expedition 
against the Mexican provinces ; and that five hundred men, under 
Colonel Swartwout, and a Colonel or Major Tyler, were to descend 
the Allegheny, for whose accommodation light boats had been built 
and were ready.' 

"I inquired what would be their course; he said, 'this territory 
would be revolutionized, where the people were ready to join them; 
and that there would be some seizing, he supposed, at New Orleans ; 
that they expected to be ready to embark about the 1st of Februa- 
ry, and intended to land at Vera Cruz, and to march from thence 
to Mexico.' 

"I observed that there were several millions of dollars in the bank 
of this place, to which he replied, ' we know it full well ; ' and, on 
my remarking that they certainly did not mean to violate private 
property, he said, ' they meant to borrow, and would return it ; that 
they must equip themselves in New Orleans ; that they expected 



* Wilkinson's Memoir9, ii. 3. 

52 



810 Wilkinson's affidavit against curb. 1806. 

naval protection from Great Britain ; that the captains and the offi- 
cers of our navy were so disgusted with the government, that they 
were ready to join ; that similar disgusts prevailed throughout the 
western country, where the people were zealous in favor of the en- 
terprise ; and that pilot-boat built schooners were contracted for 
along our southern coast for their service ; that he had been accom- 
panied from the falls of Ohio to Kaskaskias, and from thence to 
Fort Adams, by a Mr. Ogden, who had proceeded on to New Or- 
leans, with letters from Colonel Burr, to his friends there.* 

"Swartwout asked me whether I had heard from Dr. Bollman; 
and, on my answering in the negative, he expressed great surprise, 
and observed, ' that the doctor and a Mr. Alexander had left Phila- 
delphia before him, with dispatches for me ; and that they were to 
proceed by sea to New Orleans, where he said they must have 
arrived/ 

" Though determined to deceive him, if possible, I could not re- 
frain telling Mr. Swartwout, it was impossible that I could ever 
dishonor my commission ; and I believe I duped him by my admi- 
ration of the plan, and by observing, that although I could not join 
in the expedition, the engagements which the Spaniards had pre- 
pared for me in my front, might prevent my opposing it. Yet I 
did, the moment I had deciphered the letter, put it into the hands 
of Colonel Cushing, my adjutant and inspector, making the de- 
claration that I should oppose the lawless enterprise with my utmost 
force. 

" Mr. Swartwout informed me that he was under engagements to 
meet Colonel Burr at Nashville, on the 20th of November, and re- 
quested of me to write to him, which I declined; and on his leaving 
Natchitoches, about the 18th of October, I immediately employed 
Lieutenant T. A. Smith to convey the information in substance to 
the president, without the commitment of names; for from the 
extraordinary nature of the project, and the more extraordinary ap- 
peal to me, I could but doubt its reality, notwithstanding the testi- 
mony before me ; and I did not attach solid belief to Mr. Swartwout's 
reports respecting their intentions on this territory and city, until I 
received confirmatory advice from St. Louis."* 

After leaving Pittsburgh, Burr went probably direct to Blanner- 
hassett's Island, where he had stopped the previous summer, while 
passing down the Ohio, and which he thenceforth made his head- 



* Wilkinson's Memoirs. 



1806. DAVIESS IMPLICATES BURR. 811 

quarters. This he was probably led to do by the fact that Blan- 
nerhasset, in December, 1805, had written him, that he should like 
to take part in any western speculations, or in attacking Mexico, 
should a Spanish war actually occur. 

This offer, together with the supposed wealth of Blannerhassett, 
and the admirable position of his island for Burr's purposes, 
made that place the very one most desirable for him to select as his 
centre of operations. From this point the chief made excursions 
into Ohio and Kentucky, obtaining money, men, boats and provi- 
sions. 

Among those from whom he received the most aid was Davis 
Floyd, of Jeffersonville, a member of the Indiana Territorial As- 
sembly. This gentleman, Blannerhassett, Comfort Tyler, and Israel 
Smith, were Burr's chiefs of division, and led the few followers 
that at last went down the river in his company. 

Meantime, the rumor was prevalent "in every man's mouth," 
that the settlement of the Washita lands,* for which the men were 
nominally enlisted, was a mere pretense, and that an attack on 
Mexico, if not something worse, was in contemplation. That 
something was looked for beyond a conquest of the Spanish pro- 
vinces, seemed probable from the views expressed in a series of 
essays called the "Querist;" these were published in September, 
in the Ohio Gazette, (Marietta,) were written by Blannerhassett, 
immediately after Burr's visit to his island, and strongly intimated 
that wisdom called on the western people to leave the Union. 

At this time Colonel Joseph Daviess was attorney for the United 
States in Kentucky, and he, together with others, felt that the 
general government ought to be informed of what was doing, and 
of what was rumored. Mr. Jefferson, accordingly, in the latter part 
of September, received intimations of what was going forward, but 
as nothing definite could be charged, there was no point of attack, 
and the Executive and his friends could do nothing further than 
watch and wait. At length, late in October, notice of the building 
of boats and collection of provisions having reached him, the presi- 
dent sent a confidential agent into the West, and also gave orders 
to the governors and commanders to be upon their guard. 

Daviess, meantime, had gathered a mass of testimony implicating 
Burr, which led him to take the step of bringing the subject, in 
November, before the United States District Court, making oath, 



*See Colonel Lyon, in Wilkinson, ii. Appendix, lxyiii. — Davis, ii. 392. 



812 DAVIESS MAKES OATH AGAINST BURR. 1806. 

"that he was informed, and did verily believe, that Aaron Burr for 
several months past had been, and now is engaged, in preparing 
and setting on foot, and in providing and preparing the means for 
a military expedition and enterprise within this district, for the pur- 
pose of descending the Ohio and Mississippi therewith, and making 
war upon the subjects of the king of Spain." 

After having read this affidavit, the attorney added, "I have in- 
formation on which I can rely, that all the western territories are 
the next object of the scheme, and finally, all the region of the 
Ohio is calculated as falling into the vortex of the newly proposed 
revolution." 

Upon this affidavit, Daviess asked for Burr's arrest, but the mo- 
tion was overruled. The accused, however, who saw at once the 
most politic course, came into court, and demanded an investiga- 
tion, which could not be had, however, in consequence of the im- 
possibility of obtaining Davis Floyd as a witness. 

Thus far the public generally sympathized with Burr, whose 
manners secured all suffrages, and who, on the 1st of December, 
was able to write to Henry Clay, his attorney, in these terms : " I 
have no design, nor have I taken any measure to promote a disso- 
lution of the Union, or a separation of any one or more States from 
the residue. I have neither published a line on this subject, nor 
has any one, through my agency, or with my knowledge. 

"I have no design to intermeddle with the government, or to dis- 
turb the tranquillity of the United States, nor of its territories, or of 
any part of them. I have neither issued, nor signed, nor promised, a 
commission to any person, for any purpose. I do not own a musket 
nor bayonet, nor any single article of military stores, nor does any 
person for me, by my authority, or my knowledge. 

" My views have been explained to, and approved by, several 
of the principal officers of government, and, I believe, are well 
understood by the administration, and seen by it with compla- 
cency ; they are such as every man of honor and every good citizen 
must approve. 

" Considering the high station you now fill in our national coun- 
cils, I have thought these explanations proper, as well to counteract 
the chimerical tales, which malevolent persons have industriously 
circulated, as to satisfy you that you have not espoused the cause 
of a man in any way unfriendly to the laws, the government, or the 
interests of the country."* 

* Butler's Kentucky. 



1806. WASHINGTON COLLEGE, PENNSYLVANIA, INCORPORATED. 813 

The agent from government, who was all along actively engaged 
in procuring evidence relative to Burr's plans, finding abundant 
proof of his Mexican project, and learning also that he thought the 
West ought to separate from the East, determined, in Decem- 
ber, to take measures to arrest his boats and provisions. This he 
effected by an application to the Legislature of Ohio, through Gov- 
ernor Tiffin. 

The legislature authorized the governor to take the necessary 
steps, and before the 14th of December, ten boats, with stores, were 
arrested on the Muskingum, and soon after, four more were seized 
by the troops at Marietta. Blannerhassett, Tyler, and thirty or 
forty men, on the night of December 10th, left the island, and pro- 
ceeded down the river, barely escaping an arrest by General Tup- 
per, on behalf of the State of Ohio. On the 16th, this party united 
with that of Floyd, at the Falls, and on the 26th, the whole, to- 
gether, met Burr at the mouth of the Cumberland. On the 29th, 
the company passed Fort Massac. 

But while Daviess and Graham were laboring to put a stop to 
Burr's progress, the general government had received information 
which enabled the president to act with decision ; this was the mes- 
sage of Wilkinson, bearing an account of Burr's letter, already 
quoted. This message was sent from Natchitoches upon the 22d 
of October, and reached the seat of government, November 25th ; 
on the 27th, a proclamation was issued, and word sent westward to 
arrest all concerned. 

About the same time, (November 24th or 25th,) Wilkinson, who 
had done, unauthorized, upon the 1st of November, the very thing 
he had been ordered on the 8th to do — namely, to make an accom- 
modation with the Spanish commander on the Sabine, and fall 
back to the Mississippi — reached New Orleans, and prepared to re- 
sist any attack thereon. At this city he arrested Swartwout and Pe- 
ter Y. Ogden, who were discharged, however, on habeas corpus, and 
Dr. Erick Bollman, who had also borne messages from Burr and 
Dayton. 

Washington College, Pennsylvania, was incorporated in the year 
1806. It was engrafted upon the Washington Academy, which 
had been incorporated as early as 1787, and endowed with iive 
thousand acres of land by the commonwealth. This appropriation, 
like many others of a similar nature, remained for years unproduc- 
tive. In 1797, the legislature granted three thousand dollars to 
the academy, "to complete the buildings for the institution," and 



814 BURR SURRENDERS TO GOVERNOR MEAD. 1806. 

also provided for the admission of not more than ten indigent stu- 
dents, gratis, none of them to remain longer than two years. 

After the institution became a college, the legislature granted to 
it five thousand dollars, payable in annual installments, commenc- 
ing with 1820. The number of students in 1822 was sixty-nine, 
and the institution was then considered as in a flourishing state by 
its friends ; but it afterward languished, and for a time its opera- 
tions were suspended. In the autumn of 1830 it was resuscitated 
upon a permanent basis. 

The first class graduated in 1808. Whole number of graduates, 
upward of seven hundred. First President, Rev. Matthew 
Brown, D. D. 

The Washington Female Seminary was established about the 
year 1836, commencing with forty pupils. In 1842, its catalogue 
numbered one hundred and forty-seven. This institution is sup- 
posed to be one of the most flourishing and permanent female 
schools west of the Alleghenies. 

What Burr may have felt or intended after he met his fugitive 
followers at the mouth of Cumberland river, late in December, 
1806, it is impossible to say, but it is certain that he went on openly 
and boldly, protesting against the acts of Ohio, and avowing his 
innocence. If he had relied on Wilkinson, he was as yet unde- 
ceived with regard to him. 

On the 4th of January, 1807, he was at Fort Pickering, Chicka- 
saw Bluffs, and soon after at Bayou Pierre. From this point, he 
wrote to the authorities below, referring to the rumors respecting 
him, alleging his innocence, and begging them to avoid the hor- 
rors of civil war. Word had just been received from Jefferson, 
however, of the supposed conspiracy; the militia were under arms, 
and the acting governor of the Mississippi territory, Cowles Mead, 
on the 16th of January, sent two aids to meet Colonel Burr ; one 
of these was George Poindexter. At this meeting an interview 
between the acting governor was arranged, which took place 
on the 17th, at which time Burr yielded himself to the civil 
authority. 

He was then taken to Washington, the capital of the territory, 
and legal proceedings commenced. Mr. Poindexter was himself 
attorney-general, and as such, advised that Burr had been guilty of 
no crime within Mississippi, and wished to have him sent to the 
seat of government of the United States ; the presiding judge, how- 
ever, summoned a grand jury, which, upon the evidence before 



1807. burr's trial and purposes. 815 

them, presented — not Burr, for treason, — hut the acting governor, 
for calling out the militia! That evening, Colonel Burr, fearing 
an arrest h} 7 officers sent hy Wilkinson, forfeited his bonds and 
disappeared. 

A proclamation being issued by the governor for his apprehen- 
sion, he was seized on the Tombigbee river on his way to Florida, 
and was sent at once to Richmond, where he arrived March 26th. 
On the 22d of May, Burr's examination began in the Circuit Court 
of the United States, at Richmond, before Judge Marshall ; two 
bills were found against him ; one for treason against the United 
States, the other for a misdemeanor in organizing an enterprise 
against Mexico, while at peace with the United States ; but on 
both these charges the jury found him "not guilty," "upon the 
principle that the offense, if committed anywhere, was committed 
out of the jurisdiction of the court." 

The Chief Justice, however, upon the latter charge, subsequently 
ordered his commitment for trial within the proper jurisdiction. 
This commitment, however, being impliedly upon the supposition 
that the United States wished, under the circumstances, to prose- 
cute the accused, and the attorney for the government declining to 
do so, no further steps were taken to bring the supposed culprit to 
justice, and the details of his doings and plans have never yet been 
made known. 

Although a mystery still hangs about Burr's plans, in conse- 
quence of the discontinuance of the suit by the United States, it 
has been clearly proved by the trial at Richmond, and other evi- 
dence, that Burr went into the West in 1805, with the feeling that 
his day at the East was over ; in $"ew York he feared even a prose- 
cution if he remained there. 

That his plans, until late in that year, were undefined ; specula- 
tions of various kinds, a residence in Tennessee, an appointment in 
the South- West, were under consideration, but nothing was deter- 
mined : 

That he at length settled upon three objects, to one or the other 
of which, as circumstances might dictate, he meant to devote his 
energies. These were — 

A separation of the West from the East, under himself and 
Wilkinson : 

Should this be, upon further examination, deemed impossible, 
then an invasion of Mexico, by himself and Wilkinson, with or with- 
out the sanction of the federal government : 

In case of disappointment in reference to Mexico, then the foun- 



816 burr's purposes unfathomable. 1807. 

dation of a new State upon the Washita, over which he might pre- 
side as founder and patriarch. 

That the Washita scheme was not a mere pretense, is evident 
from the fact that Burr actually paid toward the purchase, four or 
live thousand dollars; that it was not the only object, and that the 
conquest of Mexico, if it could be effected, was among his settled 
determinations, his friends all acknowledged, but said this con- 
quest was to take place upon the supposition of a war with Spain, 
and in no other case ; that Burr may have thought the government 
would wink at his proceedings, is very possible ; and that Wilkin- 
son either meant to aid him, or pretended he would, in order to 
learn his plans, is certain ; but the secrecy of his movements, the 
language of his letter to Wilkinson in July, 1806, and his whole 
character implies that he would, if he could, have invaded Mexico, 
whether the United States were at war or peace with Spain. 

But it cannot be doubted that, going beyond a violation of the 
laws of the Union, he was disposed to seek a separation of that 
Union itself. 

During his visit of 1805, he was undoubtedly made fully 
acquainted with the old schemes for independence entertained in 
Kentucky, and was led to question the real attachment of the west- 
ern people to the federal government. So long as he thought 
there was a probability of disunion, it would naturally be his first 
object to place himself at the head of the republic beyond the 
mountains, and should he find himself deceived as to the extent 
of disaffection in the Great Valley, all his means could be brought 
to bear upon Mexico. His conversations with the Morgans at 
Pittsburgh, the views of the " Querist" prepared by Blannerhassett 
under Burr's eye, and the declarations of Blannerhassett to Hen- 
derson and Graham, seem to leave no room for doubting the fact 
that a dissolution of the United States had been contemplated by 
the ex- Vice-President, although we think there is as little reason 
to doubt that it had been abandoned as hopeless, long before his 
arrest. 

With regard to Wilkinson, it is not easy to form a decided 
opinion ; the strongest fact in his favor is that he informed the gov- 
ernment of Burr's projects, in the fall of 1805 ; the strongest fact 
against him is, that if innocent, he was able to outwit and entrap 
so subtile a man as the conspirator. It has been charged against 
Wilkinson, that he altered the letter sent him by Burr, and then 
swore that the copy was a true copy : this, however, is fully ex- 
plained by the deposition of Mr. Duncan, Wilkinson's legal adviser 



1807. GOVERNOR HULL BUYS EAST MICHIGAN. 817 

at lew Orleans, by whom indeed the omission was suffered design- 
edly to remain, in opposition to the general's repeated and strong 
expression of his wish that it should be supplied. 

Another charge has been brought against Wilkinson since his 
death, that he claimed of Mexico two hundred thousand dollars for 
stopping Burr. This charge seems improbable, and it seems 
equally improbable that during the persecution of the general in 
1810, no knowledge of so strange an act, and one of so public a 
nature, should have been reached by his enemies. As it was not 
brought forward till 1836, .eleven years after his death, no opportu- 
nity has occurred for explaining or disproving it, but it ought not 
to weigh against his memory until further evidence is offered in its 
support. 

On the 27th of January, 1807, Governor Hull, of Michigan Ter- 
ritory, had been authorized by the federal government to enter into 
a treaty with the North- Western Indians, for the lands upon the 
eastern side of the Peninsula, and for those west of the Connecti- 
cut Reserve, as far as the Au Glaize. The directions then given 
having been repeated in September, a council was held at Detroit, 
and a treaty made November 17th, with the Ottawas, Chippewas, 
Wyandots, and Pottawattamies, by which the country from the 
Maumee to Saginaw Bay, on the eastern side of Michigan, was 
transferred, with certain reservations, to the United States. 

Congress confirmed the old French claims to land in the West, 
during this year. 

A stockade was built round the new town of Detroit. 

The region of country comprised in the Territories of Indiana 
and Upper Louisiana, for a number of years after their organization, 
was too remote, too much exposed to Indian depredations, and 
too destitute of the comforts of civilized life, to attract many emi- 
grants. 

"Lands equally good, and much more secure from danger, were 
more convenient. Hence the settlements on the Wabash, on the 
Illinois, on the Upper Mississippi, and near the Detroit river, in- 
creased in numbers slowly. The Indians still lingered around 
their houses and familiar hunting grounds, as if reluctant to aban- 
don the scenes of their youth, and the graves of their ancestors, 
although they had received the stipulated payment, and had con- 
sented to retire from them."* 



* Valley of the Mississippi, ii. 523. 



818 SLAVERY IN INDIANA PROHIBITED. 1807. 

"Enterprise had not then pushed its energies so far into the wil- 
derness as in modern times, and capital floated along the shores of 
the Eastern States. In fact, a great portion of that uncultivated 
tract of country, which constitutes the splendid scenery of western 
[New York, adorned, as it now is, with large cities and villages, and 
intersected by rail roads and canals, was a dense forest. The prin- 
cipal business of the settlements in Michigan was the fur trade ; 
and the wilderness around, instead of revealing its treasures to the 
substantial labor of agriculture, was preserved a waste, for the prop- 
agation of wild game, and the fur-bearing animals. 

"No permanent settlements of any considerable importance had 
been made throughout this section of the country, besides those at 
Detroit, Michilimackinack, a small establishment at St. Mary's 
river, Fox river of Green Bay, Prairie du Chein, and certain trading 
posts of eastern companies, some of which are now in ruins. 
1 Grim-visaged war had smoothed her wrinkled front,' and the 
country which had been for so long a period drenched in blood, 
now shone out in the mild, but glorious light of peace."* 

During this year was brought to a close the movement in favor 
of introducing slavery into Indiana Territory. It began with the 
petition of four men in the Kaskaskia region, in 1796. 

In 1803, it was again brought before Congress, and reported 
against by Mr. Randolph. In 1804, it was a third time brought 
up, and the following resolution offered in the House of Represen- 
tatives : 

" Resolved, That the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787, which 
prohibited slavery within the said territory, be suspended, in a 
qualified manner, for ten years, so as to permit the introduction of 
slaves, born within the United States, from any of the individual 
States : Provided, That such individual State does not permit the 
importation of slaves from foreign countries. And provided, fur- 
ther, That the descendants of all such slaves shall, if males, be free 
at the age of twenty-five years, and if females, at the age of twenty- 
one years." 

In 1806, the report of the committee offering this resolution was 
referred, and the same resolve again offered. 

In 1807, the subject once more came up, upon a representation 
by the House of Representatives and Legislative Council of the 
territory. The National Representatives were again asked by 



* History of Michigan, 183. 



1808. MOVEMENTS OF TECUMTHE. 819 

their committee to approve trie step ; but in the Senate a different 
view was taken, and it was declared inexpedient to suspend the 
ordinance. 

During the year 1808, Tecumthe and the Prophet continued qui- 
etly to extend their influence, professing no other end than a re- 
formation of the Indians. Before the month of June, they had 
removed from Greenville to the hanks of the Tippecanoe, a tribu- 
tary of the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had been granted 
them by the Pottawattamies and Kickapoos. In July, the Prophet 
sent to General Harrison a messenger, begging him not to believe 
the tales told by his enemies, and promising a visit. In August, 
accordingly, he spent two weeks at Vincennes, and by his words 
and promises, led the governor to change very much his previous 
opinion, and to think his influence might be beneficial rather than 
mischievous. 

Tecumthe entered upon the great work he had long contempla- 
ted, in the year 1805 or 1806. He was then about thirty-eight years 
of age. To unite the several Indian tribes, many of which were 
hostile to, and had often been at war with each other, in this great 
and important undertaking, prejudices were to be overcome, their 
original manners and customs to be re-established, the use of ar- 
dent spirits to be abandoned, and all intercourse with the whites to 
be suspended. 

; " The task was herculean in its character, and beset with diffi- 
culties on every side. Here was a field for the display of the high- 
est moral and intellectual powers. He had already gained the 
reputation of a brave and sagacious warrior, and a cool-headed, 
upright, wise, and efficient counselor. He was neither a war 
nor a peace chief, and yet he wielded the power and influence of 
both. 

" The time having now arrived for action, and knowing full well, 
that to win savage attention, some bold and striking movement 
was necessary, he imparted his plan to his brother, the Prophet, 
who adroitly, and without a moment's delay, prepared himself for 
the part he was appointed to play in this great drama of savage life. 
Tecumthe well knew that excessive superstition was everywhere a 
prominent trait in the Indian character ; and therefore, with the 
skill of another Cromwell, brought superstition to his aid. 

" Suddenly, his brother began to dream dreams, and see visions ; 
he became afterward an inspired prophet, favored with a divine 
commission from the Great Spirit — the power of life and death was 
placed in his hands. He was appointed agent for preserving the 



820 MOVEMENTS OF TECUMTHE. 1808. 

property and lands of the Indians, and for restoring them to their 
original happy condition. He thereupon commenced his sacred 
work. The public mind was aroused, unbelief gradually gave way; 
credulity and wild fanaticism began to spread its circles, widening 
and deepening, until the fame of the prophet and the divine char- 
acter of his mission had reached the frozen shores of the lakes, and 
overran the broad plains which stretched far beyond i the great 
Father of Waters.' 

"Pilgrims from remote tribes, sought with fear and trembling 
the head-quarters of the prophet and the sage. Proselytes were 
multiplied, and his followers increased beyond all former example. 
Even Tecumthe became a believer, and seizing upon the golden 
opportunity, he mingled with the pilgrims, won them by his ad- 
dress, and on their return sent a knowledge of his plan of concert 
and union to the most distant tribes. 

" The bodily and mental labors of Tecumthe next commenced. 
His life became one of ceaseless activity. He traveled, he argued, 
he commanded. His persuasive voice was one day listened to by 
the Wyandots, on the plains of Sandusky ; on the next, his com- 
mands were issued on the banks of the Wabash. 

" He was anon seen paddling his canoe across the Mississippi, 
then boldly confronting the governor of Indiana, in the council- 
house at Yincennes. Now carrying his banner of union among the 
Creeks and Cherokees of the south, and from thence to the cold and 
inhospitable regions of the north, neither intoxicated by success, 
nor discouraged by failure." 

The year 1808, made a change in the Presidency of the United 
States, though not in political measures. Mr. Jefferson, who had 
administered the affairs of the country with pre-eminent success 
through two terms, and who was generally popular throughout the 
West, retired to private life, and Mr. Madison became his successor, 
in March, 1809. 

England and France, and indeed most of the European govern- 
ments, had been in a state of hostility for some years. Napoleon 
had introduced and carried into effect what has been called the 
" Continental System." This was designed to exclude England from 
all intercourse with the continent of Europe. All importation of 
English manufactures and produce was prohibited. This system 
involved the rights of neutral powers, and both England and France 
commenced depredations on the commerce of the United States. 

In November, 1806, Napoleon issued the famous decree of Berlin, 
bj which the British Islands were declared to be in a state of 



1808. BRITISH ADVISE INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 821 

blockade. Immediately, England directed reprisals against the 
Berlin decree, and issued her " Orders in Council" in 1807. Every 
neutral vessel with its cargo was confiscated which violated these 
orders. England also claimed the right to search all neutral ves- 
sels, in order to execute the orders in council. With this odious 
practice was connected the "right of search" on neutral vessels, 
for British seamen, and all were claimed as such, who could not 
show official papers of their birth, and regular shipment under a 
neutral government. Hundreds of naturalized citizens, and even 
native born Americans, were thus taken under our flag and 
impressed on board of British ships of war. These " orders " were 
followed on the part of France, by the decree of Milan, December, 
1807, and a more aggravated one of the Tuilleries, in January, 
1808. 

These decrees denationalized and confiscated every neutral ves- 
sel which had been searched by an English ship. These difficul- 
ties with England were greatly increased by the wanton attack on 
the frigate Chesapeake, in the waters of the United States. This 
produced a call upon the militia of the United States. 

The Imperial decrees of France, and the aggressions of Great 
Britain, induced Congress, by recommendation of the President, 
to lay an embargo prohibiting the exportation of all articles from 
the United States, in December, 1807. This measure met with so 
much opposition that it was repealed in 1809, and at the same time 
all trade and intercourse with France and England was prohibited 
by an act of Congress.* 

During the same period, British officers and traders were encour- 
aging the Indians to contend for their rights, by instilling into 
their minds the notion that they had sovereignty over all the coun- 
try not ceded by the treaty of Greenville. These lessons were 
relished by Tecumthe and his brother, the Prophet. In reference 
to the hostilities of 1811, but which had existed in feelings and 
plans at an early period, Mr. Lanman says : — 

" The basis of these hostilities was the fact that Elshwatawa, the 
Prophet, who pretended to certain supernatural powers, had formed 
a league with Tecumthe, to stir up the jealousy of the Indians 
against the United States. It seems that this was an act of pre- 
concert on the part of these brothers, in order to produce a general 
confederacy of Indians against the United States. 



* See Encyclopaedia Americana, article, "Continental System.' 



822 CONTROVERSY BETWEEN HARRISON AND TECUMTHE. 1808. 

" Mutual complaints were urged on both sides. It was main- 
tained by Governor Harrison that the Indians had endeavored to 
excite insurrection against the Americans, had depredated upon 
their property, and murdered their citizens ; and that they were, 
moreover, in league with the British. He ordered them, therefore, 
to return to their respective tribes, and to yield up the property 
which they had stolen, and also the murderers. 

"Tecumthe, in answer, denied the league. He alleged that his 
only design, and that of his brother, was to strengthen the amity 
between the different tribes of Indians, and to improve their moral 
condition. In answer to Governor Harrison's demand for the mur- 
derers of the whites w T ho had taken refuge among their tribes, he 
denied that they were there ; and secondly, that if they were there, 
it was not right to punish them, and that they ought to be forgiven, 
as he had forgiven those who had murdered his people in Illinois. 

" The Indians, comprised of seceders from the various tribes, 
were incited by the conviction that their domain was encroached 
upon by the Americans ; that they were themselves superior to the 
white men ; and that the Great Spirit had directed them to make 
one mighty struggle in throwing off the dominion of the United 
States. British influence, which had before exerted its agency in 
the previous Indian war, was active on the American side of the 
Detroit river, and it must be admitted that it had strong ground of 
action. 

"An ardent correspondence had for some time existed regarding 
the conduct of the savages, and powerful efforts were made to dis- 
suade them from advancing in their projects. In a speech which 
was sent to Tecumthe and his brother, complaining of injuries 
which had been committed by the Indians, and demanding redress, 
Gov. Harrison, who then resided at Yincennes, remarks: ' Broth- 
ers, I am myself of the Long Knife fire ; as soon as they hear my 
voice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of 'hunting- 
shirt men,' as numerous as the musquitoes on the shores of the 
Wabash. Brothers, take care of their stings.' " 

On the 25th of November, Governor Hull met at Brownstown, 
the Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Wyandots, and Shawa- 
nese, and obtained from them a grant of a strip of land connecting 
the Maumee with the Western Eeserve, and another strip connect- 
ing Lower Sandusky with the country south of the line agreed 
upon in 1795. These strips were to be used for roads. 

The white settlements in Upper Louisiana, in the beginning of 
1808, had not extended much beyond the boundaries claimed by 



1809. HOSTILE MOVEMENTS OF THE SAVAGES. 823 

the Spanish authorities in virtue of former treaties with native 
tribes. 

On the 10th of November of that year, a grand council of the 
nation of Osages was held at Fort Clark, on the right bank of the 
Missouri river, where a treaty was made in which the Osages relin- 
quish their claims to all their lands between the Missouri and 
Arkansas rivers, as far west as a line drawn from Fort Clark due 
south to Arkansas. This treaty threw open the territory to settle- 
ments to this boundary. 

Throughout the year 1809, Tecumthe and his brother were 
strengthening themselves, both openly and secretly. Governor 
Harrison, however, had been once more led to suspect their ulti- 
mate designs, and was preparing to meet an emergency, whenever 
it might arise. The probability of its being at hand was very 
greatly increased by the news received from the Upper Mississippi, 
of hostile movements there among the savages. In reference to 
these movements, and the position of the Shawanese brothers, Gov- 
ernor Harrison wrote to the Secretary of War, on the 5th of July, 
as follows : 

" The Shawanese prophet and about forty followers arrived here 
about a week ago. He denies most strenuously any participation 
in the late combination to attack our settlements, which he says 
was entirely confined to the tribes of the Mississippi and Illinois 
rivers ; and he claims the merits of having prevailed upon them to 
relinquish their intentions. 

"I must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been rather 
strengthened than diminished at every interview I have had with 
him since his arrival. He acknowledged that he received an invi- 
tation to war against us, from the British, last fall, and that he was 
apprised of the intention of the Sacs, Foxes, &c, early in the spring, 
and warmly solicited to join in their league. But he could give no 
satisfactory explanation of his neglecting to communicate to me, 
circumstances so extremely interesting to us, and toward which I 
had a few months before directed his attention, and received a 
solemn assurance of his cheerful compliance with the injunctions I 
had impressed upon him. 

"The result of all my inquiries on the subject is, that the late 
combination was produced by British intrigue and influence, in 
anticipation of war between them and the United States. It was, 
however, premature and ill-judged, and the event sufficiently mani- 
fests a great decline in their influence, or in the talents and ad- 



824 ILLINOIS TERRITORY FORMED. 1809. 

dress, with which, they have been accustomed to manage their 
Indian relations. 

" The warlike and well armed tribes of the Pottawattamies, Ot- 
tawa®, Chippewas, Delawares, and Miamies, I believe neither had, 
nor would have joined in the combination; and although the Kick- 
apoos, whose warriors are better than those of any other tribe, the 
remnant of the Wyandot excepted, are much under the influence 
of the prophet, I am persuaded that they were never made ac- 
quainted with their intentions, if these were really hostile to the 
United States." 

In this same letter the governor, at the request of the secretary, 
Dr. Eustis, gives his views of the defense of the frontiers, in which 
portion of his epistle many valuable hints are given in relation to 
the course proper to be pursued in case of a war with England. 

In September, October, and December, the governor of Indiana 
succeeded in extinguishing the claims of the Delawares, Pottawat- 
tamies, Miamies, Eel river Indians, Weas, and Kickapoos, to cer- 
tain lands upon the Wabash, which had not yet been purchased, 
and which were believed to contain copper ore. 

The treaties with the Delawares, Pottawattamies, Miamies, 
and Eel river Indians, were made at Fort "Wayne ; the others at 
Yincennes ; they were protested against by Tecumthe in the fol- 
lowing year. 

On the 17th of February the Legislature of Ohio passed the 
charter of the Miami University. With regard to this institution, 
a question at once arose, whether it should be within Symmes' Pur- 
chase, as it had been originally intended it should be, and as the char- 
ter required ; or placed upon the lands with which it was endowed ; 
which lands it had been found necessary to select out of the Pur- 
chase, as has been already related. The legislature decided that 
the University should be upon the lands which had been appropri- 
ated to its support in the township of Oxford, and there, accord- 
ingly, it was placed. 

One of the events of 1809, which claims special notice, was the 
organization of the territory of Illinois. 

The people of Illinois, as has happened to others more recently, 
at several periods were left without a regularly constituted govern- 
ment. Originally it was a portion of ancient Louisiana, under the 
French monarchy. By the treaty of France with Great Britain, in 
1763, all Canada, including the Illinois country, was ceded to the 
latter power. 



1809. ILLINOIS TERRITORY FORMED. 825 

But British authority and laws did not reach Illinois until 1765, 
when Captain Sterling, in the name and by the authority of the 
British crown, established the provisional government at Fort 
Chartres. 

In 1766, the " Quebec Bill," as it was called, passed the British 
Parliament, which placed Illinois, and the North- Western Territory 
under the local administration of Canada. 

The conquest of the country by General Clark, in 1778, brought 
it under the jurisdiction of Virginia, and in the month of October, 
the Legislature of that State organized the county of Illinois. 

The cession of the country to the Continental Congress was 
made in 1784, and the ordinance to organize the North- Western 
Territory, which provided for a territorial government, was not 
passed until 1787, and the governor and judges who exercised, in 
one body, legislative and judicial authority, did not go into opera- 
tion until July, 1788. Still the Illinois country remained without 
any organized government till March, 1790, when Governor St. 
Clair organized the county that bears his name. Hence, for more 
than six years at one period, and for a shorter time at other peri- 
ods, there was no executive, legislative, and judicial authority in 
the country. The people were a "law unto themselves," and good 
feelings, harmony, and fidelity to engagements predominated. 

From 1800 they had been a part of the territory of Indiana. In 
all the territories at that period, there were two grades of territorial 
government. The first was that of governor and judges. These 
constituted the law-making power. Such was the organization of 
Illinois in 1809. The next grade was a territorial legislature; the 
people electing the house of representatives, and the president and 
senate appointing the council. 

By an act of Congress, of February 3d, 1809, all that part of In- 
diana Territory which lies west of the Wabash river, and a direct 
line drawn from that river and Post Yincennes, due north, to the 
territorial line between the United States and Canada, was consti- 
tuted into a separate territory, by the name of Illinois ; and the first 
grade of territorial government was established. 

For eight years Illinois had formed a part of Indiana, and the 
principal statutes of that territory were re-enacted by the governor 
and judges, and became the basis of statute law in Illinois, much 
of which, without change of phraseology, remains in the revised 
code of that State, as the same laws, in substance, originated in the 
legislation of the governor and judges of the North- Western Terri- 
tory, and were enacted by the governor and judges of Indiana, in 
53 



826 OLDEN STATUTES OP INDIANA. 1808. 

the territory of Louisiana, during the period of their temporary ju- 
risdiction west of the Mississippi. 

The following specimen of their early jurisprudence may not be 
without interest to the reader. 

A competent number of persons for each county were nominated 
and commissioned by the governor with power to take all manner of 
recognizances and obligations as any justices of the peace in the Uni- 
ted States — all to be certified to the court of common pleas at the 
next session — except those for a felony, which belonged to the 
court of oyer and terminer. One or more justices of the peace, 
may hear and determine, by due course of law, any petty crimes 
and misdemeanors, where the punishment shall be fine only, not 
exceeding three dollars. Justices were required to commit the 
offender when a crime was perpetrated in their sight, without fur- 
ther testimony. All warrants to be under the hand and seal of the 
justice. Justices to have power to punish by fine, as provided in 
the statute, all assaults and batteries not of an aggravated nature; 
and cause to be arrested all affrayers, rioters and disturbers of the 
peace, and bind them over by recognizance, to appear at the next 
general court, or court of common pleas, to be held within the 
county, and to require such persons to give security. Justices of 
the peace to examine into all homicides, murders, treasons and 
felonies, done in their respective counties, and to commit to prison 
all persons suspected to be guilty of manslaughter, murder, 
treason, or other capital offense, and hold to bail all persons sus- 
pected to be guilty of lesser offenses ; and require sureties for the 
good behavior of idle, vagrant, disorderly characters ; swindlers 
and gamblers, as well as every description of disorderly and 
vagrant persons. 

Courts. — Courts of common pleas were organized in each county, 
of three judges, any two of whom were a quorum. They were 
appointed and commissioned by the governor for and during good 
behavior. Said courts to hear and determine, according to the 
common law, all crimes and misdemeanors, the punishment where- 
of did not extend to life, limb, imprisonment for one year, or forfeit- 
ure of goods and chattels, lands and tenements. This court held 
pleas of assize, scire facias, replevins, and was empowered to hear 
and determine all manner of pleas, suits, actions and crimes, real, 
personal, and mixed, according to law. For the more speedy 
administration of justice, the court held six sessions annually. 

If the court was not opened on the day appointed, the sheriff 
could adjourn from day to day for two days, and then until the 
next term. 



1808. OLDEN STATUTES OF INDIANA. 827 

Compensation of the judges of this court was two dollars and 
fifty cents per day, paid from the county levy. 

This court had power to take all recognizances and obligations, and 
all cases not within their jurisdiction, to be certified to the next court 
of oyer and terminer. All fines to be duly and truly assessed accor- 
ding to the quality of the offense, without affection or partiality. 

Criminals who had absconded from the counties to be brought 
back by warrant. Any person aggrieved may appeal to the gen- 
eral court. All writs issued to be in the name of the United 
States. Judges had power to grant under seal, replevins, writs of 
partition, writs of view, and all other writs and process, under said 
pleas and actions cognizable in said court, as occasion may require. 

The court could issue subpoenas, under seal, and signed by any 
clerk, into any county in the territory, summoning any witness. 
The clerk of said court was appointed by the governor during good 
behavior. 

The Supreme — styled General Court — was held twice a year, at Vin- 
cennes, on the first Tuesdays in April and September — had authority 
to issue writs of habeas corpus, certiorari, and writs of error. The 
members of the court were constituted circuit judges, and required 
to hold a circuit court once in each year in the counties of Dear- 
born, Clark, Randolph and St. Clair. This court was empowered 
to hear and determine all cases, matters and things, cognizable in 
said court ; to examine and correct errors of inferior courts, and 
punish; to punish the " contempts, omissions, neglects, favors, 
corruptions and defaults of all justices of the peace, sheriffs, coro- 
ners, clerks, and all other officers; award process to collect all 
fines, forfeitures and amercements ; " to hold courts of oyer and 
terminer, and general jail delivery. The governor was empowered 
to call a special term for capital offenses. 

By the requisition of the Secretary of War, under the act of 
Congress of 1808, for arming and equipping one hundred thousand 
militia in the United States, Governor Lewis of the territory of 
Louisiana, made proclamation for raising and equipping three 
hundred and seventy-seven militia of the territory, which were 
duly apportioned in the counties of St. Charles, St. Louis, Ste. 
Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, New Madrid, and Arkansas. 

On the 28th of June, 1809, Nicholas Jarrot, of Cahokia, who 
had just returned from Prairie du Chein, made affidavit, that the 
British agents and traders at that place, and on the frontiers of 
Canada, were stirring up the Indians, furnishing them with guns 
and ammunition, and preparing them for hostile demonstrations. 



828 RESOLUTIONS OE OHIO LEGISLATURE. 1810. 

In November, a communication came from Messrs. Portier and 
Bleakly, of Prairie du Chein, denying the statements of M. Jarrot. 
They were persons implicated. About the same period, hostile 
demonstrations were made on the part of the Sac and Fox nations, 
against Fort Madison. During the same month, hostilities com- 
menced between the Osages and lowas; the latter having killed 
some of the former, not far from where Liberty is now situated, 
north of the Missouri river. 

About this time, for some three or four years, great excitement 
1810.] was caused in Ohio, by what was known under the name of 
the "Sweeping Eesolutions." The legislature of Ohio had passed 
an act, giving justices of the peace jurisdiction, without the aid of a 
jury, in the first instance in the collection of debts, in all cases 
where the demand did not exceed fifty dollars. Inasmuch as by 
the constitution of the United States, all matters of claim, where 
the amount exceeds twenty dollars, are referred to a jury; and, 
inasmuch too, as anything in the laws or constitution of a State, 
contrary to the provisions of the national constitution, is utterly 
void, and of no effect, the judges of all the courts declared this act 
of the legislature void, and of no effect. This boldness of the 
judges aroused the anger of the legislators, and in order to punish 
the bold expounders of the law, the latter were impeached in the 
Senate, and removed from office. Three judges were in this way 
successively removed, in the years preceding 1809-10 for this 
cause. In the fall of 1809, however, the people did not elect 
u sweepers" (as the impeaching legislators were called,) enough to 
the Senate, to enable the House to carry an impeachment through 
the same, and a new plan was therefore devised for asserting the 
supremacy of the legislature. The doctrine was started, that in a 
short time it would be seven years since the constitution of Ohio 
went into operation, and certainly all civil officers ought to go out 
of office every seven years, and so have the field entirely cleared 
off for new aspirants to office; and accordingly, on the 7th of Janu- 
ary, 1810, the great so called " Sweeping Resolution" was passed, 
which, with its preamble, reads as follows: 

"Whereas, it is provided by the eighth section of the third 
article of the constitution of this State, that the judges of the 
supreme court, the presidents and associate judges of the court of 
common pleas, shall be appointed by joint ballot of both houses of 
the general assembly, and shall hold their offices for seven years, 
if so long they behave well; and whereas, the first general assem- 
bly of this State did appoint judges of the supreme court, presi- 



1810. RESOLUTIONS OF OHIO LEGISLATURE. 829 

dents and associate judges of the court of common pleas, many 
of whose offices have become vacant at different times, and elec- 
tions have been bad to fill vacancies; and whereas, tbe original 
term of office is about to expire, and it becomes necessary for the 
general assembly to provide for that event: 

"Therefore, Resolved, by the general assembly of the State of 
Ohio, that the constitution of the State having limited and defined 
the term of office which the judges of the supreme court, the 
presidents and judges of the court of common pleas, the secretary 
of State, the auditor and treasurer of the State shall hold, and 
also the mode of filling vacancies by the legislature, it cannot, of 
right, be construed to extend beyond the end of the original term 
for which the first officers were appointed." * 

This resolution, when passed, was sent to the Senate, and passed 
there on the 18th of January, 1810, and thus every civil officer in 
the State was at once swept out of office, and in the following 
month the legislature proceeded to fill some of the vacancies so 
made, and to order elections by the people of those officers who 
were so elected. Many of the counties had not been organized 
longer than three or four years, and many judges had not held 
office for two years, although the constitution makes the term 
seven years. By this means the whole State was thrown into con- 
fusion for a time ; many of the old officers refused to give way to 
the new ones, and it was some time before the utter unconstitu- 
tionality of the proceedings of the legislature was seen and ac- 
knowledged all around, and peace and order again restored. 

The hostile intentions of Tecumthe and his followers toward the 
United States, were placed beyond a doubt in 1810. The exciting 
causes were — the purchase at Fort Wayne in 1809, which the 
Shawanese denounced as illegal and unjust, and British influence. 
And here, as in 1790 to 1795, it is almost impossible to learn what 
really was the amount of British influence, and whence it pro- 
ceeded ; whether from the agents merely, or from higher authority. 
On the one hand there are many assertions like the following: — 

Vincbnnes, 26th June, 1810.f 

"Winemac assured me that the Prophet, not long since, proposed 
to the young men to murder the principal chiefs of all the tribes, 



*Atwater's History of Ohio. f Harrison Dispatches. 



830 INDIAN HOSTILITIES THREATENED. 1810. 

observing, that their hands would never be untied until this was 
effected ; that these were the men who had sold their lands, and 
who would prevent them from opposing the encroachments of the 
white people. 

An Iowa Indian informs me, that two years ago this summer, an 
agent from the British arrived at the Prophet's town, and, in his 
presence, delivered the message with which he was charged, the 
substance of whieh was, to urge the Prophet to unite as many- 
tribes as he could against the United States, but not to commence 
hostlities until they gave the signal. 

Yincennes, July 18, 1810. 
From the Iowas, I learn that the Sacs and Foxes have actually 
received the tomahawk, and are ready to strike whenever the 
Prophet gives the signal. A considerable number of the Sacs went, 
some time since, to see the British superintendent; and on the first 
instant, fifty more passed Chicago for the same destination. A 
Miami chief, who has just returned from his annual visit to Mai- 
den, after having received the accustomed donation of goods, was 
thus addressed by the British agent: "My son, keep your eyes 
fixed on me ; my tomahawk is now up ; be you ready, but do not 
strike until I give the signal." 

Yincennes, July 25th, 1810. 
There can be no doubt of the designs of the Prophet and the 
British agent of Indian affairs, to do us injury. This agent is a 

refugee from the neighborhood of , and his implacable hatred 

to his native country, prompted him to take part with the Indians, 
in the battle between them and General Wayne's army. He has, 
ever since his appointment to the principal agency, used his utmost 
endeavors to excite hostilities ; and the lavish manner in which he 
is allowed to scatter presents among them, shows that his govern- 
ment participates in his enmity and authorizes his measures. 

Fort Wayne, August 7, 1810. 
Since writing you on the 25th ultimo, about one hundred men 
of the Saukies have returned from the British agent, who supplied 
them liberally with everything they stood in want of. The party 
received forty-seven rifles, and a number of fusils, with plenty of 
powder and lead. This is sending fire-brands into the Mississippi 
country, inasmuch as it will draw numbers of our Indians to the 
British side, in the hope of being treated with the same liberality* 

John Johnston, Indian Agent, 



1810, TECUMTHE AND HARBISON IN COUNCIL. 831 

On the other hand, it is well known that Sir James Craig, the 
governor of Canada, wrote on the 25th of November, 1810, to Mr. 
Morier, the British Minister at Washington, authorizing him to 
inform the United States government tbat the northern savages 
were meditating hostilities ; it is likewise known that in the follow- 
ing March, Sir James wrote to Lord Liverpool in relation to the 
Indians, and spoke of the information he had given the Americans, 
and that his conduct was approved, besides the repeated denial by 
the English minister at Washington, of any influence having been 
exerted over the frontier tribes adverse to the States, by the 
authority or with the knowledge of the English ministry, or the 
governor of Canada. These, disconnected with other circumstan- 
ces, should acquit the rulers of Great Britain ; but they do not 
show who, nor how high in authority the functionaries were who 
tried, as Tecumthe told Harrison, to set the red men, as dogs, upon 
the whites. 

But, however the evil influence originated, certain it is that the 
determination was taken by "the successor of Pontiac," to unite 
all the western tribes in hostility to the United States, in case that 
power would not give up the lands bought at Fort Wayne, and under- 
take to recognize the principle, that no purchases should be there- 
after made unless from a council representing all the tribes united as one 
nation. By various acts, the feelings of Tecumthe became more 
and more evident; but in August, he having visited Vineennes to 
see the governor, a council was held at which, and at a subsequent 
interview, the real position of affairs was clearly ascertained. Of 
that council, the account contained in Drake's life of the great 
chieftain is given : 

" Governor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the 
council on the portico of his own house, which had been fitted up 
with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning of the fifteenth, 
he awaited the arrival of the chief, being attended by the judges of 
the Supreme Court, some officers of the army, a sergeant and 
twelve men, from Fort Knox, and a large number of citizens. 

" At the appointed hour, Tecumthe, supported by forty of his 
principal warriors, made his appearance, the remainder of his fol- 
lowers being encamped in the village and its environs. When the 
chief had approached within thirty or forty yards of the house, he 
suddenly stopped, as if awaiting some advances from the governor. 

" An interpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to 
take seats on the portico. To this Tecumthe objected— he did not 
think the place a suitable one for holding the conference, but pre- 



832 TECUMTHE AND HARRISON IN COUNCIL. 1810, 

ferred that it should take place in a grove of trees — to which he 
pointed — standing a short distance from the house. The governor 
said he had no objection to the grove, except that there were no 
seats in it for accommodation. 

"Tecumthe replied, that constituted no objection to the grove, 
the earth being the most suitable place for the Indians, who loved 
to repose upon the bosom of their mother. The governor yielded 
the point, and the benches and chairs having been removed to the 
spot, the conference was begun, the Indians being seated on the 
grass. 

"Tecumthe opened the meeting by stating, at length, his objec- 
tions to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Governor Harrison in 
the previous year; and in the course of his speech, boldly avowed 
the principle of his party to be, that of resistance to every cession 
of land, unless made by all the tribes, who, he contended, formed 
but one nation. He admitted that he had threatened to kill the 
chiefs who signed the treaty of Fort "Wayne, and that it was his 
fixed determination not to permit the village chiefs, in future, to 
manage their affairs, but to place the power with which they had 
been heretofore invested, in the hands of the war chiefs. 

"The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea 
coast, and would soon push them into the lakes ; and, while he dis- 
claimed all intention of making war upon the United States, he 
declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand, and 
resolutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon the 
Indian lands. He concluded by making a brief but impassioned 
recital of the various wrongs and aggressions inflicted by the white 
men upon the Indians, from the commencement of the Eevolu- 
tionary war down to the period of that council, all of which was 
calculated to arouse and inflame the minds of such of his followers 
as were present. 

" To him the Governor replied, and having taken his seat, the 
interpreter commenced explaining the speech to Tecumthe, who, 
after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his feet and began to 
speak with great vehemence of manner. 

" The governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as he 
did not understand him, thought he was making some explanation, 
and suffered hi3 attention to be drawn toward Winnemac, a 
friendly Indian lying on the grass before him, who wa3 renewing 
the priming of his pistol, which he had kept concealed from the 
other Indians, but in full view of the governor. 

" His attention however, was again directed toward Tecumthe, 



1810. TECUMTHE AND HARRISON IN COUNCIL. 833 

by hearing General Gibson, wbo was intimately acquainted with 
tbe Shawanee language, say to Lieutenant Jennings, ' those fellows 
intend mischief; you had better bring up the guard.' 

"At that moment, the followers of Tecumthe seized their toma- 
hawks and war clubs, and sprung upon their feet, their eyes turned 
upon the governor. As soon as he could disengage himself from 
the arm chair in which he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which 
he had by his side, and stood on the defensive. 

" Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew 
a dirk, and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens 
present were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed ; 
some of them procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the 
defensive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, a minister of the Methodist 
church, ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself 
at the door to defend the family. 

"During this singular scene, no one spoke, until the guard came 
running up, and appearing to be in the act of firing, the governor 
ordered them not to do so. He then demanded of the interpreter 
an explanation of what had happened, who replied that Tecumthe 
had interrupted him, declaring that all the governor had said was 
false, and that he and the Seventeen Fires had cheated and 
imposed on the Indians. 

"The Governor then told Tecumthe that he was a bad man, and 
that he would hold no further communication with him ; that as 
he had come to Yincennes under the protection of a council-fire, 
he might return in safety, but that he must immediately leave the 
village. 

"Here it was supposed the council would terminate. But early 
on the succeeding morning, the Shawanese chief appeared at the 
governor's residence, and desired another interview; and after 
making an apology for his conduct the day before, his request was 
complied with. 

"Lest he should have a body of his followers secreted in the 
neighborhood, ready to join those who were with him, two com- 
panies of militia were mustered from the village and neighborhood, 
and ordered to parade morning and evening ready for action. 

" The governor and several of his friends also attended the coun- 
cil, well armed. Tecumthe's conduct was upon this occasion, 
however, very different from what it had been at any previous 
meeting, and though firm and intrepid, he said nothing that was 
insolent. 

" After finishing his speech, a Wyandot, a Kickapoo, a Pottawat- 



834 SHAWANESE CONFEDERACY STRENGTHENS. 1810. 

tamie, an Ottawa, and a Winnebago, severally spoke ; each declar- 
ing his tribe had entered into the Shawanese confederacy, and 
would support the principles laid down by Tecumthe, whom they 
had appointed their leader. 

" The now undoubted purposes of the Northern Indians being of a 
character necessarily leading to war, Governor Harrison proceeded to 
strengthen himself for the contest, by preparing the militia, and 
posting the regular troops that were with him, under Captains Po- 
sey and Cross, at Yincennes. 

" In a few days the Indians departed, and little more was heard 
from Tecumthe, the warrior, until next year. Meanwhile, his 
brother remained at Prophet's town, professing friendship for the 
frontier inhabitants ; and, at one time previous to the warrior's last 
visit at Yincennes, he sent a message to Governor Harrison, asking 
that implements for building houses, as likewise farming utensils, 
be remitted from government, for the benefit of himself and 
others at their village." 

With the close of the year 1810, western history is brought down 
to the very eve of the war with Great Britain, which, though an 
event that had " cast its shadow before," cannot be said to have its 
commencement until 1811, and it was therefore thought well to end 
the present period at this time. 

The next period commences with the year 1811, and, after em- 
bracing the incidents of the war, and the intermediate events, it is 
extended to 1820, which may be said to bear the date of the com- 
mencement of State sovereignty west of the Mississippi, that being 
the year in which Missouri, the first State of the "Ear West," was 
admitted into the Union. 



PERIOD VII. 
1811—1820. 

During the first half of this year, while the difficulties with Eng- 
land made a war with her every day more probable, nothing took 
place to render a contest with the Indians any the less certain. In 
June, Harrison sent to the Shawanese leaders a message, bidding 
them beware of hostilities. To this Tecumthe gave a brief reply, 
promising the governor a visit. 

It will be seen by the following, that his brother, the Prophet, 
made his first hostile demonstration soon afterward : 

"June, 1811. The boat which was sent up the "Wabash some 
time past, with the United States annuity of salt, for the Delaware, 
Miami, and Pottawattamie tribes of Indians, and a few barrels as 
a present to the Prophet, has returned without having accomplished 
the main object of its mission. Having proceeded as high up as the 
Prophet's town, they halted in order to leave that part destined for 
him. He at first refused to accept of it, but detained the boat un- 
til he would have a council of his chiefs ; and after detaining them 
two days, he seized the whole cargo. So the Indians will not 
only suffer for want of salt, but may blame the government for 
faithlessness, in failing to deliver the article at the usual period. 

" On being demanded the cause of his treachery and rash con- 
duct, the Prophet gave no answer, or any explanation, but said his 
brother Tecumthe would visit the governor at Yincennes soon, and 
settle the affair with him."* 

Again, July 27th — 

" For some days past very considerable alarm has existed in this 
place and vicinity, occasioned by the approach of the Shawanese 
chief, Tecumthe, the brother of the Prophet, accompanied by a 
great number of warriors. On the 28th he entered the town. His 
march here was performed leisurely, having been seven days occu- 
pied in traveling the last seventy miles.' ' 

Although the ostensible object of this visit was Tecumthe's going 
to the council, yet it was believed by many, that his real object 



* Western Sun of June 11, 1811. 



836 HARRISON PREPARES FOR INDIAN WAR. 1811. 

was to intimidate the whites, by a show of his force, a belief that 
seems to gain strength from the unusual tardiness of his march. 

This last council was still less satisfactory to the governor and 
citizens than the former one of August, 1810, because Tecumthe, 
on this occasion, acknowledged that he had already united the 
northern Indians, and furthermore, avowed his intention of pro- 
ceeding south, on the errand of bringing the savages of that region 
into a league of offensive warfare, to reclaim their country. 

Henceforth, nothing short of a speedy Indian war was anticipa- 
ted, and on the 31st of July, during the session of the council, the 
citizens of Vincennes and its vicinity met in convention, and me- 
morialized President Madison on the subject, though not so much 
for protection from a military force, as for permission to fight the 
Indians their own way. 

The following letters furnish additional evidences of the state 
of affairs at that time, as being indicative of the impending war: 

Fort Wayne, February 8, 1811. 
has been at this place. The information derived from 



him is the same I have been in possession of for several years, to 
wit : the intrigues of the British agents and partizans, in creating 
an influence hostile to our people and government, within our ter- 
ritory. I do not know whether a garrison is to be erected on the 
Wabash or not, but every consideration of sound policy urges 
the early establishment of a post, somewhere contiguous to the 
Prophet's residence.* 

Vincennes, 6th August, 1811. 

The Shawanee chief, Tecumthe, has made a visit to this place, 
with about three hundred Indians, though he promised to bring 
but a few attendants ; his intentions are hostile, though he found us 
prepared for him. 

Tecumthe did not set out till yesterday ; he then descended the 
Wabash, attended by twenty men, on his way to the southward. 
After having visited the Creeks and Choctaws, he is to visit the 
Osages, and return by the Missouri. The spies say, his object in 
coming with so many, was to demand a retrocession of the last pur- 
chase. At the moment he was promising to bring but few men 
with him, he was sending in every direction to collect his people. 
That he meditated a blow at this time, was believed by almost all 
the neutral Indians. f 

* Correspondence of Colonel Johnston, Indian agent, 
f Governor Harrison's correspondence. 



1811. CORRESPONDENCE OF HARRISON AND JOHNSTON. 83T 

Fort Wayne, August 18, 1811. 

It appears that the fruit of the Shawanee Prophet, and his band, 
is making its appearance in more genuine colors than heretofore. 
I have lately had opportunities of seeing many of the Indians of 
this agency, from different quarters, and by what I have been able 
to learn from them, particularly the Pottawattamies, I am induced 
to believe the news circulating in the papers, respecting the depre- 
dations committed in the Illinois territory, by the Indians, is 
mostly correct, and is thought by them to have proceeded from 
Mar Poe, and the influence of the Shawanee Prophet. Several of 
the tribes have sent to me for advice. 

Vincennes, September 17, 1811. 
states that almost every Indian from the country above 



this had been, or were then gone to Maiden, on a visit to the 
British agent. We shall probably gain our destined point at the 
moment of their return. If then the British agents are really en- 
deavoring to instigate the Indians to make war upon us, we shall 
be in their neighborhood at the very moment when the impres- 
sions which have been made against us are most active in the 
minds of the savages. 

succeeded in getting the chiefs together at Port Wayne, 

though he found them all preparing to go to Maiden. The result 
of the council discovered that the whole tribes (including the 
Weas and Eel rivers, for they are all Miamies,) were about equally 
divided in favor of the Prophet, and the United States. Lapousier 
the Wea chief, whom I before mentioned to you as being seduced 

by the Prophet, was repeatedly asked by what land it was 

that he was determined to defend with his blood ; whether it was 
that which was ceded by the late treaty or not; but he would give 
no answer. 

reports that all the Indians of the Wabash have been, or 

now are, on a visit to the British agents at Maiden. He had never 
known one-fourth as many goods given to the Indians as they are 
now distributing. He examined the share of one man (not a 
chief,) and found that he had received an elegant rifle, twenty-five 
pounds of powder, fifty pounds of lead, three blankets, three trouds 
of cloth, ten shirts and several other articles. He says every 
Indian is furnished with a gun (either rifle or fusil) and an abund- 
ance of ammunition. A trader of this country was lately in the 
king's stores at Maiden, and was told that the quantity of goods 



838 BUILDING OF FORT HARRISON. 1810. 

for the Indian department, which had been sent out this year, ex- 
ceeded that of common years by twenty thousand pounds sterling. 
It is impossible to ascribe this profusion to any other motive than 
that of instigating the Indians to take up the tomahawk. It cannot 
bo to secure their trade ; for all the peltry collected on the waters of 
the Wabash in one year, if sold in the London market, would not pay 
the freight of the goods which have been given to the Indians. 

Harrison, meanwhile, had taken steps to increase his regular 
troops, and had received the promise of strong reinforcements, 
with orders, however, to be very backward in employing them 
unless in case of absolute need. Under these circumstances his 
plan as given to the Secretary of "War upon the 1st of August was 
to again warn the Indians to obey the treaty at Greenville, but at 
the same time to prepare to break up the Prophet's establishment, 
if necessary. 

Messages were sent out as proposed, and deputations from the 
natives followed, promising peace and compliance, but the gov- 
ernor, having received his reinforcements, commenced his propo- 
sed progress. On the 5th of October he was on the Wabash sixty 
or sixty-five miles above Vincennes, at which point he built " Fort 
Harrison." Here one of his sentinels was fired upon, and news 
was received from the friendly Delawares which made the hostile 
purposes of the Prophet plain. The governor then determined to 
move directly upon Tippecanoe, still offering peace, however. 
Upon the 31st of October he was near the mouth of the Vermillion 
river, where he built a block house for the protection of his boats, 
and a place of deposit for his heavy baggage. 

The following account of the succeeding events is given by 
General Harrison himself in an official letter to the Secretary of 
War: 

"Vincennes, 18th November, 1811. 

" Sir : — In my letter of the 8th inst., I did myself the honor to 
communicate the result of an action between the troops under my 
command and the confederation of Indians under the control of 
the Shawanee Prophet. I had previously informed you in a letter 
of the 2d inst., of my proceedings previous to my arrival at the 
Vermillion river, where I had erected a block house for the pro- 
tection of the boats which I was obliged to leave, and as a deposi- 
tory for our heavy baggage, and such part of our provisions as we 
were unable to transport in wagons. 

"On the morning of the 3d inst., I commenced my march from 



1811. HARRISON MARCHES AGAINST THE INDIANS. 839 

the block house. The Wabash, above this, turning considerably 
to the eastward, I was obliged to avoid the broken and woody 
country, which borders upon it, to change my course to the west- 
ward of north, to gain the prairies which lie to the back of those 
woods. At the end of one day's march, I was enabled to take the 
proper direction, (1ST. E.) which brought me, on the evening of the 
5th, to a small creek, at about eleven miles from the Prophet's 
town. I had, on the preceding day, avoided the dangerous pass 
of Pine creek, by inclining a few miles to the left, where the 
troops and wagons were crossed with expedition and safety. Our 
route on the 6th, for about six miles, lay through prairies, separa- 
ted by small points of woods. 

" My order of march hitherto had been similar to that used by 
General Wayne ; that is, the infantry were in two columns of files 
on either side of the road, and the mounted rifle men and cavalry 
in front, in the rear and on the flanks. Where the ground was 
unfavorable for the action of cavalry, they were placed in the rear; 
but where it was otherwise, they were made to exchange positions 
with one of the mounted rifle corps. 

"Understanding that the last four miles were open woods, and the 
probability being greater that we should be attacked in front, than 
on either flank, I halted at that distance from the town, and formed 
the army in order of battle. The United States infantry placed in 
the centre, two companies of militia infantry, and one of mounted 
riflemen, on each flank, formed the front line. In the rear of this 
line was placed the baggage, drawn up as compactly as possible, 
and immediately behind it, a reserve of three companies of militia 
infantry. The cavalry formed a second line, at the distance of 
three hundred yards in the rear of the front line, and a company of 
mounted riflemen, the advanced guard at that distance in front. 
To facilitate the march, the whole were then broken off into short 
columns of companies — a situation the most favorable for forming 
in order of battle with facility and precision. 

" Our march was slow and cautious, and much delayed by the ex- 
amination of every place which seemed calculated for an ambus- 
cade. Indeed the ground was for some time so unfavorable, that 
I was obliged to change the position of the several corps three 
times in the distance of a mile. At half past two o'clock, we 
passed a small creek at the distance of one mile and a half from 
town, and entered an open wood, when the army was halted, and 
again drawn up in order of battle. 

" During the whole of the last day's march, parties of Indians 



840 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 1811. 

were constantly about us, and every effort was made by tbe inter- 
preters to speak to them, but in vain. New attempts of tbe kind 
were now made, but proving equally ineffectual, a Captain Dubois, 
of the spies and guides, offering to go with a flag to the town, I 
dispatched him with an interpreter, to request a conference with 
the Prophet. In a few moments a messenger was sent by Captain 
Dubois, to inform me that in his attempts to advance, the Indians 
appeared on both his flanks, and although he had spoken to them 
in the most friendly manner, they refused to answer, but beckoned 
to him to go forward, and constantly endeavored to cut him off 
from the army. Upon this information I recalled the captain, and 
determined to encamp for the night, and take some other measures 
for opening a conference with the Prophet. 

"Whilst I was engaged in tracing the lines for the encampment, 
Major Daviess, who commanded the dragoons, came to inform me 
that he had penetrated the Indian fields ; that the ground was en- 
tirely open and favorable ; that the Indians in front had manifested 
nothing but hostility, and had answered every attempt to bring them 
to a parley with contempt and insolence. I was immediately advised 
by all the officers around me to move forward ; a similar wish, in- 
deed, pervaded all the army. It was drawn up in excellent order, 
and every man appeared eager to decide the contest immediately. 

" Being informed that a good encampment might be had upon 
the Wabash, I yielded to what appeared the general wish, and di- 
rected the troops to advance, taking care, however, to place the 
interpreters in front, with directions to invite a conference with any 
Indians they might meet with. We had not advanced above four 
hundred yards, when I was informed that three Indians had ap- 
proached the advanced guard, and had expressed a wish to speak 
to me. I found, upon their arrival, that one of them was a man in 
great estimation with the Prophet. He informed me that the chiefs 
were much surprised at my advancing upon them so rapidly ; that 
they were given to understand, by the Delawares and Miamies, 
whom I had sent to them a few days before, that I would not ad- 
vance to their town, until I had received an answer to my demands 
made through them ; that this answer had been dispatched by the 
Pottawattamie chief, Winnemac, who had accompanied the Dela- 
wares and Miamies, on their return ; that they had left the Prophet's 
town two days before, with a design to meet me, but had unfortu- 
nately taken the road on the south side of the Wabash. 

" I answered that I had no intention of attacking them, until I 
discovered that they would not comply with the demands that I 



1811. BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 841 

had made ; that I would go on, and encamp at the "Wabash ; and in 
the morning would have an interview with the Prophet and his 
chiefs, and explain to them the determination of the President ; 
that in the meantime, no hostilities should he committed. He 
seemed much pleased with this, and promised that it should be 
observed on their part. I then resumed my march. We struck 
the cultivated ground about five hundred yards below the town, 
but as these extended to the bank of the Wabash, there was no 
possihPity of getting an encampment which was provided with both 
wood and water. 

" My guides and interpreters being still with the advanced guard, 
and taking the direction of the town, the army followed, and had 
advanced within about one hundred and fifty yards, when fifty or 
sixty Indians sallied out, and with loud acclamations called to the 
cavalry and to the militia infantry, which were on our right flank, 
to halt. I immediately advanced to the front, caused the army to 
halt, and directed an interpreter to request some of the chiefs to 
come to me. 

" In a few moments, the man who had been with me before, 
made his appearance. I informed him that my object for the pres- 
ent was to procure a good piece of ground to encamp on, whert we 
could get wood and water; he informed me that there was a 
creek to the north-west, which he thought would suit our purpose. 
I immediately dispatched two officers to examine it, and they re- 
ported the situation was excellent. I then took leave of the chief, 
and a mutual promise was again made for a suspension of hostilities 
until we could have an interview on the following day. 

"I found the ground destined for the encampment not altogether 
such as I could wish it — it was indeed admirably calculated for the 
encampment of regular troops, that were opposed to regulars, but 
it afforded great facility to the approach of savages. It was a piece 
of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level of a marshy 
prairie in front, (toward the Indian town,) and nearly twice that 
height above a similar prairie in the rear, through which, and near 
to this bank, ran a small stream, clothed with willows and brush- 
wood. Toward the left flank, this bench of high land widened con- 
siderably, but became gradually narrow in the opposite direction, 
and at the distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the right 
flank, terminated in an abrupt point. 

" The two columns of infantry occupied the front and rear of 
this ground, at the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from 
each other on the left, and something more than half that distance 
54 



842 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 1811. 

on the right flank — these flanks were filled up, the first by two com- 
panies of mounted riflemen, amounting to about one hundred and 
twenty men, under the command of Major-General Wells, of the 
Kentucky militia, who served as a major ; the other by Spencer's 
company of mounted riflemen, which amounted to eighty men. 

"The front line was composed of one battalion of United States 
infantry, under the command of Major Floyd, flanked on the right 
by two companies of militia, and on the left by one company. The 
rear line was composed of a battalion of United States troops, un- 
der the command of Captain Bean, acting as major, and four com- 
panies of militia infantry, under Lieutenant- Colonel Decker. 

" The regular troops of this line joined the mounted riflemen, 
under General Wells, on the left flank, and Col. Decker's battalion 
formed an angle with Spencer's company on the left. 

" Two troops of dragoons, amounting to, in the aggregate, about 
sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the left flank, and Captain 
Parke's troop, which was larger than the other two, in the rear of 
the front line. Our order of encampment varied little from that 
above described, excepting when some peculiarity of the ground 
made it necessary. 

" For a night attack, the order of encampment was the order of 
battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his post in the 
line. In the formation of my troops, I used a single rank, or what 
is called Indian file — because in Indian warfare, where there is no 
shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that kind 
of warfare, the extension of line is of the first importance. Raw 
troops also maneuver with much more facility in single than in 
double ranks. 

" It was my constant custom to assemble all the field officers at 
my tent every evening by signal, to give them the watchword, and 
their instructions for the night — those given for the night of 
the 6th were, that each troop which formed a part of the exterior 
line of the encampment, should hold its own ground until relieved. 

"The dragoons were ordered to parade in case of a night attack, 
with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve. The 
camp was defended by two captains' guards, consisting each of 
four non-commissioned officers and forty-two privates ; and two 
subalterns' guards, of twenty non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates. The whole under the command of a field officer of the day. 
The troops were regularly called up an hour before day, and made 
to continue under arms until it was quite light. 

" On the morning of the 7th, I had risen at a quarter after four 



1811. BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 843 

o'clock, and the signal for calling out the men would have been 
given in two minutes, when the attack commenced. It began on 
our left flank — but a signal gun was fired by the sentinels, 
or by the guard in that direction, which made not the least 
resistance, but abandoned their officer, and fled into camp, and 
the first notice which the troops of that flank had of the dan- 
ger, was from the yells of the savages within a short distance of the 
line — but even under those circumstances the men were not want- 
ing to themselves or the occasion. 

"Such of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, seized 
their arms, and took their stations ; others which were more tardy, 
had to contend with the enemy in the doors of their tents. The 
storm first fell upon Captain Barton's company of the 4th United 
States regiment, and Captain Geiger's company of mounted rifle- 
men, which formed the left angle of the rear line. The fire upon 
these was exceedingly severe, and they suffered considerably before 
relief could be brought to them. 

" Some few Indians passed into the encampment near the angle, 
and one or two penetrated to some distance before they were killed. 
I believe all the other companies were under arms, and tolerably 
formed before they were fired on. 

" The morning was dark and cloudy ; our fires afforded a partial 
light, which, if it gave us some opportunity of taking our positions, 
was still more advantageous to the enemy, affording them the 
means of taking a surer aim ; they were therefore extinguished. 
Under all these discouraging circumstances, the troops (nineteen- 
twentieths of whom had never been in action before,) behaved in a 
manner that can never be too much applauded. They took their 
places without noise, and less confusion than could have been ex- 
pected from veterans placed in the same situation. 

"As soon as I could mount my horse, I rode to the angle that 
was attacked — I found that Barton's company had suffered se- 
verely and the left of Geiger's entirely broken. I immediately 
ordered Cook's company and the late Captain Wentworth's, under 
Lieutenant Peters, to be brought up from the center of the rear 
line, where the ground was much more defensible, and formed 
across the angle in support of Barton's and Geiger's. 

" My attention was then engaged by a heavy firing upon the left 
of the front line, where were stationed the small company of 
United States' riflemen, (then, however, armed with muskets) and 
the companies of Bean, Snelling, and Prescott, of the 4th regi- 
ment. I found Major Daviess forming the dragoons in the rear 



844 BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 1811. 

of those companies, and understanding that the heaviest part of 
the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees about fifteen or 
twenty paces in front of those companies, I directed the major to 
dislodge them with a part of the dragoons. 

"Unfortunately the major's gallantry determined him to exe- 
cute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient, which 
enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack his flanks. 
The major was mortally wounded, and his party driven back. The 
Indians were, however, immediately and gallantly dislodged from 
their advantageous position, by Captain Snelling, at the head of 
his company. 

" In the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the 
attack, the fire extended along the left flank, the whole of the 
front, the right flank, and part of the rear line. Upon Spencer's 
mounted riflemen, and the right of Warwick's company, which 
was posted on the rear of the right line, it was excessively bevere. 
Captain Spencer and his first and second lieutenants, were killed, 
and Captain Warwick was mortally wounded — those companies, 
however, still bravely maintained their posts, but Spencer had suf- 
fered so severely, and having originally too much ground to occupy, 
I reinforced them with Robb's company of riflemen, which had 
been driven back, or by mistake ordered from their position on 
the left flank, toward the center of the camp, and filled the 
vacancy that had been occupied by Robb with Prescott's company 
of the 4th United States regiment. 

"My great object was to keep the lines entire, to prevent the 
enemy from breaking into the camp until daylight, which should 
enable me to make a general and effectual charge. With this' 
view, I had reinforced every part of the line that had suffered 
much ; and as soon as the approach of morning discovered itself, I 
withdrew from the front line, Snelling's, Posey's (under Lieuten- 
ant Albright,) and Scott's, and from the rear line, Wilson's com- 
panies, and drew them up upon the left flank, and at the same 
time, I ordered Cook's and Bean's companies, the former from the 
rear, and the latter from the front line, to reinforce the right 
flank ; forseeing that at these points the enemy would make their 
last efforts. 

" Major Wells, w T ho commanded on the left flank, not knowing 
my intentions precisely, had taken command of these companies, 
and charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons 
with which I meant to support the infantry ; a small detachment 
of these were, however, ready, and proved amply sufficient for the 
purpose. 



1811. BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 845 

" The Indians were driven by the infantry, at the point of the 
bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, 
where they could not be followed. Captain Cook and Lieutenant 
Larabee had, agreeable to my order, marched their companies to 
the right flank, had formed them under the fire of the enemy, and 
being then joined by the riflemen of that flank, had charged the 
Indians, killed a number, and put the rest to precipitate flight. A 
favorable opportunity was here offered to pursue the enemy with 
dragoons, but being engaged at that time on the other flank, I did 
not observe it till it was too late. 

" I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action, which 
was certainly maintained with the greatest obstinacy and perseve- 
rance, by both parties. The Indians manifested a ferocity uncom- 
mon even with them — to their savage fury our troops opposed that 
cool, and deliberate valor, which is characteristic of the Christian 
soldier."* 

The Americans in this battle had not more than seven hundred 
efficient men, — non-commissioned officers and privates ; the In- 
dians are believed to have had seven hundred or one thousand 
warriors. The loss of the American army was thirty-seven killed 
on the field, twenty-five mortally wounded, and one hundred and 
twenty-six wounded ; that of the Indians about forty killed on the 
spot, the number of wounded being unknown. 

Governor Harrison, although very generally popular, had ene- 
mies, and after the battle of Tippecanoe they denounced him, for 
suffering the Indians to point out his camping ground ; for allow- 
ing himself to be surprised by his enemy ; and, because he sac- 
rificed either Daviess or Owen, (accounts differed,) by placing one 
or the other on a favorite white horse of his own, which caused the 
savages to make the rider an especial mark. To these charges 
elaborate replies have been made: justice cannot do more than say, 
to the first, that although, as Harrison relates, the Indians pointed 
out the creek upon which was the site of his encampment, his own 
officers found, examined, and approved that particular site, and 
other military men have since approved their selection ; to the 
next, the only reply needed is, that the facts were just as stated in 
the dispatch which has been quoted ; and to the third, that Daviess 
was killed on foot, and Owen on a horse not General Harrison's: 
the last story probably arose from the fact that Major Taylor, a 



* American State Papers, v. 777, 778. 



846 INDIAN HOSTILITIES CEASE. 1811. 

fellow aid of Owen, was mounted on a horse of the Governor's ; 
but Taylor was not injured, though the horse he rode was killed 
under him. 

The battle of Tippecanoe was fought upon the 7th of ^November. 
In a few weeks afterward, Harrison addressed the Secretary of War 
as follows : 

" Vincennes, 4th December, 1811. 

" I have the honor to inform you that two principal chiefs of the 
Kickapoos of the Prairies arrived here, bearing a flag, on the even- 
ing before last. They informed me that they came in consequence 
of a message from a chief of that part of the Kickapoos which had 
joined the Prophet, requiring them to do so, and that the said chief 
is to be here himself in a day or two. The account which they give 
of the late confederacy, under the Prophet, is as follows : ' The 
Prophet, with his Shawanese, is at a small Huron village, about 
twelve miles from his former residence, on this side of the Wabash, 
where, also, were twelve or fifteen Hurons. The Kickapoos are 
encamped near to the Tippecanoe. The Pottawattamies have 
scattered and gone to different villages of that tribe. The Winne- 
bagoes had all set out on their return to their own country, except- 
ing one chief and nine men, who remained at their former village. 
The latter had attended Teeumthe in his tour to the northward, 
and had only returned to the Prophet's town the day before the 
action. The Prophet had sent a messenger to the Kickapoos 
of the Prairie, to request that he might be permitted to retire to 
their town. This was positively refused, and a warning sent to him 
not to come there. He then sent to request that four of his men 
might attend the Kickapoo chief here — this was also refused. These 
chiefs say, on the whole, that all the tribes who lost warriors in the 
late action, attribute their misfortune to the Prophet alone ; that 
they constantly reproach him with their misfortunes, and threaten 
him with death ; that they are all desirous of making their peace 
with the United States, and will send deputations to me for that 
purpose, as soon as they are informed that they will be well received. 
The two chiefs further say, that they were sent by Governor Howard 
and General Clarke, sometime before the action, to endeavor to 
bring off the Kickapoos from the Prophet's town ; that they used 
their best endeavors to effect it, but unsuccessfully. That the 
Prophet's followers were fully impressed with the belief that they 
could defeat us with ease ; that it was their intention to have at- 
tacked us at Fort Harrison, if we had gone no higher ; that Racoon 
creek was then fixed on, and finally Pine creek ; and that the latter 



1811. EARTHQUAKE OP THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 847 

would probably had been the place, if the usual route had not been 
abandoned, and a crossing made higher up ; that the attack made on 
our sentinels at Fort Harrison, was intended to shut the door against 
accommodation ; that the "Winnebagoes had forty warriors killed 
in the action, and the Kickapoos eleven, and ten wounded. They 
have never heard how many of the Pottawattamies and other tribes 
were killed ; that the Pottawattamie chief left by me on the battle 
ground, is since dead of his wounds, but that he faithfully deliv- 
ered my speech to the different tribes, and warmly urged them to 
abandon the Prophet, and submit to my terms.' 

" I cannot say, sir, how much of the above may be depended on. 
I believe, however, that the statement made by the chiefs is gener- 
erally correct, particularly with regard to the present disposition of 
the Indians. It is certain that our frontiers have never enjoyed 
more profound tranquillity than at this time. ISTo injury of any 
kind, that I can hear of, has been done, either to the persons or 
property of our citizens. Before the expedition, not a fortnight 
passed over, without some vexatious depredations being committed. 

" The Kickapoo chiefs certainly teM an untruth, when they say 
that there were but eleven of their tribe killed, and ten wounded ; 
it is impossible to believe that fewer were wounded than killed. 
They acknowledge, however, that the Indians have never sustained 
so severe a defeat since their acquaintance with the white people." 

During this year two events took place, beside the battle of 
Tippecanoe, which make it especially noticeable in the history 
of the West; the one was, the building of the steamer New 
Orleans, the first boat built beyond the Alleghenies ; the other was 
the series of earthquakes which destroyed New Madrid, and affec- 
ted the whole valley. Of the latter event, the following descrip- 
tion is from the pen of Dr. Hildreth :* 

" The first shock was felt in the night of the 16th of December, 
1811, and was repeated at intervals, with decreasing violence, into 
February following. New Madrid, having suffered more than any 
other town on the Mississippi from its effects, was considered 
as situated near the focus from whence the undulations proceeded. 
The center of its violence was thought to be near the Little Prai- 
rie, twenty-five or thirty miles below New Madrid; the vibrations 
from which were felt all over the valley of the Ohio, as high up as 
Pittsburgh. 

♦Dawson, 204 to 208.— McAfee's History of the V,ar, 18 to 38. 



848 EARTHQUAKE OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 1811. 

"From an eje- witness, who was then about forty miles below 
that town, in a flat boat, on his way to New Orleans with a load of 
produce, and who narrated the scene to me, the agitation which 
convulsed the earth and the waters of the mighty Mississippi filled 
every living creature with horror. The first shock took place in 
the night, while the boat was lying at the shore in company with 
several others. At this period there was danger apprehended from 
the southern Indians, it being soon after the battle of Tippecanoe, 
and for safety several boats kept in company, for mutual defense 
in case of an attack. 

"In the middle of the night there was a terrible shock and 
jarring of the boats, so that the crews were all awakened and 
hurried on deck with their weapons of defense in their hands, 
thinking the Indians were rushing on board. The ducks, geese, 
swans, and various other aquatic birds, whose numberless flocks 
were quietly resting in the eddies of the river, were thrown into 
the greatest tumult, and with loud screams expressed their alarm 
in accents of terror. 

"The noise and commotion soon became hushed, and nothing 
could be discovered to excite apprehension, so that the boatmen 
concluded that the shock was occasioned by the falling in of a 
large mass of the bank of the river near them. As soon as it was 
light enough to distinguish objects, the crews were all up making 
ready to depart. 

"Directly a loud roaring and hissing was heard, like the escape 
of steam from a boiler, accompanied by the most violent agitation 
of the shores and tremendous boiling up of the waters of the Mis- 
sissippi in huge swells, rolling the waters below back on the 
descending stream, and tossing the boats about so violently that 
the men with difliculty could keep on their feet. The sandbars 
and points of the islands gave way, swallowed up in the tumultu- 
ous bosom of the river; carrying down with them the cottonwood 
trees, cracking and crashing, tossing their arms to and fro, as if 
sensible of their danger, while they disappeared beneath the flood. 

"The water of the river, which the day before was tolerably 
clear, being rather low, changed to a reddish hue, and became 
thick with mud thrown up from its bottom; while the surface, 
lashed violently by the agitation of the earth beneath, was covered 
with foam, which, gathering into masses the size of a barrel, 
floated along on the trembling surface. The earth on the shores 
opened in wide fissures, and closing again, threw the water, sand 
and mud, in huge jets, higher than the tops of the trees. 



1811. EARTHQUAKE OE THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 849 

" The atmosphere was filled with a thick vapor or gas, to which 
the light imparted a purple tinge, altogether different in appear 
ance from the autumnal haze of Indian summer, or that of smoke. 
From the temporary check to the current, by the heaving up of 
the bottom, the sinking of the banks and sandbars into the bed of 
the stream, the river rose in a few minutes ^.Ye or six feet; and, 
impatient of the restraint, again rushed forward with redoubled 
impetuosity, hurrying along the boats, now set loose by the horror- 
struck boatmen, as in less danger on the water than at the shore, 
where the banks threatened every moment to destroy them by the 
falling earth, or carry them down in the vortices of the sinking 
masses. 

"Many boats were overwhelmed in this manner, and their 
crews perished with them. It required the utmost exertions of 
the men to keep the boat, of which my informant was the owner, 
in the middle of the river, as far from the shores, sandbars and 
islands as they could. Numerous boats wrecked on the snags and 
old trees thrown up from the bottom of the Mississippi, where 
they had quietly rested for ages, while others were sunk or stranded 
on the sandbars and islands. At New Madrid several boats were 
carried by the reflux of the current into a small stream that puts 
into the river just above the town, and left on the ground by the 
returning water a considerable distance from the Mississippi. 

" A man who belonged to one of the company boats, was left for 
several hours on the upright trunk of an old snag in the middle of 
the river, against which his boat was wrecked and sunk. It stood 
with the roots, a few feet above the water, and to these he contrived 
to attach himself, while every fresh shock threw the agitated waves 
against him, and kept gradually settling the tree deeper into the 
mud at the bottom, bringing him nearer and nearer to the deep 
muddy waters, which, to his terrified imagination, seemed desirous 
of swallowing him up. While hanging here, calling with piteous 
shouts for aid, several boats passed by without being able to relieve 
him, until finally a skiff was well manned, rowed a short distance 
above him, and dropped down stream close to the snag, from which 
he tumbled into the boat as she floated by. 

" The scenes which occurred for several days, during the repeated 
shocks, were horrible. The most destructive ones took place in the 
beginning, although they were repeated for many weeks, becoming 
lighter and lighter, until they died away in slight vibrations, like 
the jarring of steam in an immense boiler. The sulphurated 
gases that were discharged during the shocks, tainted the air with 



850 EARTHQUAKE OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 1811. 

their noxious effluvia, and so strongly impregnated the water of the 
river, to the distance of one hundred and fifty miles below, that 
it could hardly be used for any purpose for a number of days. 

"New Madrid, which stood on a bluff bank, fifteen or twenty 
feet above the summer floods, sunk so low that the next rise 
covered it to the depth of five feet. The bottoms of several fine 
lakes in the vicinity were elevated so as to become dry land, and 
have since been planted with corn ! " * 

To this interesting sketch by Dr. Hildreth, we append a few 
particulars. 

In the town of Cape Girardeau, were several edifices of stone and 
brick. The walls of these buildings were cracked, in some 
instances from the ground to the top, and wide fissures were left. 

" The great shake," as the people call it, was so severe in the 
county of St. Louis, that domestic fowls fell from the trees as 
if dead; crockery fell from the shelves and was broken, and many 
families left their cabins, from fear of being crushed beneath their 
ruins. 

Mr. Bradbury, an English scientific explorer, who was on a keel 
boat passing down the river at the time, says : 

"On the night of the 15th of December, the keel boat was 
moored to a small island, not far from Little Prairie, where the 
crew, all Frenchmen, were frightened, almost to helplessness, by 
the terrible convulsions. 

"Immediately after the shock, we noticed the time, and found it 
near two o'clock in the morning of the 16th. In half an hour 
another shock came on, terrible, indeed, but not equal to the first." 
This shock made a chasm in the island, four feet wide and eighty 
yards in length. After noticing successive shocks, the writer states • 
"I had already noticed that the sound which was heard at the time 
of every shock, always preceded it at least a second, and that it 
always proceeded from the same point, and went off in an opposite 
direction. I now found that the shock came from a little north- 
ward of east, and proceeded to the westward. At daylight we had 
counted twenty-seven shocks, during our stay on the island." f 

B. further records a series of shocks that continued daily, as he 
passed down the river, until the 21st of December. 

The late L. F. Linn, in a letter to the Chairman of the Committee 



* American Pioneer, i. 129. 

f Travels in the Interior of America, by John Bradbury, pp. 199-207. 



1811. EARTHQUAKE OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 851 

on Commerce, dated February 1st, 1836, "relative to the obstruc- 
tions to the navigation of the "White, Big Black, and St. Francis 
rivers/' has given a lucid geographical and descriptive sketch of 
this part of Missouri, from which is given a brief extract. 

"The memorable earthquake of December, 1811, after shaking 
the valley of the Mississippi to its center, vibrated along the 
courses of the rivers and valleys, and passing the primitive moun- 
tain barriers, died away along the shores of the Atlantic Ocean* 
In the region now under consideration, during the continuance of 
so appalling a phenomenon, which commenced by distant rumbling 
sounds, succeeded by discharges as if a thousand pieces of artillery 
were suddenly exploded, the earth rocked to and fro, vast chasms 
opened, from whence issued columns of water, sand, and coal, 
accompanied by hissing sounds, caused, perhaps, by the escape of 
pent-up steam, while ever and anon flashes of electricity gleamed 
through the troubled clouds of night, rendering the darkness 
doubly horrible. 

" The current of the Mississippi, pending this elemental strife, 
was driven back upon its source with the greatest velocity for sev- 
eral hours, in consequence of an elevation of its bed. But this 
noble river was not thus to be stayed in its course. Its accumula- 
ted waters came booming on, and, o'ertopping the barrier thus 
suddenly raised, carried every thing before them with resistless 
power. Boats, then floating on the surface, shot down the decliv- 
ity like an arrow from a bow, amid roaring billows, and the wildest 
commotion. 

" A few days' action of its powerful current sufficed to wear away 
every vestige of the barrier thus strangely interposed, and its wa- 
ters moved on in their wonted channel to the ocean. The day that 
succeeded this night of terror, brought no solace in its dawn. 
Shock followed shock ; a dense black cloud of vapor overshadowed 
the land, through which no struggling sumbeam found its way to 
cheer the desponding heart of man, who, in silent communion with 
himself, was compelled to acknowledge his weakness and depend- 
ence on the everlasting God. 

" The appearances that presented themselves after the subsidence 
of the principal commotion, were such as strongly support an 
opinion heretofore advanced. Hills had disappeared, and lakes 
were found in their stead ; and numerous lakes became elevated 
ground, over the surface of which vast heaps of sand were scattered 
in every direction, while in many places the earth for miles was 
sunk below the general level of the surrounding country, without 



852 fitch's application of steam. 1811. 

being covered with water, leaving an impression in miniature of a 
catastrophe much more important in its effects, which had, perhaps, pre- 
ceded it ages before. 

" One of the lakes formed on this occasion is sixty or seventy 
miles in length, and from three to twenty in breadth. It is in some 
places very shallow ; in others, from fifty to one hundred feet deep, 
which is much more than the depth of the Mississippi river in that 
quarter. In sailing over its surface in a light canoe, the voyager is 
struck with astonishment at beholding the giant trees of the forest 
standing partially exposed amid a waste of waters, branchless and 
leafless. 

" But the wonder is still further increased, on casting the eye on 
the dark-blue profound, to observe cane-brakes covering its bot- 
tom, over which a mammoth species of testudo is seen dragging its 
slow length along, while countless myriads of fish are sporting 
through the aquatic thickets."* 

In the midst of this terrible convulsion, the first of western 
steamers was pursuing her way toward the south. But before men- 
tioning her progress, the reader should be informed of the discovery 
of steam power, as likewise its application to utilitarian purposes. 

In 1781, the invention of Watts' double-acting engine was made 
public, and in 1784 it was perfected. f Previous to this time many 
attempts had been made to apply steam to navigation, but, from 
want of a proper engine, all had been failures ; and the first efforts 
to apply the new machine to boats were made in America, by John 
Fitch and James Eumsey. 

The conception by Fitch, if the statement made by Robert Wick- 
lifTe is reliable, was formed as early as June, 1780, anterior to tht 
announcement of Watts' discovery of the double-acting engine, 
though eleven years after his single engine had been patented. 

This conception Fitch said he communicated to Eumsey. The 
latter gentleman, however, proposed a plan so entirely different 
from that of his fellow countrymen, (a plan which he is said to have 
originated in 1782 or '83,) that he cannot be considered a plagia- 
rist. The idea of steam navigation was not new ; it was the ques- 
tion — How shall we use the steam ? which was to be so answered 
as to immortalize the successful respondents : — and to this question 
Fitch replied, By using Watts' engine so as to propel a system of 



* Wetmore's Gazatteer, pp. 189, 140. 
f Renwick on Steam Engine, 260. 



1811. FIRST WESTERN STEAMBOAT. 853 

paddles at the sides of the boat ; while -Rumsey said, By applying 
the old atmospheric engine, to pump up water at the bow, and force 
it out at the stern of your vessel, and so drive her by water acting 
upon water. Referring, therefore, to the authorities quoted below, 
relative to Fitch and others, it must be given up that all failed un- 
til Fulton, in 1807, launched his vessel upon the Hudson. Fitch's 
failure, however, was not from any fault in his principle ; and had 
his knowledge of mechanics equaled Fulton's, or had his means 
been more ample, or had he tried his boat on the Hudson, where 
coaches could not compete with him, as they did on the level 
banks of the Delaware, there can be no doubt that he would have 
entirely succeeded, twenty years before his plans were realized by 
another. 

In the Columbian Magazine, published in Philadelphia, about 
the year 1786, is a plate showing the steamboat made by Fitch, 
with its paddles, and a description of its action, on the Delaware. 
If John Fitch had received the patronage necessary, it is probable 
his boat would have been successful. 

When Fulton had at length attained, by slow degrees, success 
upon the Hudson, he began to look elsewhere for other fields of 
action, and the west, which had attracted the attention of both of 
his American predecessors, could not fail to catch his eye. Mr. 
Latrobe, who spoke, as will be seen, by authority, says: — 

"The complete success attending the experiments in steam navi- 
gation made on the Hudson and the adjoining waters previous to 
the year 1809, turned the attention of the principal projectors to 
the idea of its application on the western rivers ; and in the month 
of April of that year, Mr. Roosevelt, of New York, pursuant to 
an agreement with Chancellor Livingston and Mr. Fulton, visited 
those rivers, with the purpose of forming an opinion whether they 
admitted of steam navigation or not. 

"At this time two boats, the North River and the Clermont, 
were running on the Hudson. Mr. R. surveyed the rivers from 
Pittsburgh to New Orleans, and as his report was favorable, it 
was decided to build a boat at the former town. 

"This was done under his direction, and in the course of 1811 the 
first boat was launched on the waters of the Ohio. It was called 
the "New Orleans," and intended to ply between Natchez, in the 
State of Mississippi, and the city whose name it bore. 

"In October it left Pittsburgh for its experimental voyage. On 
this occasion no freight or passengers were taken, the object being 
merely to bring the boat to her station. Mr. R., his young wife 



854 FIRST WESTERN STEAMBOAT. 181L 

and family, Mr. Baker, the engineer, Andrew Jack, the pilot, and 
six hands, with a few domestics, formed her whole burden. There 
were no wood-yards at that time, and constant delays were una- 
voidable. 

"When, as related, Mr. R. had gone down the river to reconnoi- 
tre, he had discovered two beds of coal, about one hundred and 
twenty miles below the rapids of Ohio, at Louisville, and now took 
tools to work them, intending to load the vessel with the coal, and 
to employ it as fuel, instead of constantly detaining the boat while 
wood was procured from the banks. 

"Late at night on the fourth day after quitting Pittsburgh, they 
arrived in safety at Louisville, having been but seventy hours de- 
scending upwards of six hundred miles. 

"The novel appearance of the vessel, and the fearful rapidity 
with which it made its passage over the broad reaches of the river, 
excited a mixture of terror and surprise among many of the 
settlers on the banks, whom the rumor of such an invention had 
never reached ; and it is related that on the unexpected arrival of 
the boat before Louisville, in the course of a fine still moonlight 
night, the extraordinary sound which filled the air as the pent-up 
steam was suffered to escape from the valves, on rounding to, pro- 
duced a general alarm, and multitudes in the town rose from their 
beds to ascertain the cause. 

"I have heard that the general impression among the good 
Kentuckians was, that the comet had fallen into the Ohio ; but 
this does not rest upon the same foundation as the other facts 
which I lay before you, and which I may at once say, I had di- 
rectly from the lips of the parties themselves. 

" The small depth of water in the rapids prevented the boat 
from pursuing her voyage immediately ; and during the consequent 
detention of three weeks in the upper part of the Ohio, several 
trips were successfully made between Louisville and Cincinnati. 
In fine the waters rose, and in the course of the last week in No- 
vember, the voyage was resumed, the depth of water barely ad- 
mitting their passage." 

This steamer, after being nearly overwhelmed with the earth- 
quakes, reached Natchez at the close of the first week of January, 
1812. 

The year 1811 was marked by the occurrence of various events 
of an uncommon nature, which exerted a combined influence, to 
throw a shade over the spirits of the people. 

Early in September, a comet made its appearance in the northern 



1811. GLOOMY CLOSE OF THIS YEAR. 855 

part of the heavens, and passing across our hemisphere, disap- 
peared at the south, toward the end of the year. This created a 
feeling of alarm in the minds of yery many, of the less enlightened 
at least, who looked upon it as an ominous forerunner of dire mis- 
fortunes to come. 

This alarm, where it existed, was increased on the 17th of Sep- 
tember, on which day there was an annular eclipse of the sun, 
which lasted from about twelve until half past three o'clock, and 
afforded a solemnly grand and impressive sight. The day was re- 
markably serene, and the sky cloudless, so that the contrast 
between the brightness before and the almost twilight darkness, 
during the height of the eclipse, was peculiarly striking. 

Next came a circumstance, which, though it affected none but 
the most ignorant and superstitious, had yet its force, in fostering 
the gloomy apprehensions that were already existing. About the 
1st of October, an impostor named Hughes, who had been impris- 
oned in south-west Virginia, on a charge of larceny, pretended, 
while in confinement, to have been entranced, and in that super- 
natural state to have had a revelation, foretelling the destruction 
of one-third of mankind, which was to take place on the 4th of June, 

1812. The idea having been taken up by a certain ingenious and 
visionary young lawyer, was dressed up by him in the shape of a 
seemingly plausible story, and published in pamphlet form, adorned 
with sundry yankee pictures of horrible sights, portraying the dire 
calamity. It found an immense circulation, especially in the 
south-west. 

Soon after, (on the 7th of November,) was fought the battle of 
Tippecanoe, which had brought grief and distress into almost every 
family of the West, as there were but few who had not some rela- 
tive or intimate friend among the gallant slain or wounded ; and on 
the 15th and 16th of December followed the extraordinary earth- 
quake, already described. 

Added to all these, was, on the 24th or 26th of December, the burn- 
ing of the theatre at Richmond, Virginia, which took place while 
the house was filled with an audience of most respectable citizens. 
The flames spread with such terrific rapidity, that the people had 
not time to escape, and some seventy persons lost their lives — some 
being burnt, and others crushed to death in the escaping crowd. 
The accident was so heart-rending, and excited such a lively inter- 
est, that it served to throw a shade of grief, for a time, over the 
whole country. 

In addition to these circumstances, the unmistakable evidence 



856 TECUMTHE JOINS THE BEITISH STANDARD. 1812. 

of an approaching Indian war, were peculiarly calculated to alarm 
the people of the West, among whom, at the close of the year, 
there existed a universal feeling of gloom and consternation. 

Although Harrison had written about the close of the last year that 
1812.] " the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose," it is evi- 
dent that a disposition to do mischief was by no means extinguished 
among the savages. 

At the time of the battle of Tippecanoe, Tecumthe, the master 
spirit in Indian diplomacy, was amongst the southern Indians, to 
bring them into the grand confederacy he had projected. On his 
return, where he supposed he had made a strong and permanent 
impression, a few days after the disastrous battle, when he saw the 
dispersion of his followers, the disgrace of his brother, and the de- 
struction of his long cherished hopes, he was exceedingly angry. 
The rash presumptuousness of the Prophet, in attacking the Amer- 
ican army at Tippecanoe, destroyed his own power, and crushed 
the grand confederacy before it was completed. 

"When Tecumthe first met the Prophet, he reproached him in the 
bitterest terms, and when the latter attempted to palliate his con- 
duct, he seized him by the hair, shook him violently, and threat- 
ened to take his life. 

Tecumthe immediately sent word to Governor Harrison, that he 
had returned from the south, and that he was ready to visit the 
president, as had been previously proposed. The governor gave 
him permission to proceed to Washington, but not as the leader of 
a party of Indians, as he desired. The proud chief, who had ap- 
peared at Yincennes in 1811, with a large party of braves, had no 
desire to appear before his " Great Father," the president, without 
his retinue. The proposed visit was declined, and the intercourse 
between Tecumthe and the governor terminated. 

In June, he sought an interview with the Indian agent at Fort 
Wayne ; disavowed any intention of making war on the United 
States, and reproached General Harrison for having marched against 
his people during his absence. The agent replied to this ; Tecum- 
the listened with frigid indifference, and after making a few gen- 
eral remarks, with a haughty air, left the council house, and 
departed for Port Maiden, in Upper Canada, where he joined the 
British standard. 

The causes of complaint on the part of the United States against 
England, which at length led to the war of 1812, were, the inter- 
ference with American trade enforced by the blockade system ; the 



1812. GOVERNOR HULL MADE MILITARY COMMANDER. 857 

impressment of American seamen; the encouragement of the Indi- 
ans in their barbarities; and the attempt to dismember the Union 
by the mission of Henry. Through the winter of 1811-12, these 
pauses of provocation were discussed in Congress and the* public 
prints, and a war with Great Britain openly threatened : even in 
December, 1811, the proposal to invade Canada in the following 
spring, before the ice broke up, was debated in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, and in particular was urged the necessity of such ope- 
rations at the outset of the anticipated contest, as should wrest from 
the enemy the command of the upper lakes, and secure the neutral- 
ity or favor of the Indian tribes by the conquest of Upper Canada, 

While, therefore, measures were taken to seize the lower pro- 
vince, other steps were arranged for the defense of the no* -tii-west 
frontier against Indian hostility, and which, in the event of a rup- 
ture with Great Britain, would enable the United States to-obtai the 
command of Lake Erie. These steps, however, were by tin ans 
suitable to the attainment of the object last named ; iii pla • f a 
naval force upon Lake Erie, the necessity of which had bee.ri ; sed 
upon the Executive, by Governor Hull of Michigan Territory"; in 
three memorials, one of them as early as the year Ib-tU •■■, a • < eond 
dated March 6th, and a third on or about April 11th, 1^1:: . and 
although the same policy was pointedly urged upon n ^ ;ary 
of War, by General Armstrong, in a private letter of Jaiuiarv «d, 
yet the government proposed to use no other than military meaia^ 
and hoped by the presence of two thousand soldiers, to effect the 
capture or destruction of the British fleet. Nay, so blind v\as ihe 
War Department, that it refused to increase the number of troops 
to three thousand, although informed by General Hull, that that 
was the least number from which success could be hoped. 

When, therefore, Governor, now General Hull (to whom, in con- 
sideration of his revolutionary services, and his supposed knowl- 
edge of the country and the natives, the command of the army 
destined for the conquest of the Canadas had been confided) com- 
menced his march from Dayton, on the 1st of June, it was with 
means Which he himself regarded as utterly inadequate to the 
object aimed at, a fact which sufficiently explains his vascillating, 
nerveless conduct. Through that whole month, he and his troops 
toiled on toward the Maumee, busy with their roads, bridges and 
Mock houses.. 

On. the 24th, advices from the Secretary of War, dated on the 
18th } •: came to hand, but not a word contained in them made it 
probable that the long expected war would be immediately de- 
55 



858 BLUNDERS OP THE GOVERNMENT. 1812, 

clared, although Colonel McArthur at the same time received 
word from Chillicothe, warning him, on the authority of Thomas 
Worthington, then Senator from Ohio, that before the letter 
reached him, the declaration would have been made public. This 
information McArthur laid before General Hull; and when, upon 
reaching the Maumee, that commander proposed to place his bag- 
gage, stores, and sick on board a vessel, and send them by water 
to Detroit, the backwoodsman warned him of the danger, and re- 
fused to trust his own property on board. 

Hull, however, treated the report of war as the old story which 
had been current through all the spring, and refused to believe it 
possible that the government would not give him information at the 
earliest moment that the measure was resolved on. 

The following message from a gentleman at Detroit to his friend 
at Pittsburgh, gives a disinterested narrative of the then passing 
events : 

" On Thursday morning, the 2d inst., our enemies gave us the 
first notice of war being declared against them. The evening pre- 
ceding, an officer was seen to go with great dispatch down the op- 
posite side of the river to Fort Maiden, and the next morning the 
ferry boats that went from this side were detained on the other 
shore, which made us suspect that affairs were not long to remain 
tranquil between us. Shortly after, a gentleman in this place 
received a message from his friend on the British side, informing 
him of the declaration of war. 

"I will now infoTm you of the remissness of government in not 
immediately sending an express to Governor Hull, and to this im- 
portant place, on an event of so much magnitude; and the conse- 
quences which have resulted from that neglect. 

"It now appears to us, that war was declared on the 18th of 
June, and dispatches sent off the next day by the common course 
of mail to Cleveland, which place they reached on Monday the 
29th, about the middle of the day; making ten days and a half to 
that place; when the news ought to have been received here 
(Detroit) before that time. 

" The postmaster at Cleveland received a letter from Washing- 
ton, directing him to hire a person to go on with the dispatches to 
Governor Hull, who was at that time about eighty miles from thie 
place, and he received them on the morning of the 2d inst. ; 
making thirteen days from Washington. This information I had 
from the person who was hired by the postmaster at Cleveland, 
and who is now in this place; its correctness cannot be doubted. 



1812. BLUNDERS OF THE GOVERNMENT. 859 

" The British received their information by way of Fort Erie, and 
an express instantly started from thence, who came the north side of 
Lake Erie to Maiden, and delivered the intelligence to that place 
on the 1st inst., by a circuitous route of one hundred miles greater 
distance than Governor Hull then was. The evil consequences of 
this gross negligence might have been immense ; I will mention 
one which has resulted from it. 

""When the army came to the foot of the rapids of Maumee 
river, Governor Hull, not then having received intelligence of the 
declaration of war, hired a small sloop in which he put his baggage 
and that of many of the officers of the army, all the hospital stores, 
his instructions from the war department, his commission and 
those of most of the officers of the 4th regiment, the ladies of two 
officers of said regiment, Lieutenant Goodwin and about thirty 
men, and was on the point of sending the pay-master with all the 
public money; this vessel, on passing Maiden, was captured with 
all its contents; the ladies, Mrs. Fuller and Mrs. Goodwin, were 
put on shore at this place the next day, but all the others of course 
detained." 

Another item of intelligence connected with this chapter of blun- 
ders, mishaps, and woes, was communicated to the publisher by 

Mr. B, , a venerable and highly respected gentleman of Am- 

herstburg, Canada West : 

" The commander at Fort Maiden was so certain of the Ameri* 
cans being first informed of the declaration of war, that he desisted 
from attacking Detroit, at the sight of an unusual number of 
Mackinaw boats at the head of Lake Erie, which were supposed to 
contain an invading army." 

On the 2d of July, a letter of the same date with that received on 
the 24 th of June, reached General Hull, and apprised him that the 
declaration of war was indeed made,* and before his astonishment 
was over, word was brought of the capture of his packet off Maiden. 
The conduct of the executive at this time was certainly most re- 
markable ; having sent an insufficient force to effect a most impor- 
tant object, it next did all in its power to ensure the destruction of 
that force. 

On the 1st of June, Mr. Madison recommended war to the Sen- 
ate ; on the 3d of June, Mr. Calhoun reported in favor it, and in an 
able manifesto set forth the reasons ; and, on the 19th, proclamation* 
of the contest was made. Upon the day preceding, Congress hav- 



* Hull's Defense, 11, 12. 



860 HULL AT SANDWi'CHj CANADA;' 1812. 

ing passed the needful act, the Secretary of War wrote to General 
Hull, one letter saying nothing of -the matter, and sent it by a special 
messenger — and a second, containing the vital news, which, he con- 
fided to a half organized post as- far as Cleveland, and thence liter- 
ally to accident. N'or is this all : while the general of the north 
western army was thus, not uninformed merely, but actually misled, 
letters franked by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United 
States, bore the notice of what had been done to the British post of 
St. Joseph, near the north-western shore of Lake Huron ; and also 
to Maiden, which place it reache'd upon the 28th of June. And as 
if to complete the circle of folly, the misled general, through neg- 
lect, suffered his official papers,, which he owned ought never to 
have been out of his possessfony^to pass into that of the foe, and 
thus informed them of his purposes and strength.* 

That strength, however, was such, compared with their own, that 
ho effort was made to prevent the march of the Americans to De- 
troit, nor to interfere with their -passage across the river to Sand- 
wich, where they established-; themselves on the 12th of July, 
preparatory to attacking Maiden itself, and commencing the con- 
quest and conversion' of Upper Canada. And here, at once, the 
incapacity of Hull showed itself; by his own confession he took 
every step under the influence of two sets of fears ; he dared not, 
on the one hand, act boldly, for fear that his incompetent force 
would be all destroyed; while, on the other hand, he dared not 
refuse to act, for fear his militia, already uneasy, would utterly de- 
sert him. 

Thus embarrassed, he proclaimed freedom and the need of sub- 
mission to the Canadians, held out inducements to the British 
militia to desert, and to the Indians to keep quiet, and sat still at 
Sandwich, striving to pacify his blood thirsty backwoodsmen, who 
itched to be at Maiden. To amuse his own army, and keep them 
from trying dangerous experiments, he found cannon needful to 
the assault of the British posts, and spent three weeks making car- 
riages for five guns. 

While these were under way, Colonel Cass and Colonel Miller, 
by an attack upon the advanced parties of the enemy, demonstrated 
the willingness and power of their men to push their conquests, if 
the chance were given, but Hull refused the .opportunity ; and 
when at length the cannon were prepared, the ammunition placed 
in wagons, and the moment for assault agreed on, the general, up- 

*For the foregoing facts see Manifesto of the Senate, June 3d, 1812. 



1812. PROCTOR ARRIVES. AT MALDEN. 861 

on hearing that a proposed attack on : the Niagara frontier had not 
been made, and that troops from that -quarter were moving west- 
ward, suddenly abandoned the enterprise, and with most of his 
army, on the night of the 7th of August^ returned to Detroit, hav- 
ing effected nothing except the destruction of all confidence in 
himself, on the part of the whole force, under his control, officers 
and privates. 

Meanwhile, upon the 29th of July, Colonel Proctor had reached 
Maiden, and perceiving instantly the power which the position of 
that post gave him over the supplies of the army of the United 
States, he commenced a series of operations, the object of which 
was to cut off the communications of Hull with Ohio, and thus not 
merely neutralize all active operations on his part, but starve him 
into surrender, or force him to detail his whole army, in order to 
keep open his way to the only point from which supplies could 
reach him. A proper force on Lake Erie, or the capture of Maiden, 
would have prevented this annoying an d fatal mode of warfare, but 
the imbecility of the government, and that of the general, com- 
bined to favor the plans of Proctor.* 

: Having by his measures stopped the stores on their way to De- 
troit, at the river Paisin, he next defeated the insufficient band of 
two hundred men under Yan Horn, sent by Hull to escort them ; 
and so far withstood that of five hundred under Miller, as to cause 
Hull to recall the remnant of that victorious and gallant band, 
though it had completely routed the British and Indians. By these 
means, Proctor amused the Americans until General Brock reached 
Maiden, which he did upon the 13th of August, and prepared to 
attempt the conquest of Detroit itself. 

And here again occurred a most singular want of skill on the 
part of the Americans. In order to prevent the forces in Upper 
Canada from being combined against Hull, General Dearborn had 
been ordered to make a diversion, in his favor at Niagara and 
Kingston, but in place of doing this, he made an armistice with the 
British commanders, whieh enabled them to turn their attention 
entirely to the more distant West, and left Hull to shift for 
himself. 

On the 14th of August, therefore, while a third party, under 
M' Arthur, was dispatched by Hull to open his communications 
with the river Paisin, though by a new and impracticable road, 



*See Hull's Defense, 42 to 71. Hull's Proclamation in Brown's History of Illinois. 



862 hull's surrender of Michigan. 1812. 

General Brock appeared at Sandwich, and began to erect batteries 
to protect bis further operations. These batteries Hull would not 
suffer any to molest, saying, that if the enemy did not fire on 
bim, be would not on them, and though, when summoned to sur- 
render upon the 15th, be absolutely refused, yet upon the 16th, 
without a blow struck, the governor and general crowned his course 
of indecision and unmanly fear, by surrendering the town of De- 
troit and territory of Michigan, together with fourteen hundred 
brave men longing for battle, to three hundred English soldiers, 
four hundred Canadian militia, disguised in red coats, and a band 
of Indian allies.* 

For this conduct he was accused of treason and cowardice, and 
found guilty of the latter. However brave he may have been 
personally, he was, as a commander, a coward; and moreover, he 
was influenced, confessedly, by his fears as a father, lest his 
daughter and her children should fall into the hands of the 
Indians. 

In truth, his faculties seemed to have been paralyzed by fear ; 
fear that he should fail ; fear that his troops would be unfair to him, 
fear that the savages would spare no one, if opposed with vigor ; 
fear of some undefined and horrid evil impending. M'Afee ac- 
cuses him of intemperance, but no effort was made on his trial to 
prove this, and we have no reason to think it a true charge; 
but his conduct was like that of a drunken man, without sense or 
spirit. 

But the fall of Detroit, though the leading misfortune of this 
unfortunate summer, was not the only one. Word, as we have 
stated, had been sent through the kindness of some friend, under 
a frank from the American Secretary of the Treasury, informing 
the British commander at St. Joseph, of the declaration of war ; 
while Lieut. Hanks, commanding the American fortress at Macki- 
nac, received no notice from any source. 

The consequence was an attack upon the key of the northern 
lakes, on the 17th of July, by a force of British, Canadians, and 
savages, numbering in all, one thousand and twenty-one : the gar- 
rison amounting to but fifty-seven effective men, felt unable to 
withstand so formidable a body, and to avoid the constantly threat- 
ened Indian massacre, surrendered as prisoners of war, and were 
dismissed on parole.f 



*M'Afee, from 85 to 92. Armstrong's Notices, i. 26 to 33 ; ibid. i. Appendix, No. 10. 
f For the British account of Hull's surrender, see Niles' Register, iii. 14, 33, 265 to 268. 



1812. INDIANS THREATEN FORT DEARBORN. 863 

Less fortunate in its fate was the garrison of Fort Dearborn at 
Chicago. 

The Indians in northern Illinois, and the country bordering on 
Lake Michigan, had manifested hostile feelings toward the Ameri- 
cans even before the battle of Tippecanoe. Governor Edwards, 
who was indefatigable in his efforts to protect the settlements, em- 
ployed trusty Frenchmen, who had traded with these Indians, and 
who could still pass under that guise, as spies in the Indian country. 
Their communications, in a plain unlettered style, have been ex- 
amined on the files of the State Department of Illinois. They are 
often particular and minute in giving the position of Indian vil- 
lages, number of the braves, sources from whence they received 
their supplies, the names of head men, and other details. 

These facts, at short intervals, were communicated by the Gover- 
nor to the "War Department, as proofs that the Indians were hostile, 
and were urged in his repeated applications to the War Department 
for protection to the inhabitants of that frontier territory. 

A small trading post had been established at Chicago in the 
period of the French explorations, but no village formed. It was 
one of the thoroughfares in the excursions of both traders and 
Indians. By the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, negotiated with 
the Pottawattamies, Miamies, and other northern tribes, they 
agreed to relinquish their right to "one piece of land six miles 
square, at the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the south- 
west end of Lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood."* 

In 1804, a small fort was erected here by the United States gov- 
ernment. It stood on the spot where the fort stood in 1833, but 
it was differently constructed, having two " block houses on the 
southern side, and on the northern side, a sally-port, or subterra- 
nean passage from the parade ground to the river." f It was 
called Fort Dearborn. 

The officers in 1812, were Captain Heald, the command- 
ing officer, Lieutenant Helm, and Ensign Eonan, (the two last 
very young men,) and the surgeon, Dr. Voorhees, with seventy- 
live men, very few of whom were effective. 

Friendly intercourse had existed between these troops and indi- 
viduals and bands of neighboring Indians. The principal chiefs 
and braves of the Pottawattamie nation visited Fort Maiden on 
the Canada side annually, received presents to a large amount, 



* Indian Treaties, "Washington, 1826, p. 51. 
f Kinzie's Narrative. 



864 GARRISON ORDERED TO LEAVE EORT DEARBORN. 1812. 

and were in alliance with Great Britain. Many Pottawattamies, 
"Wmnebagoes, Ottawas, and Shawanese were in the battle of Tip- 
pecanoe, yet the principal chiefs in the immediate vicinity were on 
amicable terms with the Americans, and gave proof of it, by their 
rescue of those who were saved. 

Besides those persons attached to the garrison, there was the 
family of Mr. Kinzie, who had been engaged in the fur trade at 
that spot from 1804, and a few Canadians, or engages, with their 
wives and children, who were attached to the same establish- 
ment. 

On the afternoon of the 7th of August, Winnemeg, or Catfish, a 
trust-worthy Pottawattamie chief, arrived at the post, bringing dis- 
patches from Governor Hull, the commander-in-chief. These dis- 
patches announced the declaration of war between the United 
States and Great Britain ; furthermore, and that the British troops 
had already taken Mackinac. 

His orders to Captain Heald were, "to evacuate the post if prac- 
ticable, and, in that event, to distribute the property belonging to 
the United States, in the fort, and in the factory or agency, to the 
Indians in the neighborhood." 

"After having delivered his dispatches, Winnemeg requested a 
private interview with Mr. Kinzie, who had taken up his residence 
in the fort. He stated to Mr. Kinzie that he was acquainted with 
the purport of the communications he had brought, and begged 
him to ascertion if it were the intention of Captain Heald to evacu- 
ate the post. He advised strongly that such a step should not be 
taken, since the garrison was well supplied with ammunition, and 
with provision, for six months ; it would, therefore, he thought, be 
far better to remain until a reinforcement could be sent to their 
assistance. If, however, Captain Heald should decide on leaving 
the post, it should, by all means, be done immediately. The Pot- 
tawattamies, through whose country they must pass, being igno- 
rant of Winnemeg's mission, a forced march might be made before 
the hostile Indians were prepared to interrupt them. 

" Of this advice, so earnestly given, Captain Heald was immedi- 
ately informed. He replied that it was his intention to evacuate 
the post, but that inasmuch as he had received orders to distribute 
the United States property, he should not feel justified in leaving 
until he had collected the Indians in the neighborhood, and made 
an equitable division among them. 

"Winnemeg then suggested the expediency of marching out and 
leaving all things standing — possibly, while the savages were 



1812. GARRISON ORDERED TO LEAVE FORT DEARBORN. 865 

engaged in a partition of the spoils, the troops might effect their 
retreat unmolested. This advice was strongly seconded by Mr. 
Kinzie, but did not meet the approbation of the commanding 
officer. 

" The order for evacuating the post was read next morning upon 
parade. It is difficult to understand why Capt. Heald, in such an 
emergency, omitted the usual form of calling a council of war, with 
his officers. Perhaps it arose from a want of harmonious feeling 
between himself and one of his subalterns— Ensign Ronan — a high- 
spirited and somewhat overbearing, but brave and generous young 
man. In the course of the day, finding no council was called, the 
officers waited upon Gapt. Heald, to be informed what course he 
intended to pursue. When they learned his intention to leave the 
post, they remonstrated with him upon the following grounds : 

" First. It was highly improbable that the command would be 
permitted to pass through the country in safety, to Fort "Wayne. 
For, although it had been said that some of the chiefs had opposed 
an attack upon the fort, planned the preceding autumn, yet, it was 
well known that they had been actuated in that matter by motives 
of private regard to one family, and not to any general friendly 
feeling toward the Americans ; and that, at any rate, it was hardly 
to be expected that these few individuals would be able to control 
the whole tribe, who were thirsting for blood. 

"In the next place, their march must necessarily be slow, as 
their movements must be accommodated to the helplessness of the 
women and children, of whom there were a number with the 
detachment. That of their small force, some of the soldiers were 
superannuated and others invalid ; therefore, since the course to be 
pursued was left discretional, their advice was to remain where 
they were, and fortify themselves as strongly as possible. Succors 
from the other side of the peninsula might arrive before they could 
be attacked by the British from Mackinac, and even should there 
not, it were far better to fall into the hands of the latter, than to 
become the victims of the savages. 

" Capt. Heald argued in reply, 'that a special order had been 
issued by the War Department, that no post should be surrendered 
without battle having been given ; and that his force was totally 
inadequate to an engagement with the Indians. That he should, 
unquestionably, be censured for remaining, when there appeared a 
prospect of a safe march through, and that upon the whole, he 
deemed it expedient to assemble the Indians, distribute the property 
among them, and then ask of them an escort to Fort Wayne, with 



866 OFFICERS OF FORT DEARBORN DISAGREE. 1812. 

the promise of a considerable reward upon their safe arrival — 
adding, that he had full confidence in the friendly professions of 
the Indians, from whom, as well as from the soldiers, the capture 
of Mackinac had been kept a profound secret.' 

"From this time the officers held themselves aloof, and spoke 
but little upon the subject, though they considered the project of 
Capt. Heald little short of madness. The dissatisfaction among 
the soldiers hourly increased, until it reached a high degree of 
insubordination. Upon one occasion, as Capt. Heald was conver- 
sing with Mr. Kinzie, upon the parade, he said, 'I could not 
remain, even if I thought it best, for I have but a small store of pro- 
visions.' ' Why Captain,' said a soldier, who stood near, forgetting 
all etiquette, in the excitement of the moment, 'you have cattle 
enough to last the troops six months.' 'But,' replied Capt. Heald, 
* I have no salt to preserve the beef with.' ' Then jerk it,' said the 
man, 'as the Indians do their venison.' 

" The Indians now became daily more unruly. Entering the fort 
in defiance of the sentinels, they made their way without ceremony 
into the quarters of the officers. On one occasion, an Indian took 
up a rifle and fired it in the parlor of the commanding officer, as an 
expression of defiance. Some were of opinion, that this was 
intended, among the young men, as a signal for an attack. The 
old chiefs passed backward and forward, among the assembled 
groups, with the appearance of the most lively agitation, while the 
squaws rushed to and fro in great excitement, and evidently pre- 
pared for some fearful scene. 

"Any further manifestation of ill-feeling was, however, sup- 
pressed for the present, and Capt. Heald, strange as it may seem, 
continued to entertain a conviction of his having created so ami- 
cable a disposition among the Indians, as would ensure the safety 
of the command, on their march to Fort Wayne." 

During this excitement amongst the Indians, a runner arrived 
with a message from Tecumthe, with the news of the capture of 
Mackinac, the defeat of Van Home, and the retreat of Gen. Hull 
from Canada. He desired them to arm immediately, and intimated 
that he had no doubt but Hull would soon be compelled to 
surrender. 

In this precarious condition, matters remained until the 12th of 
August, when a council was held with the Indians who collected 
from the vicinity. None of the military officers attended but Capt. 
Heald, though requested by him. They had been informed that it 
was the intention of the young chiefs to massacre them in council, 



1812. CAPTAIN WELLS ARRIVES AT THE EORT. 867 

and soon as the commander left the fort, they took command of 
the block houses, opened the port holes and pointed the loaded 
cannon so as to command the whole council. This, probably, 
caused a postponement of their horrid designs. 

The captain informed the council of his intentions to distribute 
the next day, among them, all the goods in the storehouse, with the 
ammunition and provisions. He requested the Pottawattamies to 
furnish him an escort to Fort Wayne, promising them a liberal re- 
ward upon their arrival there, in addition to the liberal presents 
they were now to receive. The Indians were profuse in their pro- 
fessions of good will and friendship, assented to all he proposed, 
and promised all he desired. The result shows the true character 
of the Indians. "No act of kindness, nor offer of reward, could as- 
suage their thirst for blood. 

Mr. Kinzie, who understood well the Indian character, and their 
designs, waited on the commander, in the hope of opening his eyes 
to the appalling danger. He told him the Indians had been se- 
cretly hostile to the Americans for a long time ; that since the bat- 
tle of Tippecanoe he had dispatched orders to all his traders, to 
furnish no ammunition to them, and pointed out the wretched 
policy of Captain Heald, of furnishing the enemy with arms and 
ammunition to destroy the Americans. This argument opened 
the eyes of the commander, who was struck with the impolicy, and 
resolved to destroy the ammunition and liquor. 

The next day, (13th,) the goods, consisting of blankets, cloths, 
paints, &c, were distributed, but at night the ammunition was 
thrown into an old well, and the casks of alcohol, including a large 
quantity belonging to Mr. Kinzie, was taken through the sally-port, 
their heads knocked in, and the contents poured into the river. 
The Indians, ever watchful and suspicious, stealthily crept around, 
and soon found out the loss of their loved " fire-water." 

On the 14th, Captain Wells departed with fifteen friendly Mi- 
amies. He was a brave man, had resided among the Indians from 
boyhood, and knew well their character and habits. He had heard 
at Fort Wayne, of the order of General Hull to evacuate Fort Dear- 
born, and knowing the hostile intentions of the Pottawattamies, he 
had made a rapid march through the wilderness, to prevent, if pos- 
sible, the exposure of his sister, Mrs. Heald, the officers and 
garrison, to certain destruction. But he came too late ! The am- 
munition had been destroyed, and on the provisions the enemy was 
rioting. His only alternative was to hasten their departure, 
and every preparation was made for the march of the troop3 next 
morning. 



868 A SECOND COUNCIL WITH THE INDIANS. 1812. 

A second council was held with the Indians in the afternoon. 
They expressed great indignation at the destruction of the ammu- 
nition and liquor. Murmurs and threats were heard from every 
quarter. 

Among the chiefs and "braves were several, who, although they 
partook of the feelings of hostility of their tribe to the Americans, 
retained a personal regard for the troops, and the white families in 
the place. They exerted their utmost influence to allay the angry 
feelings of the savage warriors ; but their efforts were in vain. 

Among these was Black Partridge, a chief of some distinction. 
The evening after the second council, he entered the quarters of 
the commanding officer. "Father," said the venerable chief, "I 
come to deliver up to you the medal I wear. It was given me by 
the Americans, and I have long worn it, in token of our mutual 
friendship. But our young men are resolved to imbrue their 
hands in the blood of the whites. I cannot restrain them, and I 
will not wear a token of peace, while I am compelled to act as an 
enemy." 

The reserved ammunition, twenty-five rounds to a man, was now 
distributed. The baggage wagons for the sick, the women and 
children, were ready, and, amidst the surrounding gloom, and the 
expectation of a fatiguing march through the wilderness, or a dis- 
astrous issue on the morrow, the whole party, except the watchful 
sentinels, retired for a little rest. 

The fatal morning of the 15th of August arrived. The sun shone 
out in brightness as it arose from the glassy surface of the lake. 
The atmosphere was balmy, and could the feelings of the party 
have been relieved from the most distressing apprehensions, they 
could have departed with exhilarating feelings. 

Early in the morning a message was received by Mr. Kinzie, 
from To-pe-nee-be, a friendly chief of the St. Joseph's band, inform- 
ing him that the Pottawattamies, who had promised to be an escort 
to the detachment, designed mischief. . Mr. Kinzie had placed his 
family under the protection of some friendly Indians. This party, 
in a boat, consisted of Mrs. Kinzie, four young children, a clerk of 
Mr. Kinzie's, two servants, and the boatmen, or voyageurs, with two 
Indians as protectors. The boat was intended to pass along the 
southern end of the lake to St. Joseph's. Mr. Kinzie and his eldest 
son, a youth, had agreed to accompany Captain Heald and the 
troops, as he thought his influence over the Indians would enable 
him to restrain the fury of the savages, as they were much attached 
to him and his family. 



1812. SOLDIERS AND FAMILIES LEAVE FORT- DEARBORN. 869 

To-pe-nee-be urged him and his son to accompany his family in 
the boat, assuring him the hostile Indians would allow his boat to 
pass in safety to St. Joseph's. 

The boat had scarcely reached the lake, when another messenger 
from this friendly chief arrived to detain them where they were. 
The reader is left to imagine the feelings of the mother. " She was 
a woman of uncommon energy and strength of character, yet her 
heart died within her as she folded her arms around her helpless 
infants." And when she heard the discharge of the guns, and the 
shrill, terrific warwhoop of the infuriated savages, and knew the 
party, and most probably her beloved husband and first born son 
were doomed to destruction, language has not power to describe 
her agony ! 

At nine o'clock, the troops, with the baggage wagons, left the 
fort with martial music, and in military array. Captain Wells, at 
the head of his band of Miamies, led the advance, with Me^fa^e 
blackened after the manner of Indians. The troops, witfi the 
wagons, containing the women and children, the sick and toe; 
followed, while at a little distance behind, were the Pottawatta- 
mies, about five hundred in number, who had pledged their honor 
to escort them in safety to Fort Wayne. The party took the road 
along the lake shore. 

On reaching the point where a range of sand hills commenced, 
(within the present limits of Chicago city,) the Pottawattamie s 
defiled to the right into the prairie, to bring the sand hills between 
them and the Americans. They had marched about a mile and a 
half from the fort, when Captain Wells, who, with his Miamies, 
was in advance, rode furiously back, and exclaimed, 

' 'They are about to attack us: form instantly and charge upon 
them." 

The words were scarcely uttered when a volley of balls, from 
Indian muskets, behind the sand hills, poured upon them. The 
troops were hastily formed into lines and charged up the bank. 
One man, a veteran soldier of seventy, fell as they mounted the 
bank. The battle became general. The Miamies fled at the 
outset, though Captain Wells did his utmost to induce them to 
stand their ground. Their chief rode up to the Pottawattamies, 
charged them with treachery, and, brandishing his tomahawk, de- 
clared, "he would be the first to head a party of Americans and 
punish them." He then turned his horse and galloped after his 
companions over the prairie. 

The American troops behaved most gallantly, and sold their 



870 MASSACRE NEAR CHICAGO. 1812. 

lives dearly. Mrs. Helm, the wife of Lieutenant Helm, who was in 
the action, behaved with astonishing presence of mind, (as did all 
the other females) and furnished Mr. Kinzie with many thrilling 
facts, from which are made the following extracts : 

"Our horses pranced and bounded and could hardly be restrain- 
ed, as the balls whistled around them. I drew off a little and 
gazed upon my husband and father, who were yet unharmed. I 
felt that my hour was come, and endeavored to forget those I 
loved, and prepare myself for my approaching fate. 

'"While I was thus engaged, the surgeon, Dr. V., came up; he 
was badly wounded. His horse had been shot under him, and he 
had received a ball in his leg. Every muscle of his countenance 
was quivering with the agony of terror. He said to me, ' Do you 
think they will take our lives ? I am badly wounded, but I think 
not mortally. Perhaps we might purchase our lives by promising 
them a large reward. Do you think there is any chance ?' 

" 'Dr. V.' said I, 'do not let us waste the few moments that yet 
remain to us, in such vain hopes. Our fate is inevitable. In a 
few moments we must appear before the bar of God. Let us en- 
deavor to make what preparation is yet in our power.' 'Oh! I 
cannot die!' exclaimed he, 'I am not fit to die — if I had but a 
short time to prepare — death is awful !' I pointed to Ensign 
Konan, who, though mortally wounded, and nearly down, was still 
fighting with desperation, upon one knee. 

'"Look at that man,' said I, 'at least he dies like a soldier!' 

"'Yes,' replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive gasp, 
'but he has no terrors of the future — he is an unbeliever!' 

"At this moment, a young Indian raised his tomahawk at me. 
By springing aside, I avoided the blow which was aimed at my 
skull, but which alighted on my shoulder. I seized him around 
the neck, and while exerting my utmost efforts to get possession 
of his scalping knife, which hung in a scabbard over his breast, I 
was dragged from his grasp by another and an older Indian. 

" The latter bore me, struggling and resisting, toward the lake. 
Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurried along, I 
recognized, as I passed them, the lifeless remains of the unfortu- 
nate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had stretched him upon 
the very spot where I had last seen him. 

"I was immediately plunged into the water, and held there with 
a forcible hand, notwithstanding my resistance. I soon perceived, 
however, that the object of my captor was not to drown me, as h© 
held me firmly in such a position as to place my head above th@ 



1812. MASSACRE NEAR CHICAGO. 871 

water. This reassured me, and regarding him attentively, I soon 
recognized, in spite of the paint with which he was disguised, The 
Black Partridge. 

"When the firing had somewhat subsided, my preserver bore 
me from the water, and conducted me up the sand banks. It was 
a burning August morning, and walking through the sand in my 
drenched condition, was inexpressibly painful and fatiguing. I 
stopped and took off my shoes, to free them from the sand, with 
which they were nearly filled, when a squaw seized and carried 
them off, and I was obliged to proceed without them. When we 
had gained the prairie, I was met by my father, who told me that 
my husband was safe, and but slightly wounded. They led me 
gently back toward the Chicago river, along the southern bank of 
which was the Pottawattamie encampment. At one time I was 
placed upon a horse without a saddle, but soon finding the motion 
insupportable, I sprang off. Supported partly by my kind conduc- 
tor, and partly by another Indian, Pee-so-ium> who held dangling 
in his hand the scalp of Captain Wells, I dragged my fainting 
steps to one of the wigwams. 

" The wife of Wau-bee-nee-mah, a chief from the Illinois river, was 
standing near, and seeing my exhausted condition, she seized a 
kettle, dipped up some water from a little stream that flowed near, 
threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring it up with her hand, 
gave it to me to drink. This act of kindness, in the midst of so 
many atrocities, touched me most sensibly, but my attention was 
soon diverted to another object. The fort had become a scene of 
plunder, to such a3 remained after the troops had marched out. 
The cattle had been shot down as they ran at large, and lay dead 
or dying around. 

" As the noise of the firing grew gradually less, and the strag- 
glers from the victorious party dropped in, I received confirmation 
of what my father had hurriedly communicated in our rencontre on 
the lake shore ; namely, that the whites had surrendered, after the 
loss of about two-thirds of their number. They had stipulated for 
the preservation of their lives, and those of the remaining women 
and children, and for their delivery at some of the British posts, 
unless ransomed by traders in the Indian country. It appears that 
the wounded prisoners were not considered as included in the 
stipulation, and a horrible scene occurred upon their being brought 
into camp. 

" An old squaw, infuriated by the loss of friends, or excited by 
the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a demoniac 



872 MASSACRE NEAR CHICAGO. 1812. 

ferocity. She seized a stable fork, and assaulted one miserable vic- 
tim, who lay groaning and writhing in the agony of his wounds, 
aggravated by the scorching beams of the sun. With a delicacy of 
feeling scarcely to have been expected under such circumstances, 
Wau-bee-nee-mah stretched a mat across two poles, between me and 
this dreadful scene. I was thus spared, in some degree, a view of 
its horrors, although I could not entirely close my ears to the cries 
of the sufferer. The following night, five more of the wounded 
prisoners were tomahawked." 

But why dwell upon this painful subject? Why describe the 
butchery of the children, twelve of whom, placed together in one 
baggage wagon, fell beneath the merciless tomahawk of one young 
savage? This atrocious act was committed after the whites, 
twenty-seven in number, had surrendered. When Capt. Wells 
beheld it, he exclaimed, a Is that their game? Then I will kill 
too ! " So saying, he turned his horse's head, and started for the 
Indian camp near the fort, where had been left their squaws and 
children. 

Several Indians pursued him, firing at him as he galloped along. 
He laid himself flat on the neck of his horse, loading and firing in 
that position. At length the balls of his pursuers took effect, kill- 
ing his horse, and severely wounding himself. At this moment he 
was met by Winnemeg and Wau-ban-see, who endeavored to save 
him from the savages who had now overtaken him ; but as they 
supported him along, after having disengaged him from his horse, 
he received his death-blow from one of the party, (Pee-so-tum,) 
who stabbed him in the back. 

The heroic resolution of one of the soldier's wives deserves to be 
recorded. She had, from the first, expressed a determination never 
to fall into the hands of . the : savages, believing that their prisoners 
were always subjected io tortures worse than death. When, there- 
fore, a party came up to her, to make her prisoner, she fought with 
desperation,, refusing to surrender, although assured of safe treat- 
ment, and Jiterally suffered herself to be cut to pieces, rather than 
become. their captive. - ' : 

•Thbe heart of Capt. Wells was taken out, and cut into pieces, and 
distributed among, the tribes. His mutilated remains remained 
nnburied until next day, when Billy Caldwell gathered up his head 
in one place, and mangled body in another, and buried them in the 
sand. 

. The family of Mr. Kinzie had been taken from the boat to their 
home, by friendly Indians, and there strictly guarded. Very soon 



1812. MASSACRE NEAR CHICAGO. 873 

a very hostile party of the Pottawattamie nation arrived from the 
Wabash, and it required all the skill and bravery of Black Part- 
ridge, Wau-ban-see and Billy Caldwell, (who arrived at a critical 
moment,) and other friendly Indians, to protect them. Runners 
had been sent by the hostile chiefs to all the Indian villages, to 
apprise them of the intended evacuation of the fort, and of their 
plan of attacking the troops. In eager thirst to participate in such 
a scene of blood, but arrived too late to participate in the massacre, 
they were infuriated at their disappointment, and sought to glut 
their vengeance on the wounded and prisoners. 

On the third day after the massacre, the family of Mr. Kinzie, 
with the attaches of the establishment, under the care of Francois, 
a half-breed interpreter; were taken to St. Joseph's in a boat, where 
they remained until the following November, under the protection 
of To-pe-ne-be, and his band. They were then carried to Detroit, 
under the escort of Chandonnai, and a friendly chief by the name of 
Kee-po-tah, and, with their servants, delivered up, as prisoners of 
war, to the British commanding officer. 

Of the other prisoners, Captain Heald and Mrs. Heald were sent 
across the lake to St. Joseph's, the day after the battle. Captain 
Heald had received two wounds, and Mrs. Heald seven, the ball of 
one of which was cut from her arm by Mr. Kinzie, with a pen- 
knife, after the engagement. 

Mrs. H. was ransomed on the battle field, by Chandonnai, a half 
breed from St. Joseph's, for a mule he had just taken, and the 
promise of ten bottles of whisky. 

Captain Heald was taken prisoner by an Indian from the Kanka- 
kee, who, seeing the wounded and enfeebled state of Mrs. Heald, 
generously released his prisoner, that he might accompany his wife. 

But when this Indian returned to his village on the Kankakee, 
he found that his generosity had excited so much dissatisfaction in 
his band, that he resolved to visit St. Joseph's and reclaim his 
prisoner. JSTews of his intention having reached To-pe-ne-bee, Kee- 
po-tah, Chandonnai, and other friendly braves, they sent them in a 
bark canoe, under the charge of Robinson, a half breed, along the 
eastern side of Lake Michigan, three hundred miles, to Mackinac, 
where they were delivered over to the commanding officer. 

Lieutenant Helm was wounded in the action and taken prisoner, 
and afterward taken by some friendly Indians to the Au Sable, and 
from thence to St. Louis, and liberated from captivity through the 
agency of the late Thomas Forsyth, Esq. 

Mrs. Helm received a slight wound in the ankle ; had her horse 
56 



874 OFFICIAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN HEALD. 1812, 

shot from under her ; and after passing the agonizing scenes des- 
cribed, went with the family of Mr. Kinzie to Detroit. 

The soldiers, with their wives and children, were dispersed 
among the different villages of the Pottawattamies, upon the Illi- 
nois, Wabash, Rock Eiver, and Milwaukie. The largest propor- 
tion were taken to Detroit and ransomed the following spring. 
Some, however, remained in captivity another year, and experienced 
more kindness than was expected from an enemy so merciless. 

This event is given more in detail than many others, partly he- 
cause the locality is Chicago, where some individuals are still 
living who passed through these terrible scenes ; and partly to cor- 
rect a common notion prevailing amongst many humane and phi- 
lanthropic persons, that Indian hostilities always " commence by the 
first aggressions of the whites" and that if the Indians are treated 
kindly, they will " ever " be just and kind in return. 

As a general rule this is true, but the narrative above related 
affords one instance of a glaring exception. 

The aborigines of this country were always rude savages ; sub- 
sisting chiefly by fishing and hunting, and from the earliest 
traditionary notice, were engaged in petty exterminating wars with 
each other. 

Delight in war and thirst for human blood is their " ruling pas- 
sion." The liberal distribution of goods and provisions, and the 
promise of more ample rewards at Fort Wayne, by Captain Heald, 
could not allay this passion. They gave their solemn pledge for 
the protection of the party on their route to Fort Wayne, and sent 
out runners to rally their friends to the massacre the same day. 

Captain Heald, after escaping many dangers, wrote the following 
dispatch from Pittsburgh, Pa., on the 23d of October : 

" On the 9th of August, I received orders from General Hull to 
evacuate the post, and proceed with my command to Detroit, leav- 
ing it at my discretion to dispose of the public property as I thought 
proper. The neighboring Indians got the information as early as 
I did, and came from all quarters to receive the goods in the factory 
store, which they understood were to be given to them. 

"On the 13th, Captain Wells, of Fort Wayne, arrived with about 
thirty Miamies, for the purpose of escorting us in, by the request 
of General Hull. On the 14th, I delivered to the Indians all the 
goods in the factory store, and a considerable quantity of provi- 
sions, which we could not take away with us. 

" The surplus arms and ammunition I thought proper to destroy, 
fearing they would make bad use of them, if put in their possession* 



1812. OFFICIAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN HEALD. 875 

"I destroyed all the liquor on hand soon after they began to collect. 
The collection was unusually large for that place, but they conducted 
themselves with the strictest propriety, till after I left the fort. 

" On the 15th, at 9 o'clock, A. M., we commenced our march — a 
part of the Miamies were detached in front, the remainder in our 
rear, as guards, under the direction of Captain Wells. The situa- 
tion of the country rendered it necessary for us to take the beach, 
with the lake on our left, and a high bank on our right, at about 
one hundred yards distance. We proceeded about a mile and a 
half, when it was discovered the Indians were prepared to attack 
us from behind the bank. 

" I immediately marched the company up to the top of the bank, 
when the action commenced ; after firing one round, we re-charged, 
and the Indians gave way in front, and joined those on our flanks. 
In about fifteen minutes, they got possession of all our horses, pro- 
vision and baggage of every description, and, finding the Miamies 
did not assist us, I drew off the few men I had left, and took pos- 
session of a small elevation in the open prairie, out of shot of the 
bank or any other cover. 

" The Indians did not follow me, but assembled in a body on the 
top of the bank, and, after some consultation among themselves, 
made signs to me to approach them. I advanced toward them 
alone, and was met by one of the Pottawattamie chiefs, called the 
Blackbird, with an interpreter. 

"After shaking hands, he requested me to surrender, promising 
to spare the lives of all the prisoners. On a few moments' consid- 
eration, I concluded it would be the most prudent to comply with 
his request, although I did not put entire confidence in his prom- 
ise. After delivering up our arms, we were taken back to their 
encampment, near the fort, and distributed among the different 
tribes. 

" The next morning they set fire to the fort, and left the place, 
taking the prisoners with them. Their number of warriors wae 
between four and five hundred, mostly of the Pottawattamie na- 
tion, and their loss, from the best information I could get, was 
about fifteen. Our strength was fifty-four regulars and twelve mil- 
itia, out of which twenty-six regulars, and all the militia, were killed 
in the action, with two women and twelve children. 

" Ensign George Eonan, and Doctor Isaac Y. Yan Yoorhees, of 
my company, with Captain "Wells, of Fort Wayne, are, to my great 
sorrow, numbered among the dead. 



876 SIEGE OF FORT HARRISON. 1812. 

" Lieutenant Lina T. Helm, with twenty-live non-commissioned 
officers and privates, and eleven women and children, were prison- 
ers, when we separated. 

" Mrs. Heald and myself were taken to the month of the river 
St. Joseph, and being both badly wounded, were permitted to re- 
side with Mr. Burnet, an Indian trader. In a few days after our 
arrival there, the Indians all went off to take Fort Wayne, and in 
their absence I engaged a Frenchman to take us to Michilimaeki- 
nack, by water, where I gave myself up as a prisoner of war, with 
one of my sergeants. 

" The commanding officer, Captain Robert, offered me every 
assistance in his power to render our situation comfortable while 
we remained there, and to enable us to proceed on our journey. 
To him I gave my parole of honor, and reported myself to Colonel 
Proctor, who gave us a passage to Buffalo; from that place I came 
by the way of Presqu' Isle, aud arrived here yesterday." 

"Thus, by the middle of August, the whole north-west, with the 
exception of Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison, was again in the 
hands of the British and their red allies. Early in September, these 
two posts were also attacked, and the latter, had it not been 
defended with the greatest vigor, would have been taken. 

" The fort was invested by a large body of Indians, some of whom 
had affected to be friendly, and had, the day before, intimated to 
Captain Taylor, that an attack might soon be expected from the 
Prophet's party. On the evening of the 3d of September, two 
young men were killed near the fort ; and the next day, a party of 
thirty or forty Indians, from the Prophet's town, appeared with a 
white flag, under pretense of obtaining provisions. Captain Tay- 
lor, suspecting an attack that night, examined the arms of his men, 
and furnished them with cartridges. The garrison was composed 
of no more than eighteen effective men, the commander and the 
greater part of his company having suffered very much from sick- 
ness. For some time past, the fort had actually been considered 
incapable of resisting an attack. 

"About eleven o'clock, the night being very dark, the Indians had 
set fire to one of the block houses unperceived. Every effort was 
made to extinguish the flames, but without effect; a quantity of 
whisky amongst other stores belonging to the contractor, deposited 
there, blazed up, and immediately enveloped the whole in a flame. 

"The situation of the fort became desperate; the yells of the 
Indians, the shrieks of a number of women and children within, 



1812. HARRISON MADE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 877 

added to the horrors of the night, altogether produced a terrific 
scene. Two soldiers, giving themselves up for lost, leaped over 
the pickets, and one of them was instantly cut to pieces. 

" The commander, with great presence of mind, ordered the roofs 
to be taken off the adjoining barracks ; this attempt, with the assist- 
ance of Dr. Clarke, fortunately proved successful, although made 
under a shower of bullets. A breastwork was then formed before 
morning, six or eight feet high, so as to cover the space which 
would be left by the burnt block house. 

" The firing continued until daylight, when the Indians retired, 
after suffering a severe loss ; that of the fort was only three killed 
and a few wounded. The Indians, discouraged by the failure of 
this attack, thought proper to retire, and made no further attempts, 
until the place was happily relieved by the arrival of General Hop- 
kins. In consequence of his conduct, Captain Taylor was after- 
ward promoted to a majority." * 

Before the surrender of Hull took place, extensive preparations 
had been made in Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, to 
bring into service a large and efficient army. Three points needed 
defense, Fort Wayne and the Maumee, the Wabash, and the Illi- 
nois river ; the troops destined for the first point were to be under 
the command of General Winchester, a Revolutionary officer resi- 
dent in Tennessee, and but little known to the frontier men ; those 
for the Wabash were to be under Harrison, whose name, since the 
battle of Tippecanoe, was familiar everywhere ; while Governor 
Edwards, of the Illinois territory, was to command the expedition 
upon the river of the same name. 

Such were the intentions of the government; but the wishes of 
the people frustrated them, and led, first, to the appointment of 
Harrison to the command of the Kentucky volunteers, destined to 
assist Hull's army, and next to his elevation to the post of com- 
mander-in-chief over all the forces of the West and North- West; 
this last appointment was made September 17th, and was notified 
to the general on the 24th of that month. 

Meantime, Fort Wayne had been relieved, and the line of the 
Maumee secured, so that when Harrison found himself placed at 
the head of military affairs in the West, his main objects were, first, to 
drive the Indians from the western side of the Detroit river ; second, 
to take Maiden; and third, having thus secured his communica- 
tions, to re-capture the Michigan territory and its dependencies. 

* Brackenridge's History of the Late War. 



878 VOLUNTEERS RENDEZVOUS AT VINCENNES. 1812. 

The defeat of General Hull, and the victories of the British and 
Indians in the North- West, produced an inteDse excitement among 
the people in the Western States, and especially in Kentucky and 
Ohio, where but one sentiment prevailed. 

Every citizen in the States referred to, and of the territories of 
Indiana and Illinois, and of Western Pennsylvania and Western 
Virginia, seemed animated with but one desire — to wipe off the 
disgrace with which our arms had been stained, and to avert the 
desolation that threatened the frontiers of Ohio and the territories 
beyond. 

In August, several regiments which had been raised in Ken- 
tucky, were directed to the aid of Indiana and Illinois. Vin- 
cennes was made the principal rendezvous, and General Hopkins 
was appointed the commander to march in that direction. 

In the meantime, the Governor of Illinois, was active in raising 
men and making preparations for an expedition against the hostile 
Indians on the Illinois river. 

Colonel Kussell, of the 17th United States regiment, was engaged 
in raising companies of troops, denominated "Rangers," to co-oper- 
ate with Governor Edwards. Their place of rendezvous was near 
the present town of Edwardsville, and named "Camp Russell." 

The concerted arrangement was, for General Hopkins, with 
between four and five thousand mounted riflemen, to move up the 
Wabash to Fort Harrison, cross over to the Illinois country, 
destroy all the Indian villages near the Wabash, march across the 
prairies to the head waters of the Sangamon and Vermillion rivers, 
form a junction with the Illinois rangers under Governor Edwards 
and Colonel Russell, and sweep over all the villages along the 
Illinois river. 

On the 29th of September, Hopkins wrote from Vincennes to the 
Governor of Kentucky, thus: "My present intention is to attack 
every Indian settlement on the Wabash, and destroy their pro- 
perty, then fall upon the Illinois; and I trust, in all next month 
to perform much service. Serious opposition, I hardly apprehend, 
although I intend to be prepared for it." 

No better account of this expedition can be given than the 
general's dispatch to Governor Shelby, in October, as follows: 

" Fort Harrison, . 



"The expedition of the mounted riflemen has terminated. The 
Wabash was re-crossed yesterday, and the whole corps are on their 
way to Busseron, where the Adjutant-General will attend, in order 



1812. GENERAL HOPKINS' DISPATCH. 879 

to have them properly mustered and discharged, and where their 
horses may get forage during the delay necessary for this object. 

"Yes, sir, this army has returned, without hardly obtaining the 
sight of the enemy. A simple narrative of facts, as they occurred, 
will best explain the reasons that have led to this state of things. 
The army having finished crossing the Wabash on the 14th inst., 
marched about three miles and encamped. I here requested the 
attendance of the general field-officers and captains, to whom I 
imparted the objects of the expedition, and the advantages that 
might result from a fulfillment of them. That the nearest Kicka- 
poo villages were from eighty to one hundred miles distant, and 
Peoria not more than one hundred and sixty. By breaking up 
these, or as many as our resources would permit, we would be ren- 
dering a service to all the territories. That from their numbers, 
this tribe was more formidable than any other near us; and from 
their situation and hostility, had it more in their power to do us 
mischief; of course to chastise and destroy these would be render- 
ing a real benefit to our country. It was observed by some 
officers that they would meet the next morning, consult together, 
and report to me their opinions — desiring at the same time, to be 
furnished with the person on whom I had relied for intelligence of 
the country. 

"This council was held, and all the intelligence furnished that 
had been requested, and I had a report highly favorable to the 
enterprise. This to me was more gratifying, as I had found as 
early as our encampment at Yincennes, discontents and murmur- 
ing, that portended no wish to proceed further. At Busseron I 
found an evident increase of discontent, although no army was 
ever better or more amply supplied with rations and forage than 
ours at this place. At Fort Harrison, where we encamped on the 
10th, and where we were well supplied with forage, &c, I found 
on the 12th and 13th, many breaking and returning without apply- 
ing to me for a discharge ; and as far as I know, without any notifi- 
cation to their officers. Indeed I have every reason to suppose the 
officers of every grade, gave no countenance to such a procedure. 

"Thinking myself now secure in the confidence of my brother 
officers and the army, we proceeded on our march early on the 
15th, and continued it four days; our course being near north in 
the prairie until we came to an Indian house where some corn, &c. 
had been cultivated. The last day of the march to this place, I had 
been made acquainted with a return of that spirit that had, as I had 
hoped, subsided, and when I had ordered a halt near sunset (for 



880 GENERAL HOPKINS* DISPATCH. 1812, 

the first time that day) in a fine piece of grass in the prairie, to aid 
our horses, I was addressed by one of the officers in the most rude 
and dictatorial manner, requiring me immediately to resume 
my march, or his battallion would break off from the army and 
return. This was Major Singleton — I mention him in justice to 
the other officers of that grade. But from every information, I 
began to fear the army waited but for a pretext to return. 

"This was afforded the next day by our guides, who had thought 
they had discerned an Indian village, on the side of a grove about 
ten miles from where we encamped on the fourth night of our 
march, and turned us about six or eight miles out of our way. An 
almost universal discontent seemed to prevail, and we took our 
course in such a direction as we hoped would best atone for the 
error, in the morning. About, or after sunset, we came to a thin 
grove affording water; here we took up our camp, and about this 
time arose one of the most violent gusts of wind, I ever remember 
to have seen, not proceeding from clouds. The Indians had set 
fire to the prairie, which drove on us so furiously, that we were 
compelled to fire around our camp, to protect ourselves. 

"This seems to have decided the army to return. I was in- 
formed of it in so many ways, that early in the next morning, 
(October 20th,) I requested the attendance of the general and field 
officers, and stated to them my apprehensions, the expectations of 
our country, the disgrace attending the measure, and the approba- 
tion of our own consciences. 

"Against this I stated the weary situation of our horses, and the 
want of provision, (which to me seemed only partial, six days 
having only passed since every part of the army, as was believed, 
was furnished with ten days in bacon, beef, or bread stuff") I re- 
quested the commandants of each regiment to convene the whole 
of the officers belonging to it, and to take fully the sense of the army 
on this measure, and report to commandants of brigades, who were 
requested to report to me in writing; adding that if five hundred 
volunteers would turn out I would put myself at their head and 
proceed in quest of the towns, and the balance of the army might 
retreat under the conduct of their officers, in safety to Fort Harri- 
son. In less time than one hour, the report was made almost 
unanimously to return. 

" I then requested that I might dictate the course to be pursued 
that day only, which I pledged myself should not put them more 
than six miles out of the way, my object being to cover the recon- 
noitering parties I wished to send out for the discovery of the 



1812. GENERAL HOPKINS' DISPATCH. 881 

Indian towns. About this time, the troops being paraded, I put 
myself in front, took my course and directed them to follow me. 
The columns moving off quite a contrary way, I sent Captain Tay- 
lor and Major Lee to apply to the officers leading the columns to 
turn them ; they said it was not in their power ; the army had 
taken their course and would pursue it. Discovering great confu- 
sion and disorder in their march, I threw myself into their rear, 
fearing an attack on those who were there from necessity, and con- 
tinued in that position the whole day. 

" Neither the exhausted state of the horses, nor the hunger of the 
men, retarded this day's march ; so swiftly was it prosecuted that 
it was long before the rear arrived at the encampment. The 
Generals Ray, Allen, and Ramsay, lent all their aid and authority, 
in restoring our march to order, and so far succeeded as to bring on 
the whole with much less loss than I had feared ; indeed, I had no 
reason to think we were either followed or menaced by an enemy. 

" I think we marched at least eighty or ninety miles in the heart of 
the enemy's country; had he possessed a design to fight, opportunities 
in abundance presented. So formidable was our appearance in the 
prairie, and in the country (as I am told) never trod before by hos- 
tile feet, that it must impress the bordering tribes with a sense of 
their danger. If it operates beneficially in this way, our labor will 
not be altogether in vain. I hope the expense of this expedition 
will be found less than usual on such occasions. I have con- 
sulted economy in every instance ; subject only to real necessity has 
been the expenditure. The forage has been the heaviest article. 
To the officers commanding brigades, many of the field officers, 
captains, &c, my thanks are due. 

"Many of the old Kentucky veterans, whose heads are frosted by 
time, are entitled to every confidence and praise their country can 
bestow. To the adjutant quarter-master-general, and the members 
of my own family, I feel indebted for ready, able, and manly sup- 
port, in every instance. Let me here include Major Du Bois, who 

commanded the corps of spies, La Plant, as likewise W. B. 

and L., interpreters and guides, deserve well of me. I am certain 
we were not twenty miles from the Indian villages, when we were 
forced to retire, and I have many reasons to prove we were in the 
right way. I have myself (superadded to the mortification I felt at 
thus returning) been in a bad state of health from first to last, and 
am now so weak as not to be able to keep myself on my horse. 
There are yet many things of which I wish to write ; they relate sub- 
stantially to prospective operations." 



882 EXPEDITION OF RANGERS IN ILLINOIS. 1812. 

" Toward the last of September, 1812, all tlie forces of United 
States rangers, and mounted volunteers, to the number of three 
hundred and fifty, were assembled at Camp Eussell, and duly 
organized, preparatory to marching against the Indians, and join 
the army under Gen. Hopkins. Camp Eussell was one mile and a 
half north of Edwardsville, and then on the frontier. 

" This little army being organized, and with their provisions for 
twenty or thirty days packed on the horses they rode, (except in a 
few instances, where pack horses were fitted out,) took up the line 
of march in a northwardly direction. 

"Captain Craig, with a small company, was ordered to take 
charge of a boat, fortified for the occasion, with provision and sup- 
plies, and proceed up the Illinois river to Peoria. 

" This little army, at that time, was all the efficient force to pro- 
tect Illinois. We commenced the march from Camp Eussell, on 
the last day of September. At that period the Indians on the 
Sangamon, Mackinac, and Illinois rivers, were both numerous and 
hostile. 

"The route lay on the west side of Cahokia creek, to the lake 
fork of the Macoupin, and across Sangamon river, below the forks, 
a few miles east of Springfield. "We left the Elkheart grove to the 
left, and passed the old Kickapoo village on Kickapoo creek, and 
directed our course toward the head of Peoria lake. The old Kick- 
apoo village, which the Indians had abandoned, was destroyed. As 
the army approached near Peoria, Governor Edwards dispatched 
Lieutenant Peyton, James Eeynolds, and some others, to visit the 
village of the Peorias, but they made no discoveries. 

"There was a village of the Kickapoos and Pottawattamies on 
the eastern bluff of the Illinois river, nearly opposite the head of 
Peoria lake. 

" The troops moved with rapidity and caution toward the village, 
and encamped for the night within a few miles of it. Three men 
were sent by the governor to reconnoiter the position of the enemy, 
and report to the commanding officer. This duty was performed 
at considerable peril, but with much adroitness. Their position 
was found to be about five miles from our troop, on a bluff, and 
surrounded by swamps impassable by mounted men, and scarcely 
by footmen. The swamps were not only miry, but at that time 
covered with high grass and brushwood, so that an Indian could 
not be discovered until within a few feet of him. 

" The army marched under the bluff, that they might reach the 
village undiscovered, but as they approached, the Indians with their 



1812. EXPEDITION OF RANGERS IN ILLINOIS. 883 

squaws were on the retreat to their swamps. Instant pursuit was 
given, and in a short distance from the village, horses, riders, arms 
and baggage, were overwhelmed in the morass. It was a demo 
cratic overthrow, for the governor and his horse shared the same 
fate as the subaltern, or the private soldier. We were all literally 
'swamped.' 

" A pursuit on foot was ordered, and executed with readiness, 
but extreme difficulty. In this chase many of the enemy were 
killed, and at every step, kettles, mats, and other Indian property 
were distributed in the morass. 

" Captain Samuel Whiteside, with a party, pursued the scattered 
enemy to the river, and several were shot in attempting to cross to 
the opposite shore. So excited were the volunteers, that three of 
them crossed the river on logs, to follow the retreating foe. The 
Indians fled into the interior wilderness. Some of our men were 
wounded, but none killed in the charge. 

" On our return to the village, some children were found hid in 
the ashes, and were taken to the settlement. After destroying 
their corn and other property, and securing all their horses, we 
commenced the homeward march. After traveling till dark to find 
a good camping ground, the rain set in, and the night was dark. 
Not knowing but that there were other Indian towns above, and 
learning that the expedition of Gen. Hopkins had failed to meet 
us, we apprehended danger from a night attack. Many of the sol- 
diers had lost their blankets and other clothing in the swamp, and 
there was much suffering in camp that night. 

"Captain Craig, who arrived at Peoria, with his boat, where he re- 
mained several days, was repeatedly attacked by Indians, but being 
fortified and on his own ground, sustained no damage. He returned 
with the stores in safety. The troops marched back to Camp Kus- 
sell, where they were discharged."* 

General Hopkins did not immediately return with his disorderly 
troops to Kentucky. Being determined to wipe off the disgrace of 
his prairie expedition, he remained at Fort Harrison until another and 
better disciplined army was raised, which he led against the Indi- 
ans on the upper Wabash. 

On the 11th of November, Hopkins set out from Fort Harrison 
with about twelve hundred men, while at the same time seven 
boats, under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Butler ascended 
the river with supplies and provisions. 

*Hon. John Reynolds, Belleville, 111. 



884 HARRISON RECONNOITERS THE MAUMEE. 1812. 

On the 19th, the army arrived at the Prophet's town, and imme- 
diately General Hopkins ordered Colonel Butler, with three 
hundred men, to surprise the Indian towns on Ponce Passu creek. 

When arrived at that stream, about daylight, he found all the 
villages evacuated. 

One large Kickapoo town, containing one hundred and twenty 
cabins, was burned, and all the winter provisions of corn in the 
vicinity destroyed. "No Indians were discovered until the 2 1st, 
when they fired upon a small party, and killed one man. 

The next day about sixty horsemen went to bury the dead, when 
they were suddenly attacked, and eighteen men killed and wounded. 
The Indians then evacuated their camp, and retreated. 

The inclement season advancing rapidly, it was deemed prudent 
to prepare for returning, especially as the ice in the river began to 
obstruct the passage. 

The good conduct of this detachment forms a favorable contrast 
with Hopkins' first army, and proves that militia may in time be 
trained to the discipline of the camp, so as to become efficient troops.* 

This corps suffered exceedingly, many of them were sick, and, as 
the general said, "shoeless and shirtless " during the cold weather 
of this season. 

The first step taken by Harrison after the relief of Fort Wayne, 
was to reconnoiter, with two thousand men, the whole length of 
Maumee river, to the head of Lake Erie. 

He reached Forts Defiance and Deposit before the middle of 
September. From these posts, which were partially invested by 
the Indians, the latter immediately disappeared. Having given 
aid to the feeble garrisons, Harrison, not thinking it advisable to 
proceed to the rapids, until sufficiently strengthened by the arrival 
of the other troops, returned with a portion of his command to 
Fort Wayne before the 20th, where he found General Winchester, 
with considerable reinforcements from Ohio and Kentucky. 

u This officer had been unexpectedly placed in command by the 
president; on which General Harrison resolved to retire, and set 
out on his return to Indiana, but was overtaken by a messenger, 
with information of the subsequent arrangements by order of the 
president. On the 23d he accordingly resumed the command. 

u The day before his return, General Winchester had marched 
for Fort Defiance, on his way to the rapids, the place of ultimate 

*Brackenridge. 



1812. WINCHESTER AT FORT DEFIANCE. 885 

destination. His force consisted of a brigade of Kentucky militia, 
four hundred regulars, and a troop of horse, in all about two 
thousand men. The country which he was compelled to traverse, 
opposed great difficulties, particularly in the transportation of 
stores. Along the heads of the rivers which discharge themselves 
into the Ohio in the south, and those which discharge themselves 
into the lakes on the north, there is a great extent of flat land, full 
of marshes and ponds, in which the streams take their rise. In 
rainy seasons, particularly, it is exceedingly difficult to pass, the 
horses at every step sinking to the knees in mud. The ground 
besides, is covered with deep forests and close thickets. To facili- 
tate the passage through this wilderness, each man was obliged to 
carry provisions for six days."* 

Under these difficulties the march was very slow. From the 
closeness of the thickets, the troops were under the necessity of 
cutting open a road each day, and were not able to make more 
than six to eight miles. They usually encamped at three o'clock 
aud threw up a breast work, to guard against a night attack. The 
main body was preceded by a party of spies, and an advanced 
guard of about three hundred men. The proximity of the Indians 
was apparent on the march at various times, and several soldiers 
were killed by them, although, with the stealthiness peculiar to 
savages, they never showed themselves. 

Colonel Jennings having preceded the army with provisions, on 
the 29th a messenger arrived from that officer, with the informa- 
tion, that having discovered Fort Defiance to be in possession of 
the British and Indians, he had thought it prudent to land about 
forty miles above that place, where he had erected a block house, 
and was awaiting further orders. This was a sad disappointment 
to the troops, who were by this time short of provisions, and had 
hoped to fall in with Colonel Jennings at this point. A small de- 
tachment was sent to him, with orders to forward the provisions, 
while the troops took possession of the fort, which was precipi- 
tately deserted by the British and Indians, who descended the 
river. Soon after a brigade of Jennings' pack-horses arrived with 
provisions, which gave new life and vigor to the half starved 
army. 

General Winchester now remained at Fort Defiance for the 
winter. His force, however, was very much reduced, by the expi- 



* Brackenridge. 



886 FAILURE OF HARRISON'S PLANS. 1812. 

ration of the term of service of many of the volunteers, who re- 
turned, so that no more than about eight hundred men were left 
to him. 

Meanwhile, late in September, General Harrison proceeded in 
person to Fort St. Mary's, and thence, on the 4th of October, to 
Franklinton, on the Scioto river, which place he made his head- 
quarters, for the purpose of organizing his ulterior operations. 

In pursuance of his plan for retaking Michigan, he made three 
divisions of his troops, viz : 

The right to march from Wooster, through Upper Sandusky, the 
centre from Urbana, by Fort M'Arthur, on the heads of the Scioto, 
and the left from St. Mary's, by the Au Glaize and Maumee — all 
meeting, of course, at the Rapids.* 

This plan, however, failed : the division of the left column, under 
Winchester, deprived of its efficiency by a reduction of numbers, 
and half worn out and starved, as has been seen, were lodged for 
the winter at Fort Defiance ; and the mounted men of the centre, 
under General Tupper, unable to do any thing, partly from their 
own want of subordination, but still more from the shiftlessness of 
their commander, were resting idly at Fort M'Arthur. This con- 
dition of the troops, and the prevalence of disease among them, 
together with the increasing difficulty of transportation after the 
autumnal rains set in, forced upon the commander the conviction 
that he must wait until the winter had bridged the streams and 
morasses with ice ; and, even when that had taken place, he was 
doubtful as to the wisdom of an attempt to conquer without vessels 
on Lake Erie. 

Thus, at the close of the year 1812, nothing effectual had been 
done toward the re-conquest of Michigan. 

Late in the month of November, General Harrison ordered a 
detachment of six hundred men to march from his head-quarters 
at Franklinton, to destroy the Indian towns on the Mississinewa 
river, one of the tributaries of the Wabash. The detachment con- 
sisted of Colonel Simeral's regiment of Kentucky volunteers; 
Major James Ball's squadron of United States dragoons ; Captain 
John B. Alexander's company of riflemen, from Greensburg, 
Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania; Captain Joseph Markle's 
troop of horse from Westmoreland, Pennsylvania ; Captain Jameg 
Butler's light infantry company of Pittsburgh Blues; Captain 



* McAfee, 142, &c, 192, &c, at the latter reference Harrison's letter is given. 



1812. EXPEDITION TO MISSISSINEWA. 88T 

Elliott's company of infantry ; Captain Garrard's troop of horse, 
from Lexington, Kentucky ; Captain Pierce's troop of horse, from 
Zanesville, Ohio ; Lieutenant Lee's detachment of Michigan 
volunteers. 

These troops were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John B. 
Campbell, of the nineteenth United States regiment. After great 
hardships, in this inclement season of the year, in passing through 
the wilderness, they reached the Mississinewa about the middle of 
December. This stream they followed downward, until arriving 
within twenty miles of the first Indian town, when Col. Campbell 
called a council of war, to ask the advice of his officers. Their 
advice was to march all night, and take the enemy by surprise. 
Just as they were entering the town, one of the Kentuckians gave 
an Indian yell, which gave the alarm and prevented the surprise. 
Notwithstanding this, eight warriors were killed, and forty-two 
men, women and children taken prisoners. Pressing onward, they 
destroyed three other towns lower down, and returned to the site 
of the first. At this place, on the 18th of December, at five o'clock 
in the morning, they were attacked by several hundred Indian 
warriors, who were concealed in the edge of the forest, behind 
some old fallen timbers, and opened a heavy fire on the troops. 

The Americans at once sprang to their arms. The battle raged 
until daylight; the dragoons however, being instantly aided by the 
Pittsburgh Blues, finally dislodged the enemy, who were then re- 
pulsed with great slaughter, and driven into the woods. A number 
of dead Indians were left on the battle ground; but the greatest 
number of dead were probably carried off, according to the usual 
practice of the Savages. The Americans had twelve killed and 
about thirty wounded. They had also lost a great many horses, 
for it being quite dark when the attack was first made, so that they 
could not distinctly see the enemy, they stood behind their horses 
until daylight, so that these were unavoidably sacrificed, as the 
means of saving the lives of many soldiers. 

The inclemency of the weather was now so great, and the troops 
were laboring under so many disadvantages, being cumbered with 
the wounded, and their prisoners, and short of horses and provi- 
sions, besides being apprehensive of an attack in the rear from th« 
infuriated savages, who had been driven but not conquered by 
General Hopkins, that they were obliged to return, without having 
been able to reach or break up the principal Indian town. Carry- 
ing their wounded on litters, they proceeded as quickly as possible 
to Greenville, which they reached on the 24th of December, and 



888 EXPEDITION TO MISSISSINEWA. 1812. 

thence by easy marches, by way of Dayton, Ohio, to winter 
quarters. 

Their suffering had been very great; the roads were much 
impaired by frost and snow; the weather was very cold and pro- 
visions short. No less than one hundred and eighty men were 
more or less frost-bitten. 

Among the killed in the battle, were Captain Pierce, of Zanes- 
ville, and Lieutenant Waltz, of Captain Markle's troop of horse, 
from Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania. 

The object of this expedition was to prevent the Indians from 
having a place of safety from whence they could issue, and inter- 
rupt the intercouse between our settlements and Fort Wayne, then 
occupied by our troops. It was to drive them further off to the 
St. Joseph's of Michigan, so that they could not waylay our 
parties, as they were passing and re-passing between our settle- 
ments and troops, then concentrating on the Maumee river. This 
object was in a great measure accomplished by it, and the bravery 
and enduring fortitude of all composing it, officers and soldiers, is 
worthy of the highest commendation. It has indeed been justly 
called one of the best conducted campaigns of 1812.* 

In the summer of 1812, an expedition was in contemplation, for 
the defense of the northern frontier, and although neither the order 
for the same, nor its place of destination, are strictly within the 
province of this work, yet as the movements were chiefly Western, 
and the men engaged in them were mostly from the west of the 
Alleghenies, it is thought not to be inappropriate. 

The following order was first issued by the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania : 

" Harrisburg, August 25th, 1812. 

" The President of the United States having, through the Secre- 
tary of War and General Dearborn, under date respectively of the 
13th instant, required a detachment of two thousand militia, to be, 
marched, with the least possible delay, from the north-western parts 
of Pennsylvania to Buffalo, in the State of New York : duty and 
feeling direct a prompt compliance with a requisition, giving scope 
for action to the patriotism evinced by that portion of our citizen 
soldiery who have volunteered their services, under general orders 
of the 12th of May last, ' in substitution of the draft required of the 
State.' 

*Atwater's History of Ohio. 



1812. EXPEDITION OF PENNSYLVANIA VOLUNTEERS. 889 

" For obvious reasons, the Adjutant-General has orders to desig- 
nate for the service such of the volunteers as can, with the least 
possible delay, be marched to the scene of action; and is charged 
with the organization of the detachment of two thousand men, 
conformably to the following plan : The detachment to constitute 
a brigade, to consist of four regiments, and each regiment to con- 
sist of two battalions, to be arranged by the Adjutant-General at 
the place of rendezvous. 

" The general rendezvous will be at Meadville, to which place 
the volunteers composing the detachment will march with the 
requisite expedition, so that they be there on the 25th day of Sep- 
tember next. Apprized of the generally prevailing desire, that 
those appointed to command may be the choice of the commanded, 
the governor authorizes and directs the officers and privates of the 
detachment, on the day succeeding the 25th of September next, or 
those who shall have previously arrived, to elect, agreeably to the 
rules prescribed by the militia law, one brigadier-general; each 
regiment to elect a colonel-commandant ; each battalion one major. 

" The brigadier-general to appoint his own brigade-major ; the 
field-officers of each regiment shall appoint their respective regi- 
mental staffs. To accelerate the expedition in discharge of this 
duty, the Adjutant-General will attend in person, and deliver to 
the officers elect their respective commissions." 

Pursuant to the foregoing orders, most of the volunteers imme- 
diately left their respective homes, and moved with great celerity, 
many having arrived at Meadville, Pennsylvania, previous to the 
20th of September, where they had their rendezvous, and elected 
their field officers — Adamson Tannehill being chosen brigadier- 
general. 

On the 25th of October, three regiments departed from Mead- 
ville for Niagara; but they were detained at Le Boeuf (Waterford) 
until they were joined by the second regiment, from south-western 
Pennsylvania, under Colonel Purviance, which was still in the rear, 
and which did not overtake them for ten days. In the meantime, 
they were also joined by some accessions from Virginia, and two 
companies from Baltimore. 

About the latter part of November, they arrived at Buffalo, 
where they were met by several hundred New York volunteers, 
and a number of United States troops. The whole force now 
amounted to four thousand five hundred men. Here they remained 
some time, during which the officers were actively engaged in 
drilling, equipping and organizing them for the intended enter- 
57 



890 CAMPAIGN CLOSES UNSUCCESSFULLY. 1812. 

prise. The following account of the close of the campaign is 
taken from Brackenridge's " History of the Late War.'* 

" Seventy boats, and a number of scows, were prepared for the 
reception of the army, that they might be at once transported to 
the Canadian shore. But, preparatory to the principal attack, two 
detachments, one under Colonel Boerstler, and another under Cap- 
tain King, received orders to pass over before .day; the first, to 
destroy a bridge about five miles below Fort Erie, and capture the 
guard stationed there ; the other, to storm the British batteries. 
Before they reached the opposite shore, the enemy opened a heavy 
fire. The first detachment landed, and took some prisoners, but 
failed in destroying the bridge. The other, under Captain King, 
landed higher up, at the Red House, drove the enemy, and then 
advanced to their batteries, which they stormed, and then spiked 
the cannon. 

"Lieutenant Angus, with a number of marines, accidentally sepa- 
rated from Captain King, and no reinforcements arriving from the 
opposite side, they concluded that King and his party had been 
taken prisoners, and therefore returned. The party of King, now 
consisting of seventeen, besides Captains Morgan and Sprowl, and 
-five other officers, was in full possession of the works, while the 
enemy was completely dispersed. Finding, at length, that they 
could not expect to be supported, they resolved to return. 

"But one boat could be found to transport them all. Captains 
Sprowl and Morgan passed over with the prisoners ; leaving 
Captain King, who was soon after, with his small party, surround- 
ed and taken prisoners. On the return of Captain Sprowl, Colonel 
Winder was ordered to pass over with about three hundred men. 
He instantly embarked and led the van. His own boat was the 
only one which touched the opposite shore, the others having been 
swept down by the swiftness of the current. 

"From various causes, the embarkation of the main body was re- 
tarded much beyond the appointed time, so that it was twelve 
o'clock in the day, when about two thousand men were ready to 
move. General Tannehill's volunteers, and Colonel M'Clure's 
regiment, were drawn up ready for a second embarkation. The 
enemy by this time had collected on the opposite shore, and ap- 
peared ready to receive them. The departure of our troops was, 
in the most unaccountable manner, delayed until late in the after- 
noon, when orders were given to debark. Much murmuring and 
discontent ensued ; which were in some measure silenced, by assu- 
rances that another attempt would be made. 



1813. WINCHESTER DESCENDS THE MAUMEE. 891 

4 'It was now resolved to land about five miles below the navy 
yard; and accordingly, on Monday evening, the 29th, all the boats 
were collected for the purpose. The whole body, with the excep- 
tion of about two hundred men, were embarked at four o'clock ; 
the men conducting themselves with great order and obedience, 
and affording every hope of success. Nothing was wanting but 
the word to move; when, after some delay, orders were suddenly 
given for the whole to land, accompanied with a declaration, that 
the invasion of Canada was given over for that season, while ar- 
rangements were made to go into winter quarters. 

" One universal expression of indignation burst forth ; the greater 
part of the militia threw down their arms, and returned to their 
homes, and those who remained, continually threatened the life of 
the general. Severe recriminations passed between him and General 
Porter, who accused him of cowardice and unofficer-like deport- 
ment. General Smyth, in vindication of his conduct, alleged that 
ho had positive instructions not to risk an invasion with less than 
three thousand men, and that the number embarked did not ex- 
ceed fifteen hundred. Be this as it may, great dissatisfaction was 
produced through the country, and his military reputation, from 
that time, declined in public estimation. 

"Throughout the whole of this year, we were continually suf- 
fering the effects of our total want of experience in war. Every 
thing seemed to baffle our calculations, and to disappoint our 
hopes, particularly in our movements against Canada, although 
many acts of gallantry were performed both by regulars and mili- 
tia." 

On the 10th of January, 1813, Winchester, with his troops, reached 
1813.] the Rapids, General Harrison, with the right wing of the 
army, being still at Upper Sandusky, and Tupper, with the centre, 
at Fort M' Arthur. From the 13th to the lt>th, messengers arrived 
at Winchester's camp from the inhabitants of Frenchtown, on the 
river Raisin, representing the danger to which that place was ex- 
posed from the hostility of the British and Indians, and begging for 
protection. These representations and petitions excited the feelings 
of the Americans, and led them, forgetful of the main objects of 
the campaign, and of military caution, to determine upon the step 
of sending a strong party to the aid of the sufferers. 

On the 17th, accordingly, Colonel Lewis was dispatched 
with five hundred and fifty men to the river Raisin, and soon 
after, Colonel Allen followed with one hundred and ten more. 



892 Winchester's defeat at frenchtowst. 1818, 

Marching along the frozen borders of the bay and lake, on the 
afternoon of the 18th, the Americans reached and attacked the 
enemy, who were posted in the Tillage, and after a severe contest 
defeated them. Having gained possession of the town, Colonel 
Lewis wrote for reinforcements, and prepared himself to defend the 
position he had gained. And it was evident that all his means of 
defense would be needed, as the place was but eighteen miles 
from Maiden, where the whole British force was collected under 
Proctor. 

Winchester, on the 19th, having heard of the action of the pre- 
vious day, marched with two hundred and fifty men, which was 
the most he dared detach from the Eapids, to the aid of the captor 
of Frenchtown, which place he reached on the next evening. But 
instead of placing his men in a secure position, and taking mea- 
sures to prevent the secret approach of the enemy, Winchester suf- 
fered the troops he had brought with him to remain in the open 
ground, and took no efficient measures to protect himself from 
surprise, although informed that an attack might be expected at 
any moment. The consequence was, that during the night of the 
21st, the whole British force approached undiscovered, and erected 
a battery within three hundred yards of the American camp. From 
this, before the troops were fairly under arms in the morning, a 
discharge of bombs, balls, and grape-shot, informed the devoted 
soldiers of Winchester, of the folly of their commander, and in a 
moment more the dreaded Indian yell sounded on every side. 

The troops under Lewis were protected by the garden pickets, 
behind which their commander, who alone seems to have been 
upon his guard, had stationed them ; those last arrived were, as has 
been said, in the open field, and against them the main effort 
of the enemy was directed. Nor was it long so exerted without 
terrible results ; the troops yielded, broke and fled, but under 
a fire which mowed them down like grass. Winchester and 
Lewis, (who had left his pickets to aid his superior officer,) were 
taken prisoners. Upon the party who fought from behind their 
slight defenses, however, no impression could be made, and it was 
not till Winchester was induced to send them what was deemed an 
order to surrender,* that they dreamed of doing so. 

This Proctor persuaded him to do by the old story of an Indian 
massacre in case of continued resistance, to which he added a 



*IIe says he did not mean it for an order, but merely for advice. 



1813. MASSACRE OF THE WOUNDED AT FRENCHTOWJST. 893 

promise of help and protection to the wounded, and of a removal 
at the earliest moment ; without which last promise the troops of 
Lewis refused to yield, even when required by their general. But 
the promise, even if given in good faith, was not redeemed, and the 
horrors of the succeeding night and day will long be remembered 
by the inhabitants of the frontier. Of a portion of those horrors, a 
description is here given, in the words of an eye witness, who 
served in the capacity of surgeon in one of the Kentucky 
regiments : * 

" On the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight In- 
dians came to the house of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where I was, 
in company with Major Graves, Captains Hart and Hickman, Doc- 
tor Todd, and fifteen or twenty volunteers, belonging to different 
corps. They did not molest any person or thing on their first ap- 
proach, but kept sauntering about until there was a large number 
collected, (say one or two hundred,) at which time they commenced 
to plunder the houses of the inhabitants, and massacre the 
wounded prisoners. I was one amongst the first that were taken 
prisoners, and was taken to a horse about twenty paces from the 
house, after being divested of a part of my clothing, and commanded 
by signs there to remain for further orders. Shortly after being 
there, I saw them knock down Captain Hickman at the door, to- 
gether with several others with whom I was not acquainted. Sup- 
posing a general massacre had commenced, I made an effort to get 
to a house about one hundred yards distant, which contained a 
number of wounded ; but on my reaching the house, to my great 
mortification, found it surrounded by Indians, which precluded the 
possibility of my giving notice to the unfortunate victims of savage 
barbarity. 

"An Indian chief of the Tawa tribe, of the name of M'Carty, 
gave me possession of his horse and blanket, telling me by signs to 
lead the horse to the house which I had j ust before left. The Indian 
that first took me, by this time came up, and manifested a hostile dis- 
position toward me, by raising his tomahawk as if to give me the 
fatal blow, which was prevented by my very good friend M'Carty. 
On my reaching the house which I had first started from, I saw 
the Indians take off several prisoners, which I afterward saw in the 
road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely stripped of their 
clothing. 



*Dr. Gustavus M. Bower. 



894 MASSACRE OF THE WOUNDED AT FRENCHTOWN. 1813. 

"Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner, and Blythe, were collected 
round a carryall, which contained articles taken by the Indians 
from the citizens. We had all been placed there by our respective 
captors, except Blythe, who came where we were, entreating an In- 
dian to convey him to Maiden, promising to give him forty or fifty 
dollars, and whilst in the act of pleading for mercy, an Indian more 
savage than the other, stepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped, 
and scalped him. The next that attracted my attention, was the 
houses on fire that contained several wounded, whom I knew were 
not able to get out. 

" After the houses were nearly consumed, we received marching 
orders, and having arrived at Sandy creek, the Indians called a halt 
and commenced cooking ; after preparing and eating a little 
sweetened gruel, they gave some to Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Tur- 
ner, and myself, and we were eating, when an Indian came up and 
proposed exchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searls' shoes, which he 
readily complied with. They then exchanged hats, after which 
the Indian inquired how many men Harrison had with him, and at 
the same time, calling Searls a Washington or Madison, then raised 
his tomahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the 
cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the towahawk, and 
appeared to resist, and upon my telling him his fate was inevitable, 
he closed his eyes, and received the savage blow which terminated 
his existence. 

"I was near enough to him to receive the brains and blood, after 
the fatal blow, on my blanket. A short time after the death of 
Searls, I saw three others share a similar fate. We then set out 
for Brownstown, which place we reached about twelve or one 
o'clock at night. After being exposed to several hours incessant 
rain in reaching that place, we were put into the council house, 
the floor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we 
remained until next morning, when we again received marching 
orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place we 
made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit 
and sold." 

Of the American army, which was about eight hundred strong, 
one-third were killed in the battle and massacre which followed. 
Less than forty escaped. The number taken prisoners on this oc- 
casion must have been unusual. 

It has been justly charged against the British, that their leaving 
the American prisoners in the hands, and at the mercy of the re- 
morseless savages, was an act of barbarous inhumanity. In exten- 



1813. HARRISON RETREATS FROM THE MAUMEE. 895 

nation it is alleged by them, that some of the American soldiers, 
thinking no donbt to intimidate their foes, and thus to avert the 
destruction that was awaiting them, had declared that General 
Harrison, with a large force, was then at Otter creek, only a few 
miles distant, and advancing. This report was believed by the 
British, who fled precipitately across the Detroit river to Fort 
Maiden, for safety from this American succor, which they supposed 
to be approaching; while the Indians, who probably had their spies 
and emissaries more generally about the country, and well knew 
the falsity of the report, remained and continued the massacre. 

General Harrison, as has been stated, was at Upper Sandusky 
when Winchester reached the Rapids. On the night of the 16th, 
word came to him of the arrival of the left wing at that point, and 
of some meditated movement. He at once proceeded with all 
speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the morning of the 18th, sent 
forward a battalion of troops to the support of Winchester. On 
the 19th he learned what the movement was that had been medi- 
tated and made, and with additional troops he started instantly 
for the falls, where he arrived early on the morning of the 20th ; 
here he waited the arrival of the regiment with which he had 
started, but which he had outstripped. This came on the evening 
of the 21st, and on the following morning was dispatched to French- 
town, while all the troops belonging to the army of Winchester, 
yet at the falls, three hundred in number, were also hurried on to the 
aid of their commander. But it was, of course, in vain ; on that 
morning the battle was fought, and General Harrison with his re- 
inforcements met the few survivors long before they reached the 
ground. A council being called, it was deemed unwise to advance 
any further, and the troops retired to the Rapids again : here, 
during the night, another consultation took place, the result of 
which was a determination to retreat yet further, in order to pre- 
vent the possibility of being cut off from the convoys of stores and 
artillery upon their way from Sandusky. On the next morning, 
therefore, the block-house which had been built was destroyed, 
together with the provisions it contained, and the troops retired to 
Portage river, twenty miles in the rear of Winchester's position, 
there to wait the guns and reinforcements which were daily ex- 
pected, but which, as it turned out, were detained by rains until 
the 30th of January. 

By this time, Governor Meigs having dispatched two regiments 
to the assistance of Harrison, the latter again, on the 1st of Febru- 
ary, advanced to the Rapids, and immediately set about construct- 



896 BRITISH AND INDIANS THREATEN A SIEGE. 1813. 

ing a fort, which, in honor of the governor of Ohio, he named Fort 
Meigs. To this point he ordered all the troops to concentrate as 
rapidly as possible. 

Fortifications were at the same time constructed at Upper San- 
dusky, by General Crooks, who commanded the Pennsylvania 
militia. 

So far the military operations of the North-West had certainly 
been sufficiently discouraging. The capture of Mackinac, the sur- 
render of Hull, the massacre of Chicago, and the overwhelming 
defeat of Frenchtown, are the leading events. The movements 
of Winchester had entirely deranged the plans of Harrison, and 
made it necessary to organize a new system. 

He therefore returned to Ohio, for the purpose of obtaining addi- 
tional force from that State and Kentucky ; but about the 25th of 
March he received information which hastened his return to Fort 
Meigs. 

"The enemy for some time past had been collecting in consid- 
erable numbers, for the purpose of laying siege to this place, and 
as the new levies had not yet arrived, the Pennsylvania brigade, 
although its term of service had expired, generally volunteered for 
the defense of the fort."* 

This is corroborated in the following account, given by General 
Orr, of Armstrong county, Pennsylvania, which will at the same 
time serve to illustrate the character of General Harrison, and his 
power to win the good will of those under his command : 

" Our brigade rendezvoused at Pittsburgh on the 2d of October, 
1812, under the command of General Crooks, destined to join the 
North- Western army. 

" At Upper Sandusky we were joined by a brigade of militia 
from Virginia, commanded by General Leftwitch, and while there, 
our commanding general received orders from Harrison, to send on 
immediately, in advance, under the command of a major, all the 
artillery, munitions, stores, &c, and for our main army to follow in 
a few days. 

" I was ordered to take the charge and command of these, and 
marched immediately, with about three hundred men. 

"On the third or fourth day of our march, we were met by an 
express from General Harrison, informing us of the disastrous de- 
feat of Winchester, at the river Raisin, and that he, Harrison, after 



*Brackenridge. 



1813. NOBLE CONDUCT OF PENNSYLVANIA MILITIA. 897 

burning the public stores, bad retreated to Portage or Carrying 
river, where he required me to join him, with all possible dispatch, 
and for the more rapid movements of the troops, I was required to 
leave the artillery and all other heavy articles in charge of an offi- 
cer. I set out next morning at three o'clock, and arrived at Por- 
tage river that same day, in the evening. There for the first time 
I saw and was placed under the command of General Harrison. 

" Here we remained until joined by the army from Upper San- 
dusky, and then moved on to the Papids of Maumee, at which 
place we continued until the expiration of our term of service. 

" General Harrison now applied to those of the militia who were 
about to return home, for volunteers, to serve for the period of fif- 
teen days, as within that time he expected reinforcements of Ken- 
tucky volunteers and others, and the fort would elsewise be left 
without sufficient men for its defense in case of an attack. Under 
these considerations, about two hundred of us Pennsylvanians volun- 
teered as desired, all as private soldiers, and when the time had 
expired, which was on the 19th of April, 1813, the expected rein- 
forcements having arrived, we were discharged, and left the fort. 

"At this time, several of the officers who had thus volunteered 
the fifteen days, addressed a complimentary letter to the gen- 
eral, expressing our good wishes and confidence entertained for 
him as our commander, to which he replied in the following 
manner : 

" < Camp Meigs, 17th April, 1813. 

" ' The detachment of Pennsylvania militia, under command of 
Major Nelson, which volunteered their services for fifteen days, 
after the 2d inst., having performed their engagements, are 
hereby honorably discharged. The general, on behalf of the gov- 
ernment, gives his thanks to Majors Nelson, Pingland, and Orr, 
and every other officer, non-commissioned officer, and soldier of 
this detachment, for their services and magnanimous conduct upon 
this occasion. The general is too well convinced of the sacrifices 
which many of them have made, by a procrastination of their re- 
turn home, at this critical season of the year, not to believe that 
their conduct on this occasion was the result of the purest patriot- 
ism. The general wishes them all a speedy meeting with their 
families, and a long continuance of that peace and happiness to 
which they have so just a claim.' " 

About the time that Harrison's unsuccessful autumnal and win- 
ter campaign drew to a close, a change took place in the War De- 
partment, and General Armstrong succeeded his incapable friend, 



898 PLAN FOR A NEW CAMPAIGN. 1813. 

Dr. Eustis. Armstrong's views were those of an able soldier ; in 
October, 1812, he had again addressed the government through 
Mr. Gallatin, on the necessity of obtaining command of the lakes,* 
and when raised to power, determined to make naval operations the 
basis of the military movements of the North-West. 

His views in relation to the coming campaign in the "West, were 
based upon two points, viz : the use of regular troops alone, and 
the command of the lakes, which he w T as led to think could be ob- 
tained by the 20th of June. 

Although the views of the secretary, in relation to the non-em- 
ployment of militia, were not, and could not be, adhered to, the 
general plan of merely standing upon the defensive until the com- 
mand of the lake was secured, was persisted in, although it was the 
4th of August, instead of the first of June, before the vessels at Erie 
could leave the harbor in which they had been built. 

Among these defensive operations of the spring and summer of 
1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs, the new post taken by Harrison 
at the Rapids, and that at Lower Sandusky, deserve to be especially 
noticed. It had been anticipated that, with the opening of spring, 
the British would attempt the conquest of the position on the 
Maumee, and measures had been taken by the general to forward 
reinforcements, which were detained, however, as usual, by the 
spring freshets and the bottomless roads. 

As had been expected, on the 28th of April, the English forces 
began the investment of Harrison's camp, and by the 1st of May 
had completed their batteries; meantime, the Americans behind 
their tents had thrown up a bank of earth twelve feet high, and 
upon a basis of twenty feet, behind which the whole garrison with- 
drew the moment that the gunners of the enemy w r ere prepared to 
commence operations. Upon this bank, the ammunition of his 
Majesty was wasted in vain, and down to the 5th, nothing was 
effected by either party. 

On that day, General Clay, with twelve hundred additional 
troops, came down the Maumee in flatboats, and, in accordance 
with orders received from Harrison, detached eight hundred men 
under Colonel Dudley, to attack the batteries upon the left bank of 
the river, while, with the remainder of his forces, he landed upon 
the southern shore, and after some loss and delay, fought his way 
into camp. Dudley, on his part, succeeded perfectly in capturing 



* Armstrong's Notices, i. 177, Note. 



1813. FORT MEIGS BESIEGED. 899 

the batteries, but instead of spiking the cannon, and then instantly 
returning to his boats, he suffered his men to waste their time, and 
skirmish with the Indians, until Proctor was able to cut them off 
from their only chance of retreat ; taken by surprise, and in disor- 
der, the greater part of the detachment became an easy prey, only 
one hundred and fifty of the eight hundred escaping captivity or 
death. 

This sad result was partially, though but little, alleviated by the 
success of a sortie made from the fort by Col. Miller, in which he cap- 
tured and made useless tbe batteries that had been erected south of 
the Maumee. The result of the day's doings had been sad enough for 
the Americans, but still the British general saw in it nothing to 
encourage him ; his cannon had done nothing, and were in fact no 
longer of value ; his Indian allies found it " hard to fight people 
who lived like ground hogs." News of tbe American successes 
below had been received, and additional troops were approaching 
from Ohio and Kentucky. 

Proctor, weighing all things, determined to retreat, and upon the 
9th of May, returned to Maiden. 

Meanwhile, the work of ship building was vigorously going on 
at Erie. " The northern frontier of Pennsylvania and Ohio was at 
that time little better than a wilderness ; supplies and artisans had 
to be brought from the Atlantic coast, and the timber for the 
larger vessels was to be cut fresh from the forest." The rigging 
for all the fleet was brought from Pittsburgh, where Commodore 
Perry contracted for it in person, witb John Irwin and Boyle Ir- 
win, who carried on the rope making separately at that place. 

The Allegheny river this year continued in good keel boat order 
until August, a circumstance so unusual, that it seems providential, 
and thus means were afforded for the conveyance of the manufac- 
tured rigging to Erie, while, if the river had receded as low as 
usual, the fleet could not have been rigged in time for the glorious 
victory that was to follow. 

About the same time, the followers of Proctor again approached 
Fort Meigs, around which they remained for a week, effecting noth- 
ing, though very numerous. The purpose of this second investment 
seems, indeed, rather to have been the diversion of Harrison's atten- 
tion from Erie, and the employment of the immense bauds of Indi- 
ans which the English had gathered at Maiden, than any serious 
blow ; and finding no progress made, Proctor next moved toward 
Sandusky, into the neighborhood of the commander-in-chief. The 
principal stores of Harrison were at Sandusky, while he was hin> 



900 croghan's DEFENSE OF FORT STEPHENSON. 1813. 

self at Seneca, and Major Croghan at Fort Stephenson, or Lower 
Sandusky. This latter post being deemed indefensible against 
heavy cannon, and it being supposed that Proctor would of course 
bring heavy cannon, if he attacked it, the general, and a council of 
war called by him, thought it wisest to abandon it ; but before this 
could be done, after the final determination of the matter, on the 
31st of July, it was rendered impossible by the appearance of the 
enemy, who had secretly ascended the Sandusky river, in open row 
boats, temporarily constructed for the purpose, and were ready for 
immediate action. 

The garrison of the little fort was composed of one hundred and 
fifty men, under a commander just past his twenty-first year, and 
with a single piece of cannon, while the investing force, including 
Tecumthe's Indians, was, it is said, three thousand three hundred 
strong, and with six pieces of artillery, all of them, fortunately, light 
ones. Proctor demanded a surrender, and told the unvarying story 
of the danger of provoking a general massacre by the savages, unless 
the fort was yielded; to all which the representative of young Croghan 
replied by saying that the Indians would have none left to massacre, 
if the British conquered, for every man of the garrison would have 
died at his post. Proctor, upon this, opened his fire, which being 
concentrated upon the north-west angle of the fort, led the com- 
mander to think that it was meant to make a breach there, and 
carry the works by assault : he, therefore, proceeded to strengthen 
that point by bags of sand and flour, while, under cover of night, 
he placed his single six pounder to rake the angle threatened, and 
then, having charged his infant battery with slugs, and hidden it 
from the enemy, he waited the event. During the night of the 1st 
of August, and till late in the evening of the 2d, the firing contin- 
ued upon the devoted north-west corner; then, under cover of the 
smoke and gathering darkness, a column of three hundred and fifty 
men approached unseen, to within twenty paces of the walls. The 
musketry opened upon them, but with little effect — the ditch was 
gained, and in a moment filled with men : at that instant, the 
masked cannon, only thirty feet distant, and so directed as to sweep 
the ditch, was unmasked and fired, killing at once twenty-seven of 
the assailants. The effect was decisive ; the column recoiled, and 
the little fort was saved with the loss of one man. On the next 
morning, the British and their allies, having the fear of Harrison 
before their eyes, were gone, leaving behind them in their haste, 
guns, stores, and clothing. 

According to a British account of this affair, the number engaged 



1818. NAVAL ARMAMENT PREPARING AT ERIE. 901 

on their side is said to be far below that above stated. There were. 



they say, only four hundred regulars of the forty-first regiment, and 
three hundred Indians, with two six-pound cannon. There were 
ninety to ninety-three killed at the fort, and in all about one hun- 
dred men lost. 

The ship building going forward at Erie during this time had 
not been unknown to, or disregarded by the English, who proposed 
all in good time to destroy the vessels upon which so much de- 
pended, and to appropriate the stores of the republicans: "The 
ordnance and naval stores you require," said Sir George Prevostto 
General Proctor, " must be taken from the enemy, whose resources 
on Lake Erie must become yours. I am much mistaken if you do 
not find Captain Barclay disposed to play that game." Captain 
Barclay was an experienced, brave, and able seaman, and was wait- 
ing anxiously for a sufficient body of troops to be spared him, in 
order to attack Erie with success. A sufficient force was promised 
him against July, at which time the British fleet went down the 
lake to reconnoiter, and if it were wise, to make the proposed at- 
tempt upon the Americans at Erie. 

Perry, and his gallant officers and men were prepared to make 
some resistance, even before the vessels were built ; but his main 
protection was from the north-western Pennsylvania militia, which 
was constantly held in readiness to repel any attack that might be 
made : the county of Erie militia particularly, who were called nearly 
every week during June and July. 

Notwithstanding all this watchfulness, by a very extraordinary 
and happy coincidence, the British had disappeared from the vicin- 
ity of the harbor at the very time when Perry was ready to take 
his new fleet over the bar. What was the cause of their absence 
has never been satisfactorily ascertained. This, and* the unusual 
navigation of the Allegheny river, may be considered as among the 
first circumstances in the war, after a series of reverses, that were 
favorable to the Americans. 

On the 2d of August, the fleet was equipped, but there being 
difiiculty in getting some of the vessels over the bar, it required 
two days, (until the 4th,) to get them all clear. For this purpose 
it was necessary to dismount most of the guns, and to protect the 
fleet at this time, when it was in a most helpless condition, and 
might otherwise have become a prey to the enemy, had he been 
on the spot, as anticipated, a very large force of militia was col- 
lected in the vicinity, whose services, however, were fortunately 
not needed. 



902 PERRY MEETS AND ATTACKS THE ENEMY. 1813. 

Having sailed on the 4th in quest of the enemy, and not finding 
him, Perry returned on the 8th, took in some reinforcements, and 
sailed again on the 12th ; on the 15th he anchored in the hay of San- 
dusky. After receiving some farther reinforcements here, he again 
set sail in quest of the enemy, and after cruising off Maiden, he 
retired to Put-in-Bay. His fleet consisted of the brig Lawrence, 
his flag vessel, of twenty guns ; the Niagara, of twenty ; the Cale- 
donia, of three; the schooner Ariel, of four; the Scorpion, of two ; 
the Somers, of two guns and two swivels ; the sloop Trippe, and 
schooners Tigress and Porcupine, of one gun each ; amounting in 
all to nine vessels, fifty-four guns, and two swivels. The British 
had three vessels less than the Americans, but their superior size, 
and the number of their guns, counterbalanced this advantage.* 

On the morning of the 10th of September, our commander dis- 
covered the enemy bearing down upon him, and immediately 
prepared to fight. 

Of the contest, Perry's own account is submitted : 

"United States schooner Ariel, Put-in-Bay, ) 
13th September, 1813. J 

"At sunrise on the morning of the 10th, the enemy's vessels were 
discovered from Put-in-Bay, where I lay at anchor with the squadron 
under my command. 

"We got under weigh, the wind light at S. W. and stood for 
them. At 10, A. M. the wind hauled to S. E. and brought us to 
windward; formed the line and brought up. At fifteen minutes 
before twelve, the enemy commenced firing; at ■Q.ve minutes before 
twelve, the action commenced on our part. Finding their fire 
very destructive, owing to their long guns, and it being mostly 
directed to the Lawrence, I made sail, and directed the other 
vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with the enemy. Every 
brace and bow line being shot away, she became unmanageable, 
notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing master. 

"In this situation she sustained the action upward of two hours, 
within canister shot distance, until every gun was rendered useless, 
and a greater part of the crew either killed or wounded. Finding 
she could no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieu- 
tenant Yarnall, who, I was convinced, from the bravery already 
displayed by him, would do what would comport with the honor 
of the flag. 



Brackenridge. 



1813. PERRY CONQUERS THE ENEMY. " 903 

"At half past two, the wind springing up, Captain Elliott was 
enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly into close action; 
I immediately went on board of her, when he anticipated my wish 
by volunteering to bring the schooners which had been kept astern 
by the lightness of the wind, into close action. 

"It was with unspeakable pain that I saw, soon after I got on 
board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence come down, although 
I was perfectly sensible that she had been defended to the last, and 
that to have continued to make a show of resistance would have 
been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of her brave crew. But the 
enemy was not able to take possession of her, and circumstances 
soon permitted her flag to be hoisted. 

"At forty-five minutes past two, the signal was made for ' close 
action.' The Niagara being very little injured, I determined to 
pass through the enemy's line, bore up and passed ahead of their 
two ships and a brig, giving a raking fire to them from the star- 
board guns, and to a large schooner and sloop, from the larboard 
side, at half pistol shot distance. 

" The smaller vessels at this time having got within grape and 
canister distance, under the direction of Captain Elliott, and keep- 
ing up a well directed fire, the two ships, a brig, and a schooner, 
surrendered, a schooner and sloop making a vain attempt to 
escape. 

" Those officers and men who were immediately under my ob- 
servation evinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no doubt that 
all others conducted themselves as became American officers and 
seamen."* 

Meanwhile the American army had received its reinforcements, 
and was only waiting the expected victory of the fleet to embark. 

On the 27th of September, it set sail for the shore of Canada, 
and in a few hours stood around the ruins of the deserted and 
wasted Maiden, from which Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, 
intending to make his way to the heart of Canada, by the valley 
of the Thames. f On the 29th, Harrison was at Sandwich, and 
McArthur took possession of Detroit and the territory of Michigan. 
At this point Colonel Johnson's mounted rifle regiment, which 
had gone up the west side of the river, rejoined the main army. 

On the 2d of October, the Americans began their march in 



* American State Papers, xiv. 295. For Perry's Letters see Niles' Register, v. 60 to 62. 
f See official accounts in Niles' Register, v. 117. 



904 BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 1813. 

pursuit of Proctor, whom they overtook upon the 5th. He had 
posted his army with its left resting upon the river, while the right 
flank was defended hy a marsh ; the ground between the river and 
the marsh was divided lengthwise by a smaller swamp, so as to 
make two distinct fields in which the troops were to operate. The 
British were in two lines, occupying the field between the river 
and small swamp ; the Indians extended from the small to the large 
morass, the ground being suitable to their mode of warfare, and 
unfavorable for cavalry. 

Harrison at first ordered the mounted Kentuckians to the left of 
the American army, that is, to the field furthest from the river, in 
order to act against the Indians, while with his infantry formed in 
three lines and strongly protected on the left flank to secure it 
against the savages, he proposed to meet the British troops them- 
selves. Before the battle commenced, however, he learned two 
facts, which induced him to change his plans ; one was the bad 
nature of the ground on his left for the operations of horse ; the 
other was the open order of the English regulars, which made 
them liable to a fatal attack by cavalry. Learning these things, 
Harrison, but whether upon his own suggestion or not, is un- 
known, ordered Colonel Johnston with his mounted men to charge, 
and try to break the regular troops, by passing through their 
ranks and forming in their rear. In arranging to do this, Johnson 
found the space between the river and small swamp too narrow for 
all his men to act in with effect; so, dividing them, he gave the 
right hand body opposite the regulars in charge to his brother 
James, while crossing the swamp with the remainder, he himself 
led the way against Tecumthe and his savage followers. The 
charge of James Johnson was perfectly successful ; the Kentucki- 
ans received the fire of the British, broke through their ranks, and 
forming beyond them, produced such a panic by the novelty of the 
attack, that the whole body of troops yielded at once. 

On the left the Indians fought more obstinately, and the horse- 
men were forced to dismount, but in ten minutes Tecumthe was 
dead,* and his followers, who had learned the fate of their allies, 
soon gave up the contest. In half an hour all was over, except 
the pursuit of Proctor, who had fled at the onset. The whole num- 
ber in both armies was about five thousand, the whole number 
killed, less than forty, so entirely was the affair decided by panic. 



*As to who killed Tecumthe, see Drake's life of that chief, p. 199 to 219. 



1813. BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 905 

To this outline of the battle of the Thames, is added a part of Har- 
rison's official statement : 

" The troops at my disposal consisted of about one hundred and 
twenty regulars of the twenty-seventh regiment, five brigades of 
Kentucky volunteer militia infantry, under his Excellency, Gover- 
nor Shelby, averaging less than five hundred men, and Colonel 
Johnson's regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole an 
aggregate something above three thousand. 

"No disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian force, can be 
safe unless it is secured on the flanks, and in the rear. I had, 
therefore, no difficulty in arranging the infantry conformably to my 
general order of battle. 

" G-eneral Trotter's brigade of iive hundred men, formed the 
front line, his right upon the road, and his left upon the swamp. 
General King's brigade as a second line, one hundred and fifty 
yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles' brigade as a corps of re- 
serve, in the rear of it. These three brigades formed the command 
of Major-General Henry; the whole of General Desha's division, 
consisting of two brigades, were formed en potence upon the left of 
Trotter. 

" Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had directed 
Colonel Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, to be formed 
in two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon the advance of the 
infantry, to take ground to the left, and forming upon that flank, 
to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. 

"A moment's reflection, however, convinced me that from the 
tbickness of the woods, and swampiness of the ground, they would 
be unable to do anything on horseback, and there was no time to 
dismount them, and place their horses in security; I therefore de- 
termined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British 
lines at once, by a charge of the mounted infantry: the measure 
was not sanctioned by any thing that I had seen or heard of, but I 
was fully convinced that it would succeed. 

" The American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than any 
other people. A musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being 
accustomed to carry them on horseback from their earliest youth. 
I was persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared 
for the shock, and that they could not resist it. Conformably to 
this idea, I directed the regiment to be drawn up in close column, 
with its rigbt at the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that it 
might be in some measure protected by the trees from the artil- 
58 



906 BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 1813, 

lery,) its left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon 
as the enemy delivered their fire. 

" The few regular troops of the twenty-seventh regiment, under 
their Colonel (Paull,) occupied, in column of sections of four, the 
small space between the road and the river, for the purpose of seiz- 
ing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly Indians 
were directed to move under the bank. The crochet formed by 
the front line, and General Desha's division, was an important 
point. At that place, the venerable governor of Kentucky was 
posted, who, at the age of sixty-six, preserves all the vigor of youth, 
the ardent zeal which distinguished him in the Revolutionary 
war, and the undaunted bravery which he manifested at King's 
Mountain. 

"With my aids-de-camp, the acting assistant Adjutant- General, 
Captain Butler, my gallant friend Commodore Perry, who did me 
the honor to serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and Brigadier- 
General Cass, who having no command, tendered me his assis- 
tance, I placed myself at the head of the front line of infantry, to 
direct the movements of the cavalry, and give them the necessary 
support. 

" The army had moved on in this order but a short distance, 
when the mounted men received the fire of the British line, and 
were ordered to charge; the horses in front of the column recoiled 
from the fire ; another was given by the enemy, and our column at 
length getting in motion, broke through the enemy with irresis- 
tible force. In one minute the contest in front was over ; the Bri- 
tish officers seeing no hopes of reducing their disordered ranks to 
order, and our mounted men wheeling upon them, and pouring in 
a destructive fire, immediately surrendered. It is certain that three 
only of our troops were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, 
however, the contest was more severe with the Indians. 

"Colonel Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, 
received a most galling fire from them, which was returned with 
great effect. The Indians still further to the right advanced, and 
fell in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with Desha's 
division, and for a moment made an impression upon it. 

" His Excellency, Governor Shelby, however, brought up a regi- 
ment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe fire in front, 
and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, retreated 
w 7 ith precipitation. Their loss was very considerable in the action, 
and many were killed in their retreat." 



1813. BLOCK-HOUSES BUILT ON MISSISSIPPI. 907 

Those who wish to see a fuller account, are referred to the 
authorities below, many of which are easily accessible.* 

The rule of the British over the lower peninsula of Michigan, 
which had lasted from August, 1812, to October, 1813, was now at 
an end, and the American eagle again floated over the territory and 
the lakes in the majestic consciousness of his power. This for the 
present closes the events of the war in the North-West, which, 
during the year under consideration, were fraught with interest, 
and embraced some of the most important incidents in the history 
of the Union. 

Yet there was another section of country that now deserves 
attention. This is the region of the Upper Mississippi, above its 
juncture with the Ohio river, which was then called the "Far 
West," and which, if its wild prairies, noble waters and majestic 
forests were indeed as yet, little more than a wilderness almost 
unreclaimed — the haunts of wild animals and wilder savages — was 
yet even then resounding with the woodsman's axe, that, like a 
prophet's voice, proclaimed its future destiny, of speedily rising 
into significance and importance, till now it is the " Far West" no 
longer, but is becoming more and more nearly the center of civili- 
zation in our Union. 

The year 1813 opened with gloomy prospects for these far-off 
and exposed territories. * There were steps taken to protect the 
feeble settlements about the juncture of the three great rivers, (the 
Mississippi, the Missouri and Illinois,) from the depredations of 
the savages. The following items, taken from the Missouri Gazette, 
of St. Louis, which was the first newspaper ever published west of 
the Mississippi, will show what these were : 

''We have now nearly finished twenty-two family forts, (sta- 
tions,) extending from the Mississippi, nearly opposite Bellefon- 
taine, (mouth of the Missouri,) to the Kaskaskia river, a distance 
of about seventy-five miles. Between each fort, spies are to pass 
and repass daily, and communicate throughout the whole line, 
which will be extended to the United States Saline, and from 
thence to the mouth of the Ohio. 

"Rangers and mounted militia, to the amount of Rve hundred 
men, constantly scour the country from twenty to fifty miles in 
advance of our settlements, so that wp feel perfectly easy as to an 



* Niks' Begister, Dawson's Life of Harrison, Drake's Tecumthe, &c. 



908 PREDATORY WARFARE ON MISSISSIPPI. 1813. 

attack from our 'red brethren,' as Mr. Jefferson very lovingly calls 
them." 

Notwithstanding these measures, predatory warfare from excur- 
sion of Indians was carried on throughout all of this and the next 
year, over this whole region of country. 

"About this time, Benjamin Howard, Governor of Missouri Ter- 
ritory, resigned the office, and accepted the commission of Briga- 
dier-General, to command the rangers of both territories." 

"Fort Madison, above the lower rapids of Mississippi, was subject 
to repeated attacks from the Sacs, Foxes and Winnebagoes. 

"On the 16th of July, the enemy carried a block house, lately 
erected, to command a ravine in which the Indians had taken ad- 
vantage in all their attacks upon this place; they kept up a lire on 
the garrison for about two hours. This is the ninth or tenth ren- 
contre that has taken place on our frontier, between the 4th and 
17th of this month." 

Amongst the British traders that had great influence over the 
northern Indians, was an individual named Dickson, who, previous 
to this period, had stationed himself at Prairie du Chien, and fur- 
nished the savages with large supplies of goods and munitions of 
war. Dickson had the manners and appearance of a gentleman, 
but doubtless, as did many other British subjects, who anticipated 
a war between Great Britain and the United States, felt himself 
authorized to enlist Indians as partisans. 

An editorial in the same paper gives some important facts con- 
cerning Prairie du Chien, and the resources at the trading posts 
in Wisconsin, for supplying both British and Indians in their hos- 
tilities. 

"Last winter we endeavored to turn the attention of govern- 
ment toward Prairie du Chien, a position which we ought to 
occupy, by establishing a military post at the village, or on the 
Ouisconsin, four miles below. 

"For several months we have not been able to procure any other 
than Indian information from the Prairie, the enemy having cut 
off all communication with us ; but we are persuaded that perma- 
nent subsistence can be obtained for one thousand regular troops 
in the upper lake country. 

"At Prairie du Chien there are about fifty families, most of whom 
are engaged in agriculture; their common field is four miles long, 
by half a mile in breadth. Besides this field they have three sepa- 
rate farms of considerable extent, and twelve horse mills to manu- 
facture their produce. 



1813. GENEKAL HOWARD'S EXPEDITION. 909 

"At the village of L'abre Croche, an immense quantity of corn 
is raised ; from thence to Milwaukie, on Lake Michigan, there are 
several villages where corn is grown extensively. These supplies, 
added to the fine fish which abound in the lakes and rivers, will 
furnish the enemy's garrison with provisions in abundance. 

"Our little garrison on the Mississippi, half way up to the 
Prairie, (now Bellevue, Iowa,) has taught the Indians a few lessons 
on prudence. With about thirty effective men, those brave and 
meritorious soldiers, Lieutenant Hamilton and Yasquez, in a 
wretched pen, improperly called a fort, beat off five hundred sav- 
ages of the North- West." 

The following items are quoted from the Hon. John Reynolds : 

" During the campaign in the summer and autumn of 1813, all 
the companies of rangers from Illinois and Missouri were under 
the command of General Howard. Large parties of hostile Indi- 
ans were known to have collected about Peoria, and scouting par- 
ties traversed the district between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 
then an entire wilderness. 

" It was from these marauding parties that the frontier settle- 
ments of Illinois and Missouri were harassed. It became an 
object of no small importance, to penetrate the country over which, 
they ranged, and establish a fort at Peoria, and then drive them to 
the northern wilderness. 

" The rendezvous for the Illinois regiment was ' Camp Russel,' 
two miles north of Edwardsville. Thence they removed a short 
march, and encamped on the Mississippi, near the mouth of Piasa, 
apposite Portage des Sioux. Here they remained three weeks, 
waiting the arrival of the Missouri troops, who crossed the river 
from Fort Mason. The baggage and men of this party were trans- 
ported in canoes, and the horses made to swim. The whole force 
from the two territories, when collected, made up of the rangers, 
volunteers, and militia, amounted to about fourteen hundred men. 

"After the middle of September, they commenced the march, 
and swam their horses over the Illinois river, about two miles above 
the mouth. On the high ground in Calhoun county, they had a 
skirmish with a party of Indians. 

" The army marched for a number of days along the Mississippi 
bottom. On or near the site of Quincy, was a large Sac village, 
and an encampment that must have contained several hundred 
warriors. It appeared to have been deserted but a short period. 

" The army continued its march near the Mississippi, some dis- 
tance above the Lower Rapids, and then struck across the prairies 



910 GENERAL HOWARD'S EXPEDITION. 1813. 

for the Illinois river, which they reached below the mouth 
of Spoon river, and marched to Peoria village. Here was a small 
stockade, commanded by Colonel Nicholas, of the United States 
army. 

"Two days previous, the Indians had made an attack on the fort, 
and were repulsed. The army, on its march from the Mississippi 
to the Illinois river, found numerous fresh trails, all passing 
northward, which indicated that the savages were fleeing in that 
direction. 

"Next morning the general marched his troops to the Senatchwine, 
a short distance above the head of Peoria lake, where was an old 
Indian town, called Gomo's village. Here they found the enemy 
had taken water, and ascended the Illinois. This, and two other 
villages, were burnt. 

"Finding no enemy to fight, the army was marched back to Pe- 
oria, to assist the regular troops in building Fort Clark, so denom- 
inated in memory of the old hero of 1778; and Major Christy, with 
a party, was ordered to ascend the river with two keel boats, duly 
armed and protected, to the foot of the rapids, and break up any 
Indian establishments that might be in that quarter. Major Boone, 
with a detachment, was dispatched to scour the country on Spoon 
river, in the direction of Rock river. 

" The rangers and militia passed to the east side of the Illinois, 
cut timber, which they hauled on truck-wheels, by drag ropes, to 
the lake, and rafted it across. The fort was erected by the regular 
troops, under Captain Phillips. In preparing the timber, the ran- 
gers and militia were engaged about two weeks. 

" Major Christy and the boats returned from the rapids without 
any discovery, except additional proofs of the alarm and fright of 
the enemy, and Major Boone returned with his force with the same 
observations. 

"It was the plan of General Howard to return by a tour through 
the Rock river valley, but the cold weather set in unusually early. 
By the middle of October it was intensely cold, the troops had no 
clothing for a winter campaign, and their horses would, in all prob- 
ability, fail. The Indians had evidently fled a long distance in the 
interior, so that, all things considered, he resolved to return the 
direct route to Camp Russell, where the militia and volunteers 
were disbanded, on the 22d of October. Supplies of provisions, 
and munitions of war had been sent to Peoria in boats, which had 
reached there a few days previous to the army. 

"It may seem to those who delight in tales of fighting and blood- 



1814. FORTS BUILT ON UPPER MISSISSIPPI. 911 

shed, that this expedition was a very insignificant affair. Very few 
Indians were killed, very little lighting done, but one or two of the 
army were lost, and yet as a means of protecting the frontier settle- 
ments of these territories, it was most efficient, and gave at least six 
months quiet to the people. After this, the Indians shook their 
heads and said, 'White men like the leaves in the forest — like the 
grass in the prairies — they grow everywhere.' 

The following additional items are taken from the Missouri 
1814.] Gazette: 

"During this season strenuous efforts were made by the small 
force at command, to plant forts along the Upper Mississippi. The 
general rendezvous was at Cape au Gris, an old French hamlet on 
the left bank of the Mississippi, a few miles above the mouth of 
the Illinois river. Armed boats were used for the purpose of 
transporting the necessary materials, men and stores. 

"About the 1st of May, Governor Clark fitted out five barges, 
with fifty regular troops and one hundred and forty volunteers, and 
left St. Louis on an expedition to Prairie du Chien. On the 13th 
of June, the Governor, with several gentlemen who accompanied 
him, returned with one of the barges, having left the officers and 
troops to erect Fort Shelby and maintain the position. 

" No Indians molested the party till they reached Rock river, 
where they had a skirmish with some hostile Sauks. The Foxes 
resided at Dubuque, and professed to be peaceable, and promised 
to fight on the American side. 

"Twenty days before the expedition reached Prairie du Chien, 
the British trader, Dickson, left that place for Mackinac, with 
eighty Winnebagoes, one hundred and twenty Follsavoine, and one 
hundred Sioux, probably as recruits for the British army along the 
lake country. He had gained information of the expedition of 
Governor Clark from his Indian spies, and had left Captain Deace 
with a body of Mackinac fencibles, with orders to protect the 
place. 

"The Sioux and Penards, (Foxes,) having refused to fight the 
Americans, Deace and his soldiers fled. The inhabitants also fled 
into the country, but returned as soon as they learned they were 
not to be injured. A temporary defense was immediately erect- 
ed. Lieutenant Perkins, with sixty rank and file from Major Z. 
Taylor's company of the 7th regiment, took possession of the house 
occupied by the Mackinac Fur Company, in which they found nine 
or ten trunks of Dickson's property, with his papers and corres- 
pondence. 



912 Campbell's disaster at rock island. 1814. 

"The farms of Prairie du Chien are in high cultivation ; between 
two and three hundred barrels of flour may be manufactured there 
this season, besides a vast quantity of corn. 

"Two of the largest boats were left in command of Aid de-Camp 
Kennedy, and Captains Sullivan and Yeizer, whose united forces 
amount to one hundred and thirty-five men. The regulars, under 
command of Lieutenant Perkins, are stationed on shore, and are 
assisted by the volunteers in building the new fort. 

"About the last of June, Captain John Sullivan, with a com- 
pany of militia, and some volunteers whose term of service had 
expired, returned from Prairie du Chien, and reported that the fort 
was finished, the boats well manned and barricaded; that the 
Indians were hovering around, and had taken prisoner a French- 
man while hunting his horses. The boats employed, carried six 
pounder on their main decks, and several howitzers on the quarters 
and gangways. The men were protected by a musket proof barri- 
cade. 

" Soon after the return of Governor Clark from Prairie du Chien, 
it was thought expedient by General Howard to send up a force 
to relieve the volunteer troops, and strengthen that remote post. 
He therefore sent Lieutenant Campbell, (who was acting as Brigade 
Major,) and three keel boats, with forty-two regulars, and sixty-six 
rangers; and including the sutler's establishment, boatmen and 
women, making one hundred and thirty-three persons. They 
reached Rock river without difficulty, but at the foot of the rapids, 
they were visited by large numbers of Sauks and Foxes, pretend- 
ing to be friendly, and some of them bearing letters from the gar- 
rison above to St. Louis. In a short time the contractors and 
sutler's boats had reached the head of the rapids; the two barges 
with the rangers followed, and were about two miles ahead of the 
commander's barge. Here a gale of wind arose and the barge 
drifted against the shore; therefore he thought proper to lie by 
until the wind abated ; sentries were stationed at proper distances, 
and the men were on the shore cookings when the report of several 
guns announced the attack. 

"The savages were seen on shore in quick motion; canoes filled 
with Indians passed from an opposite island; and in a few moments 
they found themselves nearly surrounded with five or six hundred 
Indians, who gave the war-whoop and poured upon them a galling 
fire. The barges ahead, commanded by Captains Rector and 
Riggs, attempted to return, but one got stranded on the rapids ; 
the other, to prevent a similar disaster^ let go an anchor. The 



1814. BRITISH TAKE FORT SHELBY. 913 

rangers from both these barges opened a brisk fire on the Indians. 
The unequal contest was kept up for more than an hour; the 
Indians firing from the island and the shore under cover, when the 
commander's barge took fire. Captain Rector cut his cable, fell 
to windward, and took out the survivors. Captain Riggs soon 
after followed with his barge, and all returned to St. Louis. 

"There were three regulars, four rangers, one woman and one 
child, killed; and sixteen wounded, among whom were Major 
Campbell and Dr. Stewart, severely." 

On the 6th of August, the Gazette, (the authority for these 
details,) states : 

" Just as we had put our paper to press, Lieutenant Perkins, 
with the troops which composed the garrison at Prairie du Chien, 
arrived here. Lieutenant Perkins fought the combined force of 
British and Indians three days and nights, until they approached the 
pickets by mining ; provisions, ammunition and water were expen- 
ded, when he capitulated. The officers to keep their private pro- 
perty, and the whole not to serve until duly exchanged. Five of 
our troops were wounded during the siege." 

In a letter from Captain Yeizer, to Governor Clark, dated, St. 
Louis, July 28th, 1814, is found the following statement: 

"Captain Y. commanded one of the gun-boats, a keel-boat fitted up 
in the manner heretofore described. On the 17th July, at half past 
one o'clock, from twelve to fifteen hundred British and Indians, 
marched up in full view of the fort and the town, and demanded a 
surrender, 'which demand was positively refused.' 

" They attacked Mr. Yeizer's boat at three o'clock, at long-shot 
distance. He returned the compliment by firing round-shot from 
his six pounder, which made them change their position to a small 
mound nearer the boat. At the same time the Indians were firing 
from behind the houses and pickets. The boat then moved up the 
river to the head of the village; keeping up a constant discharge of 
fire-arms and artillery, which was answered by the enemy from the 
shore. 

" The enemy's boats then crossed the river below, to attack the 
Americans from the opposite side of the river. A galling fire 
from opposite points was now kept up by the enemy, on this boat, 
until the only alternative was left for Captain Yeizer to run the 
boat through the enemy's lines to a point five miles below ; keep- 
ing up a brisk fire. 

"In the meantime, another gun-boat that lay on shore, was fired 
on until it took fire and was burnt. In Captain Yeizer's boat, two 
officers and four privates were wounded, and one private killed* 



914 TAYLOR DEFEATED AT UPPER RAPIDS. 1814. 

" The British and Indians were commanded by Colonel McCay, 
(or Mackay,) who came in boats from Mackinac, by Green Bay 
and the Wisconsin, with artillery. Their report gives from one 
hundred and sixty to two hundred regulars, and 'Michigan fenci- 
bles,' and about eight hundred Indians. They landed their artil- 
lery below the town and fort, and formed a battery; attacking the 
forts and the boats at the same time. 

"After Captain Yeizer's boat had been driv.en from its anchor- 
age, sappers and miners began operations in the bank, one hundred 
and fifty yards from the fort. Lieutenant Perkins held out while 
hope lasted. In the fort were George and James Kennedy — the 
former an aid to Governor Clark ; the latter a Lieutenant in the 
militia." 

"A detachment, under command of Major Taylor, left Cape au 
Gris, on the 23d of August, in boats, for the Indian town at Rock 
river. The detachment consisted of three hundred and thirty-four 
effective men, officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates. A 
report from the commanding officer to General Howard, dated from 
Fort Madison, September 6th, and published in the ' Missouri Ga- 
zette ' of the 17th, gives the details of the expedition. 

" They met with no opposition until they reached Rock Island, 
where Indian villages were situated on both sides of the river, above 
and below the rapids. The object was to destroy these villages 
and the fields of corn. They continued up the rapids to Campbell's 
Island, so named from the commander of one of the boats — from 
some hard fighting his detachment had with the Indians. The 
policy of the commanding officer was to commence with the upper 
villages, and sweep both sides of the river. 

" But the policy was interrupted by a party of British, and more 
than a thousand Indians, with a six and a three pounder, as was 
believed, brought from Prairie du Chien. Captains Whiteside and 
Rector, and the men under their charge, with Lieutenant Edward 
Hempstead, who commanded a boat, fought the enemy bravely for 
several hours as they descended the rapids. The danger consisted 
in the enemy's shot sinking the boats, and they were compelled to 
fall down below the rapids to repair. 

" I then called the officers together, and put to them the follow- 
ing question : 'Are we able, three hundred and thirty-four effective 
men, to fight the enemy, with any prospect of success and effect, 
which is to destroy their villages and corn ? ' They were of opinion 
the enemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not prac- 
ticable to effect either object. 



1814. FORT MADISON BURNT. 915 

" I then determined to drop down the river to the Des Moines, 
without delay, as some of the officers of the rangers informed me 
their men were short of provisions, and execute the principal object 
of the expedition, in erecting a fort to command the river. 

"In the affair at Rock river, I had eleven men badly wounded, 
three mortally, of whom one has since died. 

"I am much indebted to the officers for their prompt obedience 
to orders, nor do I believe a braver set of men could have been 
collected, than those who compose this detachment. But, sir, I 
conceive it would have been madness in me, as well as in direct 
violation of my orders, to have risked the detachment without a 
prospect of success. 

" I believe I would have been fully able to have accomplished 
your views, if the enemy had not been supplied with artillery, and 
so advautageously posted, as to render it impossible for us to have 
dislodged him, without imminent danger of the loss of the whole 
detachment.' 

"Had Major Taylor known the real strength of the enemy, he 
would not have retreated, as it was soon afterward discovered that 
there were only three individual Britons present, with one small 
field piece. 

"Fort Madison, after sustaining repeated attacks from the Indi- 
ans, was evacuated and burnt. And in the month of October, the 
people of St. Louis were astounded with the intelligence that the 
troops stationed in Fort Johnston, had burnt the block-houses, de- 
stroyed the works, and retreated down the river to Cape au Gres. 
The officer in command, (Major Taylor having previously left that 
post,) reported they were out of provisions, and could not sustain 
the position. It should be here noticed, that the defeat of the In- 
dians in the battle of the Thames, drove back a large force of hos- 
tile savages to the Mississippi. 

"Fort Johnston, a rough stockade with block-houses of round 
logs, was then erected on the present site of the town of Warsaw, 
opposite the mouth of the Des Moines. 

"On the 18th of September, General Benjamin Howard, whose 
military district extended from the interior of Indiana to the fron- 
tier of Mexico, died in St. Louis. 

"The Boone's Lick settlement, near and about the Missouri 
river, at the commencement of the war with Great Britain, num- 
bered about one hundred and fifty families. The governor of the 
territory considered them beyond the organized jurisdiction of any 
county, and for about four years the only authority over them was 



916 HANGERS ON MISSOURI RIVER. 1814. 

patriarchal. The state of society was orderly, and the habits of the 
people back-woods fashion, "neighbor-like " The force of public 
sentiment regulated society. 

"The people erected five stockade temporary forts, at as many 
different locations, calculated to repel the prowling savages, and 
secure their own safety. "When immediate danger was appre- 
hended, the families repaired to these stockades, but the citizen 
soldiers, besides ranging in advance of the forts after the enemy, 
had to hunt game for provisions, and cultivate the land for corn. 
As much of their stock was killed or driven off by the early incur- 
sions of the enemy, the terms 'bear bacon,' and 'hog-meat,' were 
inserted in contracts for provisions in those days. 

"Large enclosures near the forts were occupied for corn-fields, in 
common; and frequently sentinels stood on the borders of the field, 
while their neighbors turned the furrow. Skirmishes with parties 
of Indians were frequent. 

"If they threatened the fort while the detachments were in the 
corn-field, or on the hunting range, the sound of the horn was the 
rallying signal. 

"At the village of Cote Sans Dessein, the Creole French and 
Americans together erected a block-house and pallisade enclosure, 
to protect the families. The principal person in command was a 
resolute Frenchman, by the name of Baptiste Louis Roy. The fort 
was assailed by a large party of Indians, when only two men be- 
sides Captain Roy, with many women and children, were in it. 

"The women cast bullets, cut patches, loaded rifles, and furnished 
refreshments, while Roy and his two soldiers defended the post, 
until fourteen braves were numbered as slain. The Indians at- 
tempted to set the house on fire, by shooting arrows armed with 
combustible materials, but the resolute women put out the fire. 
The defense proved successful, and M. Roy, at a period subsequent 
to the war, received a costly rifle from the young men at St. Louis 
for his gallant behavior. 

"After about two years of hard fighting, 'on their own hook,' to 
use a western figure, application was made to the governor, and a 
detachment of rangers under General Henry Dodge, was sent to 
their relief. The mounted men, (rangers,) included the companies 
of Captain John Thompson, of St. Louis, Captain Daugherty, of 
Cape Girardeau, and Captain Cooper, of the Boone's Lick settle- 
ment, with fifty Shawanese and Delaware Indians; the whole 
amounting to three hundred men. 

" They marched to the village of the Miamies, took about four 



1814. ATTEMPT TO TAKE MACKINAC. 917 

hundred men, women and children prisoners, and sent them to 
their nation, on the Wabash." 

As before told, the battle of the Thames practically closed the 
1814.] war in the North-West. The nominal operations of this 
year were as follows : 

First, was undertaken an expedition into Canada, in February, 
by Captain Holmes, a gallant young officer, whose career closed 
soon after. In the previous month the enemy had taken post again 
upon the Thames, not far above the field of Proctor's defeat. 
Holmes directed his movements against this point. 

Before he reached it, however, he learned that a much stronger 
force than his own was advancing to meet him, and taking up an 
eligible position upon a hill, he proceeded to fortify his camp, and 
waited their approach. They surrounded and attacked his en- 
trenchments with great spirit, but being met with an obstinacy and 
courage equal to their own, and losing very largely from the well 
directed lire of the unexposed Americans, the British were forced to 
retreat again, without any result of consequence to either party.* 

Second, a fruitless attempt was made by the Americans to retake 
Mackinac. It had been proposed to do this in the autumn of 
1813, after the battle of the Thames, but one of the storms, which 
at that season are so often met with upon the lakes — by obliging 
the vessels that were bringing stores from below to throw over the 
baggage and provisions, defeated the undertaking. Early in the 
following April, the expedition up Lake Huron was once more 
talked of; the purpose being twofold, to capture Mackinac, and to 
destroy certain vessels which it was said the English were building 
in Gloucester bay, at the south-east extremity of the lake. This 
plan, however, was also abandoned; in part, from the want of 
men ; in part, from a belief that Great Britain did not, as had been 
supposed, intend to make an effort to regain the command of the 
upper lakes ; and also, in part, from a misunderstanding between 
General Harrison and Colonel Croghan, who commanded at 
Detroit, on the one hand, and the Secretary of War on the other. 

General Armstrong had seen fit to pass by both the officers 
named, and to direct his communications to Major Holmes, their 
junior, a breach of military etiquette that offended them both, and 
in connection with other matters of a similar kind, led General 



* M'Afee, 441 to 444. — Holmes' own account is in Nil.es' Register, Yi. 115. 



918 MAJOR HOLMES KILLED AT MACKINAC. 1814. 

Harrison to resign his post.* !No sooner, however, had the plan 
of April been abandoned, than it was revived again, in consequence 
of new information as to the establishment at Gloucester bay, or 
properly, at Mackadash. 

In consequence of the orders issued upon the 2d of June, seven 
hundred and fifty men, under Colonel Croghan, embarked in the 
American squadron, commanded by Sinclair, and upon the 12th of 
July, entered Lake Huron. After spending a week in a vain effort 
to get into Mackadash, in order to destroy the imaginary vessels 
there building, the fleet sailed to St. Joseph's, which was found de- 
serted ; thence a small party was sent to St. Mary's falls, while the 
remainder of the forces steered for Mackinac. 

At the former point the trading house was destroyed, and the 
goods seized ; at Mackinac, the result was far different. The troops 
landed upon the west of the island, upon the 4th of August, but 
after a severe action, in which Major Holmes and eleven others 
were killed, still found themselves so situated as to lead Croghan 
to abandon the attempt to prosecute the attack; and Mackinac was 
left in possession of the enemy. 

Having failed in this effort it was determined by the American 
leaders to make an attempt to capture the schooner Nancy, which 
was conveying supplies to the island fortress. In this, or rather 
in effecting the destruction of the vessel, they succeeded, and hav- 
ing left Lieutenant Turner, to prevent any other provisions from 
Canada reaching Mackinac, the body of the fleet sailed for Detroit, 
which it reached, shattered and thinned by tempests. 

Meanwhile the crew of the Nancy, who had escaped, passed over 
to Mackinac in a boat which they found, and an expedition was at 
once arranged by Lieutenant Worsley, who had commanded them, 
for frustrating all the plans of Croghan and Sinclair. Taking with 
him seventy or eighty men in boats, he first attacked and captured 
the Tigress, an American vessel lying off St. Joseph's ; the next, 
sailing down the lake in the craft thus taken, easily made the three 
vessels under Turner, his own. In this enterprise, therefore, the 
Americans failed signally, at every point. f 

In the third place, an attempt was made to control the tribes of the 
Upper Mississippi by founding a fort at Prairie du Chien. Early 
in May, Governor Clark, of Missouri, was sent thither, and there 
commenced Fort Shelby, without opposition. By the middle of 



* M'Afee, 414, 422. — Harrison's resignation is on 419. 

f M'Afee, 422 to 437. The official accounts are in Niles' Register, vii. 4, &c, 18, 156. 



1814. m'arthur's expedition. 919 

July, however, British and Indian forces sent from Mackinac, sur- 
rounded the post, and Lieutenant Perkins, having but sixty men 
to oppose to twelve hundred, and being also scant of ammunition, 
after a defense of some days, was forced to capitulate : so that 
there again the United States were disappointed and defeated. 

A fourth expedition was led by General McArthur, first against 
some bands of Indians which he could not find ; and then across 
the peninsula of Upper Canada to the relief of General Brown at 
Fort Erie. The object of the last movement was either to join 
General Brown, or to destroy certain mills on Grand river, from 
which it was known that the English forces obtained their supplies 
of flour. 

On the 26th of October, McArthur, with seven hundred and 
twenty mounted men, left Detroit, and on the 4th of November 
was at Oxford : from this point he proceeded to Burford, and 
learning that the road to Burlington was strongly defended, he 
gave up the idea of joining Brown, and turned toward the lake by 
the Long Point road, defeated a body of militia who opposed him, 
destroyed the mills, five or six in number, and managing to secure 
a retreat along the lake shore, although pursued by a regiment of 
regular troops nearly double his own men in number — on the 17th 
reached Sandwich again with the loss of but one man. 

This march, though productive of no very marked results, was of 
consequence, from the vigor and skill displayed both by the com- 
mander and his troops. Had the summer campaign of 1812 been 
conducted with equal spirit, Michigan would not have needed to 
be retaken, and the labors of Perry and Harrison would have been 
uncalled for in the North- West. 

With McArthur's march through Upper Canada the annals of 
war in the North- West closed. 

Meanwhile, upon the 22d of July, a treaty had been formed at 
Greenville, under the direction of General Harrison and Governor 
Cass, by which the United States and the faithful Wyandots, Dela- 
wares, Shawanese, and Senecas, gave peace to the Miamies, Weas, 
and Eel river Indians, and to certain of the Pottawattamies, Otta- 
was and Kickapoos; and all the Indians engaged to aid the Ameri- 
cans should the war with Great Britain continue.* But such, 
happily, was not to be the case, and on the 24th of December the 
treaty of Ghent was signed by the representatives of England and 



* American State Papers, v. 826-836. Cist's Miscellany. 



920 INDIAN COUNCIL AT PORTAGE DES SIOUX. 1815. 

the United States. This treaty during the next year was followed 
by treaties with the various Indian tribes of the west and north- 
west, giving quiet and security to the frontiers once more. 

About the middle of July, 1815, a large number of Indians, as 
1815.] deputies from the nations and tribes of the North- West, 
assembled at Portage des Sioux, on the right bank of the Missis- 
sippi, a few miles above the mouth of the Missouri, to negotiate 
treaties of peace with the United States. The commissioners were 
the Governor of Missouri, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs 
west of the Mississippi, the Governor and Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs in Illinois, and Auguste Chouteau, of St. Louis. Robert 
Wash, was secretary to the commission. Colonel Dodge, with a 
strong military force was present, to prevent any collision or sur- 
prise. 

The first in order was with the Pottawattamies. Every injury or 
act of hostility by either party against the other,' was to be mutually 
forgiven; all prisoners to be delivered up; and " in sincerity and 
mutual friendship," every treaty, contract, and agreement, hereto- 
fore made between the United States and the Pottawattamie nation 
to be recognized, re-established, and confirmed. The same day a 
similar treaty was made with the Piankeshaws. 

On the 19th of July, a series of treaties were made separately 
with several tribes of the Sioux or Dakotah nation. Similar 
terms were granted as to the Pottawattamies, and these branches 
of the Sioux nation acknowledged themselves under the protection 
of the United States. 

On the 20th, a similar treaty was made with the Ifahas, from the 
Upper Missouri. 

The next in order was with the Kickapoos, on the 2d of 
September, and the conditions exactly similar to those of the Pot- 
tawattamies. 

On the 13th of September, a treaty was made with that portion 
of the Sac nation of Indians, then residing on the Missouri river, 
represented by twelve chiefs. 

They affirmed that they had endeavored to fulfill the treaty made 
at St. Louis, on the 3d day of November, 1804, in perfect good 
faith ; and for that purpose had been compelled to separate them- 
selves from the rest of their nation, and remove to the Missouri 
river, where they had continued to give proofs of their friendship 
and fidelity; they propose to confirm and re-establish the treaty of 
1804 ; that they will continue to live separate and distinct from the 



1815. INDIAN COUNCIL AT PORTAGE DES SIOUX. 921 

Sacs of Rock river, and give them no aid, until peace shall be con- 
cluded between them and the United States. 

The United States on their part promise to allow the Sacs of the 
Missouri river, all the rights and privileges secured to them by the 
treaty at St. Louis. 

The next day, September 14th, a treaty was made with the Fox 
tribe of Indians. The conditions place these Indians on the same 
footing they were before the war, and they also re-establish and 
confirm the treaty of St. Louis, of 1804. On the 12th of Septem- 
ber, treaties were made with the Great and Little Osage nations, in 
which every act of hostility by either of the contracting parties 
against the other, was to be mutually forgiven and forgot. The 
treaty of 1808, made at "Fort Clark," on the Missouri, was re-con- 
firmed. 

On the 16th of September, a treaty was made with the Ioway In- 
dians, on the same conditions as with the other hostile tribes. 

On the 28th day of October, a treaty was made with the Kansas 
nation, on the same terms. 

The Sacs of Rock river, led by the noted brave, Black Hawk, 
even now and subsequently refused to attend the treaty, proclaimed 
themselves to be British subjects, and went to Canada to receive 
presents. 

A careful examination of these, and all other Indian treaties, 
since the great council of Greenville, in 1795, with full and correct 
knowledge of the historical events, will enable every unprejudiced 
person to perceive that the course of procedure on the part of the 
government of the United States, with the aborigines of the 
northern portion of our country, has been highly paternal, beneficent 
and liberal. The conduct of Great Britain cannot be brought in 
comparison. In justice and equity, the United States might have 
made and enforced remuneration in lands as a penalty for the hos- 
tilities committed, but the language in each treaty is, "that every 
injury or act of hostility, shall be forgiven and forgot." 

The war being over, and the Indian tribes of the North-West be- 
ing deprived of their distinguished British ally, and having con- 
sented to be at peace, confidence was restored to the frontier 
settlements, and emigration again began to push into the forests 
and prairies. 

The campaigns of the rangers and mounted volunteers, who had 
traversed the groves and prairies of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and 
Michigan, served as explorations of new and fertile countries, and 
59 



922 ALLEGHENY COLLEGE FOUNDED AT MEADVILLE. 1815. 

opened the way for thousands of hardy pioneers, and the formation 
of settlements. 

The rich and delightful lands along the waters of the Wabash, 
the Kaskaskia, the Sangamon, and the Illinois rivers, had rilled 
their hearts with enthusiasm, and the very men, who in hostile 
array had traversed the country, began to advance with their fam- 
ilies in the peaceful character of husbandmen, and to plant new 
settlements in all this region. 

The first steamboat that made a trip from ~New Orleans to Louis- 
ville, Ky., was the Enterprise. This boat left New Orleans on the 
Oth of May, 1815, and arrived at Louisville on the 81st of the same 
month, making the passage in twenty-jive days. This was then re- 
garded as quite an achievement in the navigation of the Mississippi 
and Ohio with steam. 

On the 20th of June, in this year, the citizens of Meadville, 
Crawford county, Pennsylvania, held a public meeting, at which 
they resolved upon the establishment of an educational institution 
in their vicinity, to which was given the name of Allegheny College. 
The work was at once pushed on with a vigor and an enterprise 
that does honor to the public spirit of the citizens, and on the 4th 
of July, 1816, the new college was opened, with the Rev. Timothy 
Alden, an able and distinguished divine, as its president, and the 
Rev. Robert Johnson, as vice president. On the 24th of March, 
1817, it was duly incorporated, and has since then continued in its 
course of usefulness, having in the meanwhile received some very 
rich and valuable endowments. Among these was the contribu- 
tion by the Rev. Dr. Bentley, of Salem, Mass., of a very rare col- 
lection of theological works, said to be the best in the country. 
One of the buildings of the college has, in gratitude to the donor, 
been named Bentley Hall. 

For some years after its establishment, it was not in a very flour- 
ishing condition. JSTot only was the surrounding country as yet 
too thinly settled for an institution of this kind to thrive, but the 
establishment of several rival colleges, that entered into competi- 
tion with it, served to its injury. 

These difficulties have been long since overcome, and Allegheny 
College is now one of the first and most flourishing institutions in 
the West. The growth of its prosperity may best be judged, when 
it is known, that in 1842 there were one hundred and fifty pupils 
in the institution, and in 1855, there were three hundred and twen- 
ty-eight, including males and females. 



1816. INDIANA BECOMES A STATE. 923 

On the 18th of March, in this year, Pittsburgh was incorporated as 
1816.] a city; it had been incorporated as a borough, on the 
22d of April, 1794. 

In the Territory of Michigan, a much larger portion of the soil 
remained in possession of the aborigines than further south. Pre- 
vious to the war, but few settlements were made beyond the 
vicinity of Detroit, and along the river Raisin. These, to a great 
extent, had been broken up by the savages and their English allies 
during the war. It was not until a later period that the emigrants 
penetrated the interior of that territory. But Indiana, Illinois and 
Missouri, from 1816, to 1820, received a continuous succession of 
immigrants; particularly Kentucky, Carolina and Tennessee, sent 
out vast numbers to these new regions, where land was abundant, 
cheap, and productive. 

In the early part of 1816, Congress having previously granted 
authority, a convention was elected in Indiana, and assembled to 
form a State Government. A constitution was adopted and re- 
ported to Congress. It was approved by that body, and the new 
State received admission into the Union. 

The constitution having been made at a time when there was, 
as it were, a lull of party violence, produced by the late war, and 
when a general spirit of political conciliation and good feeling pre- 
vailed throughout, was framed with a great deal of care and 
wisdom. It was more conservative than perhaps that of any other 
State made out of a North-Western Territory. 

The new State Government went into operation by the election 
of the Hon. Jonathan Jennings, Governor, who had represented 
the territory as Delegate in Congress, since 1809. The General 
Assembly discharged its duties in the formation of the various 
departments, agreeably to the provisions of the constitution, and 
changing the territorial laws in accordance with its position as a 
State. 

So much apprehension was excited at this time in the minds of 
the people, in relation to the spurious currency that had been im- 
posed upon them, that a clause in the constitution, restricted the 
banking system in the new State, to the charter of a single State 
bank with branches. 

For not only had the States of Ohio and Kentucky been sub- 
merged with depreciated bank notes, but the new territories had 
in like manner been flooded with worthless paper. 

Yet, notwithstanding the salutary example given by Indiana as 



924 FISST BACKING LAW IN" OHIO. 1816. 

shown above, a general banking law was passed in Ohio immedi- 
ately afterward. 

A full history of banking in Ohio would as much exceed the 
limits of this work as it would tire the patience of the reader. But 
as about this time the disposition to an excess in the creation of 
such institutions was plainly manifested, it may not be improper 
to mention the leading acts of the legislature in reference to the 
subject. 

The earliest bank chartered was the Miami Exporting Company 
of Cincinnati, the bill for which passed in April, 1803. 

Banking was with this company a secondary object, its main 
purpose being to facilitate trade, then much depressed ; nor was 
it till 1808, that the first bank, strictly speaking, that of Marietta, 
was chartered. During the same session the proposition of found- 
ing a State Bank was considered, and reported upon ; it resulted 
in the establishment of the bank of Chillicothe. 

From that time charters were granted to similar institutions up 
to the year 1816, when the great banking law was passed, incorpo- 
rating twelve new banks, extending the charters of old ones, and 
making the State a party in the profits and capital of the institu- 
tions thus created and renewed, without any advance of means on 
her part. 

This was done in the following manner : each new bank was at 
the outset to set apart one share in twenty-five for the State, with- 
out payment, and each bank, whose charter was renewed, was to 
create, for the State, stock in the same proportion ; each bank, new 
and old, was yearly to set apart out of its profits a sum which 
would make, at the time the charter expired, a sum equal to one 
twenty-fifth of the whole stock, which was to belong to the State ; 
and the dividends coming to the State were to be invested and re- 
invested until one-sixth of the stock was State property : — the last 
provision was subject to change by future legislatures. 

This interest of the State in her banks continued until 1825, 
when the law was so amended as to change her stock into a tax of 
two per cent, upon all dividends made up to that time, and four 
per cent, upon all made thereafter. But before the law of 1816, 
in February, 1815, Ohio had begun to raise a revenue from her 
banking institutions, levying upon their dividends a tax of four 
per cent. 

This law, however, was made null with regard to such banks as 
accepted the terms of the law of 1816. After 1825, no change was 



1817. NORTH-WEST OHIO PURCHASED FROM INDIANS. 925 

made until March, 1831, when the tax was increased to five per 
oent. 

Two important acts have been more lately passed by the legisla- 
ture, to which we can here only refer. In 1839, a law was enacted, 
appointing bank commissioners, who were to examine the various 
institutions and report upon their condition. This inquisition was 
resisted by some of the banks, and much controversy followed, 
both in and out of the General Assembly. In 1845, a new system 
of banking was adopted, embracing both the State Bank with 
branches, and independent banks. 

Columbus was this year (1816,) made permanently the capitol of 
Ohio. 

On the 28th of December, 1816, the Bank of Shawaneetown, 
Illinois, was incorporated for twenty years, with a capital of three 
hundred thousand dollars. 

Congress having previously granted to Michigan Territory a town- 
1817.] ship of land, for the support of a college, in this year the 
University of Michigan was established by the governor and 
judges. 

During 1817, an effort was made to extinguish the Indian title 
within the State of Ohio, and had the Miamies attended the coun- 
cil held at the Rapids of the Maumee, in September, it probably 
would have been done. As it was, Cass and M' Arthur purchased 
of the othei* tribes nearly the whole north-west of the State of Ohio. 
The number of acres, exclusive of reservations, being estimated at 
three million six hundred and ninety-four thousand five hundred 
and forty, for which were paid one hundred and forty thousand 
eight hundred and ninety-three dollars, being three cents and eight 
mills an acre. 

In this year was commenced the building of bridges across the 
Monongahela and Allegheny rivers at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to 
which the State had liberally contributed. 

According to a census taken, this city then contained five glass 
houses, four air furnaces, one hundred and nine stores, eight steam 
engines in mills, one thousand three hundred and three houses, 
eight thousand people, and there were four hundred tons of nails 
manufactured by steam. • 

Among the glass houses, was one established about the year 
1809, by "William Eichbaum, Sr., a German, who had been formerly 
glass-cutter to Louis XYI, king of France, and who, having left 
that country after the downfall of that unhappy monarch, had 



926 ^ ILLINOIS BECOMES A STATE. 1818. 

i 

finally come to America, and established himself at Pittsburgh. He 
furnished some very fine work, and among the first articles made 
by him, was a splendid six-light chandelier, with prisms, very beau- 
tifully cut and finished, for the first Presbyterian church of Pitts- 
burgh. This is said to have been the first article of the kind ever 
made in the United States. ' 

The same enterprising gentleman, a year or so later, erected a 
mill for the manufactory of wire in the same city. 

The first steamboat that ascended the Mississippi, above the 
mouth of the Ohio, was the General Pike, which reached St. Louis 
the 2d of August, 1817. It was commanded by Captain Jacob 
Reed, who subsequently became a citizen of that place, and died 
there. The second steamboat was the Constitution, which arrived 
on the 2d of October, in the same year. During 1818, there were 
several arrivals. 

On the 18th of April, Congress authorized the people of Illinois to 
1818.] form a State constitution. The northern boundary of the 
State, as fixed by Congress, was latitude 42° 30'. 

Representatives to the convention to form a State constitution 
were chosen. 

This body assembled at Kaskaskia, in July, and closed their la- 
bors by signing the constitution they had framed, on the 26th day 
of August. 

The election for the first legislature was appointed to be held on 
the third Thursday, and the two following days in September, and all 
white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years, who were 
actual residents of the State at the time of signing of the constitution, 
had the right of suffrage. The first session of the General Assem- 
bly was to commence at Kaskaskia, on the first Monday in October 
following, but all subsequent sessions on the first Monday in De- 
cember thereafter. The constitution was not referred to the people 
for adoption. In general, the latter were satisfied with the labors of 
their servants. 

Members to the General Assembly were elected, met at the time 
appointed, and set in operation the new machinery of government. 
Shadrach Bond, of Kaskaskia, had been duly elected governor, and 
Pierre Menard, of the same place, lieutenant-governor. Their 
terms of service were from 1818 to 1822. Governor Bond, in his 
brief inaugural address, called the early attention of the General 
Assembly to a survey, preparatory to opening a canal between the 
Illinois river and Lake Michigan. 



1819. FIRST STEAMBOAT ON THE LAKES. 927 

The second session commenced about the 1st of February, 1819, 
and continued until the 20th. During this period they revised and 
re-enacted the territorial laws, so far as applicable to the State, 
with such additional laws as the public exigencies seemed to 
require. 

As has been said before, a very redundant currency had obtained 
since the war with Great Britain) and the Western country 4 more 
especially was flooded with this worthless paper, issued mostly by 
banks, ostensibly solvent at first, and often by individuals, most of 
whom, especially the former, failed to redeem their issues. 

In 1818, a reaction commenced ; the notes of such banks as the 
Treasury Department had selected as depositories of the government 
funds, were current in the land offices. The rapid influx of immi- 
gration, and the demands for land, absorbed a large proportion of 
this class of notes, while the other floating paper depreciated, until 
it was no longer current. 

All the territory north of the new State of Illinois, was attached 
to Michigan. 

Great emigration took place to Michigan, in consequence of the 
sale of large quantities of public lands. 

By various treaties, the Indian title in Indiana, Illinois, and the 
North-West, was still further extinguished. 

The Walk-in -the- Water, the first steamboat in the upper lakes, 
1819.] (Erie, Huron, and Michigan,) began her trips, going once 
as far as Mackinac. 

The Independence, from Louisville, Kentucky, was the pioneer 
boat in the navigation of the more difficult channel of the Mis- 
souri river. This was in the month of May, 1819. She left St. 
Louis on the 13th, was at St. Charles on the 15th, and reached the 
town of Franklin, opposite Booneville, on the 26th of that month. 
The banks of the river were visited by crowds of people, as the 
boat came in sight of the towns. 

It was the first boat that ever attempted to overcome the strong 
current of the Missouri, and find its way amidst the shifting sand- 
bars. Besides a large number of passengers, this boat carried up 
a cargo of flour, whisky, sugar, coffee, iron, castings, and other 
goods. The question, long agitated and much doubted, " can the 
Missouri be navigated by steamboats?" was fully solved. 

A new era in Missouri annals had opened. Boats now ascend 
this river daily, and to the remotest settlements ; and repeatedly 
have boats gone up to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, about 



928 FIRST STEAMBOAT ON MISSOURI RIVER. 1819. 

eighteen hundred miles above St. Louis. Even before 1844, the 
Assineboine went several hundred miles above the mouth of the 
Yellow Stone, into a gorge of the Rocky mountains. 

The Independence returned to St. Louis, on the 5th of June, and 
took freight for Louisville, Kentucky. 

On the 8th of June, 1819, the United States steamboat Western 
Engineer, under command of Major S. H. Long, went on an explo- 
ring expedition up the Missouri, having on board several gentle- 
men attached to the department of Topographical Engineers. 

This corps were on a tour of observation to the Yellow Stone, 
or at least the Mandan villages. They left St. Louis on the 21st of 
June. The boat was a small one with a stern wheel, and an escape 
pipe so contrived as to emit a torrent of smoke and steam through 
the head of a serpent, with a red, forked tongue, projecting from 
the bow. 

It was understood that this contrivance was intended to make 
an impression on the Indians, as the boat had the appearance of 
being carried by a monstrous serpent, vomiting fire and smoke, 
and lashing the water into foam with his tail. 

Tradition says the aborigines were panic struck, and fled ; im- 
agining that the "pale faces" had sent a "maniteau" into their 
country to destroy them. 

A military expedition left Bellefontaine and St. Louis, early in 
June, under the command of Colonel Atkinson, to establish a 
military post at Council Bluffs, then far in advance of the Ameri- 
can settlements. 

The expedition consisted of three steamboats, of heavy con- 
struction, the Expedition, the Jefferson, and the Johnson, and nine 
keel-boats. Several of this last description of boats were prepared 
to be propelled with sails and wheels. 

Colonel James Johnson, who, it was understood, had the con- 
tract from the War Department, to transport supplies and muni- 
tions for the new post, was one of the expedition. Another boat 
called the "Calhoun," was connected with the enterprise. 

It was understood at the time that liberal encouragement had 
been given by the War Department to aid these boats, that, inci- 
dentally the great question might be solved, whether the Missouri 
river could be navigated by steam. 

The scientific corps under Major Long, returned from their tour 
of exploration up the Missouri to the Yellow Stone, to St. Louis, 
in the latter part of October. 

According to a report made to the House of Eepresentatives 



1819. LARGE LAND PURCHASE FROM INDIANS. 929 

by the committee on Military Affairs, the following winter, it was 
contemplated by the administration to establish a post at the 
Man dan villages ; that the expense of the Yellow Stone expedi- 
tion, "over and above what the troops would have cost had they 
remained in their former positions," was estimated at sixty-four 
thousand two hundred and twenty-six dollars. This, it is supposed, 
included the steamboat effort to the Council Bluffs, which proved 
a failure. 

One boat reached the vicinity of Cote Sans Dessein; another lay 
by at Old Franklin, and a third ascended to the mouth of Grand 
river. In the end, the military stores were transported on keel- 
boats, which returned to St. Louis in the spring of 1820. 

The expenses were heavy. A member of the committee on 
Military Affairs, at the sessions of 1819-20, stated that the claims 
for detention of the boats, and the losses, exceeded a million of 
dollars. The Secretary of the War Department had projected the 
establishment of a military post at or below the mouth of the 
Yellow Stone, and a series of military roads to connect that post 
by St. Peters and the northern lakes, which Congress refused to 
sanction, by withholding the necessary appropriations. 

On the 24th of September, Lewis Cass concluded at Saginaw, a 
treaty with the Chippewas, by which another large part of Michi- 
gan was ceded to the United States. 

On the 20th of August, Benjamin Parke, for the United States, 
bought at Port Harrison, of the Kickapoos of Vermillion river, all 
their lands upon the Wabash ; while on the 30th of July, at Ed- 
wardsville, Illinois, Auguste Chouteau and Benjamin Stephenson, 
bought of the main body of the same tribe, the claims upon the 
same waters, together with other lands reaching west, to the mouth 
of Illinois river. 

In this year the United States appropriated ten thousand dollars 
annually, toward the civilization of the Indians, but no part was at 
first expended, as the best modes of effecting the object were not 
apparent. 

During 1819, also, a report was made to Congress upon the Mis- 
souri fur trade, exhibiting its condition at that time, and tracing 
its history. It may be found in the 6th volume of the American 
State Papers, p. 201. 

The second United States bank was chartered in 1816. On the 
28th of January, 1817, this bank opened a branch at Cincinnati ; 
and on the 13th of October following, another branch at Chilli- 
cothe, which did not commence banking, however, until the next 
spring. 



930 OHIO SEIZES BANK PROPERTY. 1819. 

These branches Ohio claimed the right to tax, and passed a law 
by which, should they continue to transact business after the 15th 
of September, 1819, they were to be taxed fifty thousand dollars 
each, and the State Auditor was authorized to issue his warrant for 
the collection of such tax. 

This law was passed with great deliberation, apparently, and by 
a full vote. The branches not ceasing their business, the authori- 
ties of the State prepared to collect their dues; this, however, the 
bank intended to prevent, and for the purpose of prevention, filed 
a bill in Chancery, in the United States Circuit Court, asking an 
injunction upon Ralph Osborn, Auditor of State, to prevent his 
proceeding in the act of collection. Osborn, by legal advice, re- 
fused to appear upon the 4th of September, the day named in the 
writ, and in his absence, the court allowed the injunction, though 
it required bonds of the bank, at the same time, to the extent of 
one hundred thousand dollars — which bonds were given. 

On Tuesday, the 14th of September, as the day for collection 
drew nigh, the bank sent an agent to Columbus, who served upon 
the Auditor a copy of the petition for injunction, and a subpoena 
to appear before the court upon the first Monday in the following 
January, but who had no copy of the writ of injunction which had 
been allowed. The petition and subpoena Osborn enclosed to the 
Secretary of State, who was then at Chillicothe, together with his 
warrant for levying the tax, requesting the Secretary to take legal 
advice, and if the papers did not amount to an injunction, to have 
the warrant executed ; but if they did, to retain it. 

The lawyers advised that the papers were not equivalent to an 
injunction, and thereupon the State writ for collection was given to 
John L. Harper, with directions to enter the banking house, and 
demand payment of the tax ; and upon refusal, to enter the vault 
and levy the amount required. He was told to offer no violence, 
and if opposed by force, to go at once before a proper magistrate, 
and depose to that fact. 

Harper, taking with him T. Orr and J. M'Collister, on Friday, 
September 17th, went to the bank, and first securing access to the 
vault, demanded the tax. The payment was refused, and notice 
given of the injunction which had been granted ; but the officer, 
disregarding this notice, entered the vault, and seized in gold, sil- 
ver, and notes, ninety-eight thousand dollars, which, on the 20th ? 
he paid over to the State Treasurer, H. M. Curry. 

The officers concerned in this collection were arrested and im- 
prisoned by the United States Circuit Court, for a contempt of the 



1819. NULLIFICATION IN OHIO. 931 

injunction granted, and the money taken was returned to the bank. 
The decision of the Circuit Court was in February, 1824, tried be- 
fore the Supreme Court, and its decree affirmed, whereupon the 
State submitted. Meantime, however, in December, 1820, and 
January, 1821, the Legislature of Ohio had passed the following 
resolutions: 

" That, in respect to the powers of the governments of the sev- 
eral States that compose the American Union, and the powers of 
the Federal Government, this General Assembly do recognize and 
approve the doctrines asserted by the Legislatures of Kentucky and 
Virginia, in their resolutions of November and December, 1798, 
and January, 1800, and do consider that their principles have been 
recognized and adopted by a majority of the American people. 

" That this General Assembly do assert, and will maintain, by 
all legal and constitutional means, the right of the State to 
tax the business and property of any private corporation of trade, 
incorporated by the Congress of the United States, and located to 
transact its corporate business within any State. 

" That the Bank of the United States is a private corporation of 
trade, the capital and business of which may be legally taxed in any 
State where they may be found. 

"That this Gejaeral Assembly do protest against the doctrine that 
the political rights of the separate States that compose the Ameri- 
can Union, and their powers as sovereign States, may be settled 
and determined in the Supreme Court of the United States, so as 
to conclude and bind them in cases contrived between individuals, 
and where they are, no one of them, parties direct." 

In accordance with these resolves, the bank was, for a time, de- 
prived of the aid of the State laws in the collection of its debts, and 
the protection of its rights ; and an attempt was made, though in 
vain, to effect a change in the Federal Constitution, which would 
take the case out of the United States tribunals. 

It will be remembered that the vast country known as Louisiana, 
and transferred by France to the United States in 1803, was divided 
into the Territory of Orleans, and District of Louisiana. In March, 
1805, the District of Louisiana became the Territory of Louisiana, 
under its own territorial government. In June, 1812, this became 
the Territory of Missouri, having then, for the first time, a Genera] 
Assembly. Thus it continued until 1819, when application was 
made for admission into the Union. 

A bill was accordingly prepared in Congress during the session 



932 MISSOURIANS PETITION FOR A STATE GOVERNMENT. 1819. 

of 1818-19, in the accustomed form, authorizing the people to 
elect delegates in the several counties, to constitute a convention 
for the purpose of forming a constitution. "While under progress, 
an amendment in the form of a proviso, was introduced by Mr. 
Talmadge, of New York, in the following words : 

" That the further introduction of slavery, or involuntary servi- 
tude, be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes, whereof 
the party shall have been fully convicted ; and that all children 
born within the said State, after the admission thereof into the 
Union, shall be free at the age of twenty years." 

This proviso, after a brief discussion, passed the House of Rep- 
resentatives, on the loth of February, 1819. This unexpected 
movement brought up what has since been called the "Missouri 
Question ;" caused a protracted discussion, and raised one of those 
political storms, which threatened to endanger, if not dissolve the 
National Union. It not only agitated Congress, but the Union 
from one extreme to the other, for eighteen months. Amongst 
the people in this territory, the excitement was intense ; the ab- 
sorbing idea that prevailed was, that the Congress of the United 
States, a body limited in constitutional power, was about to deprive 
the people of Missouri of their just rights, in forming a constitu- 
tion in accordance with the treaty of cession, and as they might 
judge the best calculated to promote their interests. 

At that period not one-fourth of the citizens owned or held 
slaves ; many were opposed to slavery as a measure of State policy, 
but with few exceptions, all were led to believe that Congress was 
assuming an unconstitutional power to oppress them. With the 
people of Missouri, it became an absorbing question of political 
rights. 

The discussions in Congress continued during the session, and 
the bill was lost with other unfinished business. 

On the opening of the next Congress, Mr. Scott, delegate from 
Missouri, and chairman of the committee on the " Memorial from 
Missouri," reported a bill " to authorize the people of that territory 
to form a Constitution and State Government, on an equal footing 
with the original States." The bill was twice read and referred to 
the committee of the whole House. This was on the 9th of 
December, 1819. On the 14th, Mr. Taylor, of New York, offered 
a resolution for the appointment of a committee "to inquire into 
the expediency of prohibiting by law, the introduction of slaves 
into the territories of the United States, west of the Mississippi." 



PERIOD VIII. 

1820-— 1856. 

The great question of " slavery or no slavery in Missouri," 
having been made the order of the day for the second Monday in 
January, 1820, it was then accordingly taken up, and discussed 
with a warmth that had rarely been equaled in Congress. The 
absorbing interests attached to this question, not only as regards 
Missouri and the "Western States, but with respect to the whole 
Union, has rendered it of so much importance, that it has become 
more or less interwoven with the whole subsequent political his- 
tory of our country, and a full knowledge of it is therefore essen- 
tial to a clear understanding of much that is to follow. 

The discussion, having opened as stated, continued during the 
session. Various amendments to the resolutions as offered, were 
proposed in both Houses, but lost. 

Application had been made by the people of Maine, with the 
consent of Massachusetts, to form a State Government and be ad- 
mitted into the Union. This proposition, for a period, became 
coupled with the Missouri Question. 

In the Senate, on the 3d of February, a senator from Illinois, 
offered an amendment to the Missouri branch of the bill, in the 
following words: 

"That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, 
under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees 
and thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof 
as is included within the limits of the State contemplated by this 
act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the pun- 
ishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convic- 
ted, shall be, and is hereby forever prohibited : Provided, always, 
That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or ser- 
vice is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United 
States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to 
the person claiming his or her labor or service, as aforesaid." 

This amendment was adopted in the Senate on the 17th of Feb- 
ruary, and subsequently became the basis of the " Missouri Com- 
promise." On ordering the bill to a third reading in the Senate, 
the vote was in the affirmative. 



934 COMPROMISE TO RECEIVE MISSOURI AS A STATE. 1820. 

On the 3d of March, the bill as amended and passed by the 
Senate, was sent to the House. Though the Journal of the House 
is silent on that subject, it is understood as a historical fact, that at 
this crisis, when despair sat on the countenances of the friends of 
Missouri, Mr. Clay, who was Speaker of the House, exercised the 
office of peace-maker, and by his popularity and influence with 
both parties, not in an official capacity, but as an individual, healed 
the waters of strife, and induced a majority of the members to ac- 
cept the compromise of the Senate. 

The clause restricting slavery within the State of Missouri, was 
stricken out by a small majority. On the final vote, for inserting 
the substitute from the Senate, it was decided under the previous 
question, in favor. So the House concurred in the amendments of 
the Senate to the bill, on the evening of the 3d of March. 

The Act provided for the representation of each county in the 
Convention ; in the aggregate, forty-one members. 

The boundaries prescribed for Missouri State are here given : 

" Beginning in the middle of the Mississippi river, on the paral- 
lel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude ; thence west along that 
parallel of latitude, to the St. Francois river ; thence up, and fol- 
lowing the course of that river, in the middle of the main channel 
thereof, to the parallel of latitude of thirty-six degrees and thirty 
minutes ; thence west along the same, to a point where said paral- 
lel is intersected by a meridian line passing through the middle of 
the mouth of the Kansas river, where the same empties into the 
Missouri river; thence, from the point aforesaid, north, along the 
said meridian line to the intersection to the parallel of latitude 
which passes through the rapids of the river Des Moines, making the 
said line to correspond with the Indian boundary line; thence east, from 
the point of intersection last aforesaid, along the said parallel of 
latitude, to the middle of the channel of the main fork of the said 
river Des Moines, to the mouth of the same, where it empties into 
the Mississippi river ; thence, due east, to the middle of the main 
channel of the Mississippi river ; thence down and following the 
course of the Mississippi river, in the middle of the main channel 
thereof, to the place of beginning." 

In this work the boundary has been given in full, to explain the 
ground of a dispute, which at one period threatened serious colli- 
sion between the territory, and subsequently the State of Iowa, and 
the State of Missouri, relative to boundaries and jurisdiction. The 
words in italics gave rise to the difference, and involved the ques- 



1820. MISSOURI FORMS A STATE CONSTITUTION. 935 

tions: First, what was meant by the "rapids of the river Des 
Moines; " Secondly, what Indian boundary line was intended? 

Missouri contended for certain rapids, or ripples in the river Des 
Moines, some distance up, which threw the line some ten or fifteen 
miles further north. Iowa contended that the rapids in the Missis- 
sippi, called by the French explorers, La rapides la riviere Des 
Moines, was the point meant. 

After several years of contested jurisdiction, during which a 
sheriff of Missouri was imprisoned in Iowa, and military force was 
appealed to, both States consented to refer the question of bound- 
ary and jurisdiction to the Supreme Court of the United States. 
After a labored investigation, the court decided in favor of the old 
boundary line, as it was called, and the rapids of the Des Moines in 
the French sense of the term. 

The election for members of the convention was held on the 
first Monday, and two succeeding days of May, 1820. The only 
discussion on slavery was, whether the emancipation of slaves 
should be left open for legislative action at any future time, or re- 
stricted in the constitution. The objection urged against this pol- 
icy was, that slaves were, in a legal sense, property ; that property 
could not be taken from its owner by statute law, except for public 
purposes, and then only for compensation paid ; that were the Leg- 
islature at any time to pass a law to emancipate slaves, the courts 
could nullify the act; and that when the people desired to change 
the policy of the State, they could reorganize the government by a 
new constitution. 

The convention met at St. Louis, on the 12th day of June. 
Their labors were finished by signing the constitution on the 19th 
day of July, 1820. The first General Assembly were required to 
meet on the third Monday in September, at St. Louis. An election 
for a governor, lieutenant-governor, a representative in Congress 
for the residue of the sixteenth Congress, a representative for the 
seventeenth Congress, senators and representatives to the General 
Assembly, sheriffs, and coroners, was held on the fourth Monday in 
August. The apportionment in the constitution for the first Gen- 
eral Assembly, provided fourteen senators, and forty-three repre- 
sentatives. 

Alexander M'Nair was elected governor, and William H. 
Ashley, lieutenant-governor, and John Scott, representative to Con- 
gress. No provision was made to refer the adoption of the consti- 
tution to the people, and it took effect from the authority of the 
convention. 



936 CONGRESS REFUSES MISSOURI CONSTITUTION. 1820. 

There were several features in the constitution quite objectiona- 
ble to the people. These were the officer of chancellor, with a 
salary of two thousand dollars per annum ; and the salaries of the 
governor and the judges of the supreme and circuit courts being 
fixed at not less than two thousand dollars per annum for each 
officer. 

The mode provided for amending the constitution was by a vote 
of two-thirds of each House of the General Assembly proposing 
amendments ; these to be published in all the newspapers in the 
State three times, at least twelve months before the next general 
election ; and if, at the first session of the next General Assembly 
after such general. election, two-thirds of each House, by yeas and 
nays, ratify such proposed amendments, after three separate read- 
ings, on three several days, the amendments become parts of the 
constitution. 

At a special session of the General Assembly, in 1821, amend- 
ments were proposed to remove the objectionable features, and 
passed by the constitutional majority. The next General Assembly 
at its first session ratified them. 

At the first session of the General Assembly in 1820, Thomas H. 
Benton and David Barton were elected senators, to represent the 
new State in the Congress of the United States. The senators and 
representative were at Washington city at the opening of the ses- 
sion, when, on presenting the constitution, and claiming admit- 
tance as a State into the Union, they met a repulse. In article 
third, defining the legislative power of the General Assembly, was 
the following injunction : 

"It shall be their duty, as soon as may be, to pass such laws as 
may be necessary, to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from 
coming to, and settling in this State, under any pretext whatso- 
ever." 

To this clause objections were made in Congress, the State was 
refused admittance into the Union, and another discussion fol- 
lowed. The objection was, that "free negroes and mulattoes" 
were citizens of some of the States, and the. clause infringed on the 
rights of such as were guaranteed in the constitution of the United 
States. 

The words of the constitution are : " The citizens of each State 
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
several States." The difficulty was increased by remonstrances 
from the legislatures of Vermont and New York, against the "Mis- 



1821. A SECOND COMPROMISE NECESSARY. 937 

souri Compromise" of the preceding session, and the reception of 
the new State without the restriction of slavery. 

In the House of Representatives, the resolution previously intro- 
duced to admit that State, was rejected. 

On the 10th of February, 1821, the select committee to whom 
the constitution was referred, made an elaborate report, and recom- 
mended the reception of the State. This was also disagreed to. 
On a subsequent occasion the question came up somewhat modi- 
fied, and was lost in the House. This vote was afterward recon- 
sidered. 

During the session the whole subject was discussed ; the rights 
of the South; the balance of power; the rights of the people of 
Missouri, and the mooted question, whether " free negroes " were 
constitutionally, citizens in all the States, were agitated questions 
at various periods of the session. A resolution with various re- 
strictions, to admit Missouri, finally passed the House, but in such 
a form as it would not be likely to receive the support of the 
Senate. 

At this crisis, (February 22d,) Clay proposed a joint committee 
of the House and Senate, which was carried. He then reported 
from the joint committee on the subject, the formula that became 
incorporated in the public act, to be found in the Laws of Congress 
for that session, and in the "Territorial Laws of Missouri." 

The substance is as follows : On condition that the Legislature of 
Missouri, by a solemn act, shall declare that the twenty-sixth section 
of the third article of the constitution, shall never be construed to 
authorize the passage of any law by which any citizen of either of 
the States of the Union, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of 
any of the privileges to which such citizen is entitled under the 
Constitution of the United States ; and shall transmit to the Presi- 
dent of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in 
November, 1821, an authentic copy of said act ; — upon the receipt 
thereof, the president, by proclamation, shall announce the fact, 
whereupon, without any further proceeding on the part of Con- 
gress, the admission of that State into the Union shall be consid- 
ered as complete. 

To carry this proviso out, it became necessary for the governor 
to convene the legislature in a special session, which was held in 
the town of St. Charles, in the month of June, and the Solemn 
Public Act was passed; guarded by explanations, so as not to 
appear to affect constitutional rights. The mooted question 
whether "free negroes and mulattoes" are "citizens," in the 
60 



938 MISSOURI FINALLY ADMITTED INTO THE UNION. 1821. 

sense of the Constitution of the United States, remains as it wa3 
before the action of Congress and the Legislature of Missouri. 

In the month of August, the president having received an au- 
thentic copy of the "Solemn Public Act," made proclamation that 
the reception of Missouri was complete. During the preceding 
session of Congress, the Senators and Representatives of this 
State had no seat in Congress, and the votes for president were not 
counted. 

As the admission of Missouri to become a sovereign State, was a 
subject which excited more than ordinary interest, the account 
here given is somewhat elaborated; especially that the reader may 
learn that there were two questions and two compromises, and here- 
after not confound the events nor their dates, as many have done 
heretofore. 

In November, of the previous year, Governor Cass had written 
to the War Department, proposing a tour along the Southern shore 
of Lake Superior, and toward the heads of the Mississippi ; the 
purposes being to ascertain the state of the far trade, to examine 
the copper region, and especially to form acquaintance and con- 
nections with the various Indian tribes. In the following January, 
the Secretary of War wrote, approving the plan ; and in May, the 
expedition started. A full account of it by Mr. Schoolcraft,* is 
easily accessible, and we need only say that it was attended with 
as much success as could have been hoped for. 

During this year, and from this time forward, treaties were made 
with the Western and North- Western tribes extinguishing by 
degrees their title throughout a great part of the original north- 
western territory: — of these treaties we shall not, hereafter, speak 
particularly, excepting as far as they stand connected with the 
Black Hawk war of 1832. 

"In the ordinance of Congress authorizing the formation of a 
State Constitution for Indiana, four sections, containing two thou- 
sand five hundred and sixty acres of land were donated for the 
permanent seat of government. Commissioners on the part of the 
State were appointed in 1820, to make the selection, and in 1821 
the town of Indianapolis was laid out."t 



* Schoolcraft, vol. i. published at Albany, in 1821. j- Indiana Gazetteer. 



1822. EARLY HISTORY OF CANALS. 939 

Upon the 31st of January, the Ohio Assembly passed a law 
1822.] " authorizing an examination into the practicability of con- 
necting Lake Erie with the Ohio river, by a canal." 

This act grew out of events, a sketch of which it may be worth 
while to present to the reader of these pages. 

One of the earliest of modern navigable canals was made in Lom- 
bardy, in 1271 ; it connected Milan with the Tesino. About the 
same time, or perhaps earlier, similar works were commenced in 
Holland. It was not, however, till 1755, that any enterprise of 
the kind was undertaken in England; this was followed, three 
years later, by the Duke of Bridgewater's first canal, constructed 
by Brindley. 

In 1765, an act of Parliament authorized the great work by which 
Brindley and his patron proposed to unite Hull and Liverpool — the 
Trent and the Mersey. This great undertaking was completed in 
1777. The idea thus carried into effect in Great Britain was soon 
borne across the Atlantic. 

The great £Tew York canal was suggested by Governeur Morris, 
in 1777; but, as early as 1774, Washington said he had thought of 
a system of improvements by which to connect the Atlantic with 
the Ohio; which system, ten years later, he tried most perseveringly 
to induce Virginia to act upon with energy. 

In a letter to Governor Harrison, written October 10th, 1784, he 
also suggests that an examination be made as to the facilities for 
opening a communication, through the Cuyahoga, and Muskin- 
gum or Scioto, between Lake Erie and the Ohio. Such a commu- 
nication had been previously mentioned by Jefferson, in March, 
1784; he even proposed a canal to connect the Cuyahoga and Big 
Beaver. 

Three years later, "Washington attempted to interest the federal 
government in his views, and exerted himself, by all the means in his 
power, to learn the exact state of the country about the sources of 
the Muskingum and Cuyahoga. After he was called to the presi- 
dency, his mind was employed on other subjects; but the whites, 
who had meantime began to people the West, used the course 
which he had suggested, (as the Indians had done before them,) to 
carry goods from the lakes to the settlements on the Ohio ; so that 
it was soon known definitely, that upon the summit level were 
ponds, through which, in a wet season, a complete water connec- 
tion was formed between the Cuyahoga and Muskingum. 

From this time the public mind underwent various changes ; 
more and more persons becoming convinced that a canal between 



940 HISTORY OF CANALS IN NEW YORK. 1822. 

the heads of two rivers, was far less desirable, in every point of 
view, than a complete canal communication from place to place, fol- 
lowing the valleys of the rivers, and drawing water from them. 

In 1815, Dr. Drake, of Cincinnati, proposed a canal from some 
point on the Great Miami, to the city in which he resided ; and in 
January, 1818, Mr., afterward Governor Brown, writes thus : " Ex- 
perience, the best guide, has tested the infinite superiority of this 
mode of commercial intercourse over the best roads, or any navi- 
gation of the beds of small rivers. In comparing it with the latter, 
I believe you will find the concurrent testimony of the most 
skillful and experienced engineers of France and England, against 
the river, and in favor of the canal, for very numerous reasons." 

Meanwhile, along the Atlantic, various experiments had been 
tried, both in regard to improving rivers and digging canals. In 
October, 1784, Virginia, acting under the instigation of Washing- 
ton, passed a law " for clearing and improving the navigation of 
James river." In March, 1792, Hew York established two compa- 
nies for "Inland Lock Navigation ; " the one to connect the Hud- 
son with Lake Champlain, the other to unite it with Lake 
Ontario, whence another canal was to rise round the Great Falls 
to Erie. 

These enterprises, and various others, were presented to Congress 
by Mr. Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, in an elaborate report, 
made April 4th, 1808. Subsequent to this report, in April, 1811, 
the General Assembly of New York passed a law for the great Erie 
canal, and at the head of the commissioners was Governeur Morris, 
who had proposed the plan thirty-four years previous. 

To her aid in this vast work, New York asked the power of the 
federal government, and Ohio passed resolutions in favor of the 
aid being given. No great help, however, was given ; and New 
York, with the strength imparted by the energy of Clinton, carried 
through her vast work ; and when Ohio began to speak of similar 
efforts, through the same voice that had encouraged her during 
her labors, the Empire State spoke encouragement to her younger 
sitter. 

When, therefore, Governor Brown, in his inaugural address of De- 
cember 14th, 1818, referred to the necessity of providing cheaper ways 
to market for the farmers of Ohio, he spoke to a people not unpre- 
pared to respond favorably. In accordance with the governor's 
suggestion, Mr. Sill, on the 7th of January, 1819, moved that a 
committee be appointed to report on the expediency of a canal 
from the lake to the Ohio. This was followed, on the next day, by 



1822. OHIO LEGISLATURE REPORTS FOR CANALS. 941 

a farther communication from Governor Brown, and the subject 
was discussed through the winter. 

In the following December, the executive again pressed the 
matter, and in January, 1820, made a full statement of facts rela- 
ting to routes, so far as they could be ascertained. Further infor- 
mation was communicated in February, and on the 20th of that 
month, an act passed, appointing commissioners to determine the 
course of the proposed canal, provided Congress would aid in its 
construction, and seeking aid from Congress. 

That aid not having been given, nothing was done during 1820 
or 1821, except to excite and extend an interest in the subject, but 
upon the 3d of January, 1822, Micajah T. Williams, chairman of a 
committee to consider that part of the governor's message relating 
to internal improvements, offered an elaborate report upon the 
subject; and brought in the bill already referred to as having been 
passed upon the 31st of the last mentioned month. 

The examination authorized by that law was at once commen- 
ced, Mr. James Geddes being the engineer. 

Upon the same day, (December 6th, 1821,) on which Mr. Wil- 
liams moved for a committee on canals, Caleb Atwater moved for 
one upon schools ; and on the same day that the law above referred 
to was passed, one was also passed authorizing the appointment of 
commissioners to report to the next legislature a plan for estab- 
lishing a complete system of common schools. To the history of 
that subject the reader's attention is next invited. 

The ordinance of 1787 provided, that "religion, morality, and 
knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness 
of mankind, schools and the means of education shall be forever 
encouraged." In the previous ordinance of 1785, regulating the 
sale of lands in the west, section "No. 16 of every township was 
reserved "for the maintenance of public schools within the said 
township." 

And the Constitution of Ohio, using the words of the ordinance 
of 1787, says, that " schools and the means of instruction shall for- 
ever be encouraged by legislative provision." In accordance with 
the feelings shown in these several clauses the Governors of Ohio 
always mentioned the subject of education with great respect in 
their messages; but nothing was done to make it general. 

It was supposed, that people would not willingly be taxed to 
educate the children of their poor neighbors ; not so much because 
they failed to perceive the necessity that exists for all to be educa- 
ted, in order that the commonwealth may be safe and prosperous ; 



942 OHIO LEGISLATURE REPORTS CANAL ROUTES. 1823. 

but because a vast number, that lived in Ohio, still doubted 
whether Ohio would be their ultimate abiding place. 

They came to the West to make money rather than to find a 
home, and did not care to help educate those whose want of edu- 
cation they might never feel. 

Such was the state of things until about the year 1816, at which 
time several persons in Cincinnati, who knew the benefits of a free- 
school system, united, and commenced a correspondence with dif- 
ferent portions of the State. 

Their ideas being warmly responded to, by the dwellers in the 
Ohio Company's purchase, and the Western Reserve more particu- 
larly, committees of correspondence were appointed in the differ- 
ent sections, and various means were resorted to, to call the atten- 
tion of the public to the subject ; among the most efficient of which 
was the publication of an Education Almanac at Cincinnati. 

This work was edited by Nathan Guilford, a lawyer of that 
place, who had from the first taken a deep interest in the matter. 
For several years this gentleman and his associates labored silently 
and ceaselessly to diffuse their sentiments, one attempt only being 
made to bring the subject into the legislature: this was in Decem- 
ber, 1819, when Ephraim Cutler, of Washington county, brought 
in a bill for establishing common schools, which was lost in the 
Senate. 

At length, in 1821, it having been clearly ascertained that a 
strong feeling existed in favor of a common school system through 
the eastern and north-eastern parts of the State, and it being also 
known that the western men, who were then about to bring 
forward their canal schemes, wished to secure the assistance of 
their less immediately benefited fellow-citizens, it was thought to 
be a favorable time to bring the free-school proposition forward ; 
which, as before mentioned, was done by Mr. Atwater. 

On the 3d of January, 1823, Mr. Worthington, on behalf of the 
1823.] canal commissioners, presented a report upon the best 
route for a canal through the State, and a further examination was 
agreed upon ; which was made during the year. 

The friends of the common school system continued their efforts, 
and although they did not succeed in procuring an assembly fa- 
vorable to their views, they diffused information and brought out 
inquiry. 

Michigan during this year was invested with a new form of ter- 
ritorial government; Congress having authorized the appointment 



1823. FIRST AMERICAN MINING ON UPPER MISSISSIPPI. 943 

of a Legislative Council of nine members, to be chosen by the 
president from eighteen candidates elected by the people. 

The richest mines of lead, were discovered on the Upper Missis- 
sippi, at Galena, on the eastern side, and at Dubuque, on the west. 
They have yielded from eighty to ninety per cent, of pure lead. 

In 1786, Julien Dubuque, an enterprising Canadian, visited this 
region, explored its mineral wealth, returned two years after, and, 
at a council held with the Indians in 1788, obtained from them a 
grant of a large tract of land, amounting to one hundred and forty 
thousand acres, beginning on the west side of the Mississippi. 

Here he resided and obtained great wealth in mining and 
trading with the Indians, and died in 1810. His grave is about 
one mile below the city of Dubuque, in the State of Iowa. 

The mines of the Upper Mississippi, are between Rock and 
Wisconsin rivers on the east, and about the same parallel on the 
west side of that river. 

For many years the Indians and some of the French couriers 
du bois, had been accustomed to dig lead in the mineral region 
about Galena. But they never penetrated much below the surface, 
though they obtained considerable quantities of mineral. 

In 1823, the late Colonel James Johnson, of Kentucky, obtained 
a lease from the United States government, to prosecute the busi- 
ness of mining and smelting, which he did with a strong force and 
much enterprise. This movement attracted the attention of enter- 
prising men in Illinois, Missouri, and other States. 

Some went on in 1826, more following in 1827, and in 1828, the 
country was almost literally filled with miners, smelters, merchants, 
speculators, gamblers, and every description of character. Intelli- 
gence, enterprise, and virtue, were thrown in the midst of dissipa- 
tion, gambling, and every species of vice. 

Such was the crowd of adventurers in 1829, to this hitherto 
almost unknown and desolate region, that the lead business was 
greatly overdone, and the market for a while nearly destroyed. 
Fortunes were made almost upon a turn of a spade, and lo^t with 
equal facility. 

The business is still prosecuted to a great extent. Exhaustless 
quantities of mineral exist here, over a tract of country two hundred 
miles in extent. 

From 1821, to September, 1823, the amount of lead made in the 
vicinity of Galena, Illinois, was three hundred and thirty-five thou- 



944 SELKIRK SETTLEMENT OF PEMBINA. 1823. 

sand one "hundred and thirty pounds. During the next succeeding 
ten years, the aggregate was about seventy millions of pounds. 

The average number of miners during the year 1825, was one 
hundred; in 1826, four hundred; and in 1827, one thousand six 
hundred. Many citizens of Illinois, from the counties of St. Clair, 
Madison, &c, went up the river with supplies of provision in the 
spring, to prosecute mining, and returned downward and home- 
ward at the approach of winter. From this trifling incident, a 
mischievous wag from " Yankeedom," ycleped the people of Illi- 
nois, "Suckers," from these migratory miners. 

In 1811, the Hudson's Bay Company, made a grant to Lord 
Selkirk, a Scotch nobleman, and influential member of the com- 
pany, of a large tract of land, including Red river up to Red Fork. 
This nobleman, having extinguished the Indian title, at once set 
to work vigorously to establish a colony, in the interests of the 
Hudson's Bay Company, and in 1812, settlers were procured from 
the highlands of Scotland, from Switzerland, England, and other 
parts of Europe, and two settlements were formed; one at Pem- 
bina, about two miles below the Pembina river ; the other at Fort 
Douglass, about sixty miles below Pembina, near the confluence of 
the Assiniboin and Red rivers. 

At this period the rivalry between the North- West (Fur) Com- 
pany, which was started by John Jacob Astor, of New York, in 
1809, and the Hudson's Bay Company, was very great, and the 
new settlers had among other difficulties, many strifes with the 
agents of the rival company. In 1815, they were even dispersed. 
But in 1816, they returned, and Lord Selkirk, acted so vigorously 
in maintaining the commercial and territorial rights of the Hudson's 
Bay Company, that he succeeded in reducing the trading posts of 
the other, and in 1821, the two were conjoined, and thus an end 
put to all further strife. 

The settlements which he had founded continued in existence, 
and Pembina proving afterward to be below the 49th degree of 
latitude, it fell within the boundary of the United States, In 
1823, Major Long was sent upon an expedition to the source of 
St. Peter's river, Lake Winnepeck, Lake of the Woods, &c, for 
the purpose of topographically exploring those regions ; and the 
following account of the settlement of Pembina, is taken from Mr. 
Keating's account of that expedition : 

"Pembina constituted the upper settlement made on the tract 
of land granted to the late Lord Selkirk, by the Hudson's Bay 



1823. LONG AND KBATING'S ACCOUNT OF PEMBINA. 945 

Company. It may be well to observe, that by virtue of a charter 
from Charles the Second, granted in 1670, to Prince Rupert and 
others, constituting the ' honorable Hudson's Bay Company,' the 
whole of the British dominions lying contiguous to Hudson's Bay 
or its tributaries, has been claimed by that company, not only as 
regards the monopoly of the fur trade, but also as respects the right 
to the soil, and to the jurisdiction of the country. About the year 
1813, Lord Selkirk, who was one of the principal partners, obtained 
from the company a grant of a considerable tract of land, including 
both banks of Red river, up to the Red or Grand Fork. To this he 
extinguished the Indian title, by the payment of a certain amount, 
and the promise of an annuity to the Indians. He then opened the 
lands for settlement, inviting a number of British subjects to go 
and reside upon them, and with a view to strengthen his infant 
colony, he engaged recruits from Switzerland and other countries, 
and especially increased it by a number of soldiers belonging to the 
de Meuron and de Watteville regiments, two foreign corps that 
were in the pay of England during the late war, and that were dis- 
banded in Canada, in the year 1815. Two principal settlements 
were formed, one at Fort Douglas, which is at the confluence of the 
Assiniboin and Red rivers, and the other one hundred and twenty 
miles by water above that, and near the mouth of a small stream, 
named by the Chippewas, Anepeminan sipi, so called from a small 
red berry, termed by them anepeminan, which name has been 
shortened and corrupted into Pembina, (Viburnum oxycoccos.) 

" The Hudson's Bay Company had a fort here, until the spring 
of 1823, when observations, made by their own astronomers, led 
them to suspect that it was south of the boundary line, and they 
therefore abandoned it, removing all that could be sent down the 
river with advantage. The Catholic clergyman, who had been sup- 
ported at this place, was at the same time removed to Fort Doug- 
las ; and a large and neat chapel built by the settlers for their 
accommodation, is now fast going to decay. The settlement con- 
sists of about three hundred and fifty souls, residing in sixty log 
houses or cabins; they do not appear to possess the qualifications 
for good settlers ; few of them are farmers ; most of them are half- 
breeds, who, having been educated by their Indian mothers, have 
Imbibed the roving, unsettled, and indolent habits of the Indians. 
Accustomed from their early infancy to the arts of the fur trade, 
which may be considered as one of the worst schools for morals, 
they have acquired no small share of cunning and artifice. These 
form at least two-thirds of the male inhabitants. The rest consist 



946 EMPLOYMENT OF THE INHABITANTS. 1823. 

of Swiss and Scotch settlers ; most of the former are old soldiers, as 
unfit for agricultural pursuits as the half-breeds themselves. The 
only good colonists are the Scotch, who have brought over with 
them, as usual, their steady habits, and their indefatigable perseve- 
rance. Although the soil about Pembina is very good, and will, 
when well cultivated, yield a plentiful return, yet, from the 
character of the population, as well as from the infant state of 
the colony, it does not at present yield sufficient produce to support 
the settlers, who, therefore, devote much of their time to hunting ; 
this, which perhaps in the origin was the effect of an imperfect 
state of agriculture, soon acted as a cause ; for experience shows, 
that men addicted to hunting never can make good farmers. At 
the time when we arrived at the colony, most of the settlers had 
gone from home, taking with them their families, horses, &c, They 
were then chasing the buffalo in the prairies, and had been absent 
forty-five days without being heard from. The settlement was in 
the greatest need of provisions ; fortunately for us, who were like- 
wise destitute, they arrived next day. Their return afforded us a 
view of what was really a novel and interesting spectacle; their march 
was a triumphant one, and presented a much greater concourse of 
men, women, and children, than we had expected to meet on those 
distant prairies. The procession consisted of one hundred and fif- 
teen carts, each loaded with about eight hundred pounds of the 
finest buffalo meat ; there were three hundred persons, including 
the women. The number of their horses, some of which were 
very good, was not under two hundred. Twenty hunters, mounted 
on their best steeds, rode in abreast ; having heard of our arrival, 
they fired a salute as they passed our camp. These men receive 
here the name of Gens libres, or Freemen, to distinguish them from 
the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, who are called En- 
gagees. Those that are partly of Indian extraction, are nick-named 
Bois brute, (Burnt wood,) from their dark complexion. 

"A swift horse is held by them to be the most valuable property; 
they are good judges of horses, particularly of racers, with which 
they may chase the buffalo. Their horses are procured from our 
southern prairies, or from the internal provinces of New Spain, 
whence they are stolen by the Indians, and traded or re-stolen 
throughout the whole distance, until they get into the possession of 
these men. Their dress is singular, but not deficient in beauty ; it 
is a mixture of the European and Indian habits. All of them have 
a blue capote with a hood, which they use only in bad weather; 
the capote is secured round their w#ist by a military sash ; they 



1823. PECULIAR CHARACTER OF THE INHABITANTS. 947 

wear a shirt of calico or painted muslin, moccasins, and leather 
leggings fastened round the legs by garters, ornamented with beads, 
&c. The Bois brules often dispense with a hat ; when they have 
one, it is generally variegated in the Indian manner, with feathers, 
gilt lace, and other tawdry ornaments. 

"The character of the Bois brule countenance is peculiar. Their 
eyes are small, black, and piercing ; their hair generally long, not 
unfrequently curled, and of the deepest black ; their nose is short 
and turned up ; their mouth wide ; their teeth good ; their com- 
plexion of a deep olive, which varies according to the quantity of 
Indian blood which they have in them. They are smart, active, 
excellent runners. One of them, we were told, often chased the 
buffalo on foot ; we did not, however, see him do it. This man had 
a handsome, well-proportioned figure, of which Mr. Seymour took 
a sketch. He was very strong, and was known to have three times 
discharged, from his bow, an arrow which, after perforating one 
buffalo, had killed a second ; an achievement which is sometimes 
performed by Indians, though it is rare, as it requires great muscu- 
lar strength. Their countenance is full of expression, which par- 
takes of cunning and malice. When angry, it assumes all the force 
of the Indian features, and denotes perhaps more of the demoniac 
spirit than is generally met with, even in the countenance of the 
aborigines. 

"The great mixture of nations, which consist of English, Scotch, 
French, Italians, Germans, Swiss, united with Indians of different 
tribes, viz: Chippewas, Crees, Dacotahs, &c, has been unfavorable 
to the state of their morals ; for, as is generally the case, they have 
been more prone to imitate the vices than the virtues of each stock; 
we can therefore ascribe to this combination of heterogeneous in- 
gredients, but a very low rank in the scale of civilization. They 
are but little superior to the Indians themselves. Their cabins are 
built, however, with a little more art; they cultivate small fields of 
wheat, maize, barley, potatoes, turnips, tobacco, &c. A few of the 
more respectable inhabitants keep cows, and attend to agriculture, 
but we saw neither a plough nor a yoke of oxen in use, in the 
whole of the upper settlement. Considering the high latitude of 
Pembina, the above-mentioned plants thrive well. Maize yields 
tolerable crops ; so does tobacco, which even yields seed. The 
wheat, which is in the greatest repute here, is the bearded wheat. 
The price of agricultural produce is apparently very high." 

The same writer gives a spirited account of the manner of deter- 
mining the forty-ninth degree of latitude, which had been the main 
object of the party in visiting the place. It was at once found that 



948 FORTY-NINTH DEGREE OF LATITUDE ESTABLISHED. 1823. 

the settlement stood close upon that line, and on the 8th of August, 
the precise boundary line was found, and a flag was raised upon the 
staff at the point; when, after the firing of a salute, Major Long made 
proclamation that, "by virtue of the authority vested in him by 
the president of the United States, the country situated upon Eed 
river, above that point, was declared to be within the territory of 
the United States." 

The inhabitants, who had been all collected together for the pur- 
pose, heard the declaration with satisfaction. " While fixing the 
posts," says Mr. Keating, "the colonists requested that they might 
be shown how the line would run ; when this was done, the first 
observation they made was, that all the buffalo would be on our 
side of the line ; this remark shows the great interest they take in 
this animal, to which all their thoughts recur." 

The people of Pembina have, however, improved greatly in en- 
terprise and refinement; they have made improvements in the arts 
of agriculture, and have become traders to a very considerable 
extent. 

Their chief article of trade is still buffalo robes and buffalo 
tongues. These they formerly brought to the States by a tedious 
route overland, but since 1849 and 1850, the cities of St. Paul's and 
St. Anthony having sprung into magnitude and importance, the 
Pembinaens chiefly carry their trade up the Red river, then by a 
short overland route to the St. Peter's river, and down that river to 
St. Paul's and St. Anthony, and so often do they make their ap- 
pearance in these cities, that they may be reckoned among their 
regular traders. 

By the census of 1849, there were in the settlement two hundred 
and ninety-five males, and three hundred and forty-two females, 
making a total of six hundred and thirty-seven persons. The 
population at this time (1856) is probably two thousand. 

A writer in an old number of the " Dubuque Herald," gives the 
following account of the climate of Pembina: 

" The cold is sometimes excessive in the settlement. Mercury 
freezes once or twice every year, and sometimes the spirit ther- 
mometer indicates a temperature as low as fifty-two degrees below 
zero. When such a low temperature occurs, there is a pervading 
haze or smoky appearance in the atmosphere, resembling a general 
diffused yellow smoke, and the sun looks red ~as in a sultry even- 
ing. As the sun rises, so does the thermometer, and when the 
mercury thaws out and stands at ten or fifteen below, a breeze sets 
in, and pleasant weather follows — that is, as pleasant as can be, 
while the mercury keeps below zero. 



1824. IMPROVEMENT PAETY SUCCEEDS IN OHIO. 949 

"For weeks, sometimes, the wind will blow from the north — tem- 
perature say from five to ten below — suddenly it shifts into the 
south, and for six hours the thermometer will continue to fall, 
a phenomena which meteorologists, perhaps, can account for. 
Another: when, in summer, the wind blows a length of time from 
the north, it drives the water back, and Red river will have its 
banks full in the dryest seasons. The same thing occurs when the 
wind blows from the same direction in winter, although the sea and 
river are frozen unbrokenly ten feet thick to the north pole." 

In 1824, the friends of canals, and those of free common schools, 
1824.] in Ohio, finding a strong opposition still existing to the 
great plans of improvement offered to the people, during this year 
strained every nerve to secure an Assembly in which, by union, 
both measures might be carried. Information was diffused, and in- 
terest excited by every means that could be suggested, and the 
autumn elections were in consequence such as to insure the success 
of the two bills which were to lay the foundation of so much phys- 
ical and intellectual good to Ohio. 

The subject of civilizing the Indians was taken up as early as 
July, 1789, and was kept constantly in view by the United States 
government from that time forward; in 1819, ten thousand dollars 
annually were appropriated by Congress to that purpose, and great 
pains were taken to see that they were wisely expended. In March 
of this year, (1824,) a report was made by Mr. M'Lean, of Ohio, 
upon the proposition to stop the appropriation above named; against 
this proposition he reported decidedly, and gave a favorable view 
of what had been done, and what might be hoped for. 

African slavery, as may be seen on page 88 in this work, was in- 
troduced into Illinois as early as 1720. 

As slavery obtained throughout all the colonies, the conquest of 
New France by England did not affect the institution. 

The surrender of the country to Clark, in 1778, brought the sub- 
ject under the jurisdiction of Virginia, and in its transfer to the 
Continental Congress, in 1784, the same relationship of property 
was secured. 

The ordinance of 1787 was prospective, and has been so decided 
by the courts. The question whether the descendants of those 
who were slaves in 1787, could be held in servitude, on the ground 
of a " vested right," remained opened until 1845, when, by a de- 
cision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, it was declared they were 
free. 



950 SLAVERY DISCUSSION IN INDIANA. 1824. 

The operation of the ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery in 
the North- Western Territory, was a subject of complaint by a very 
few interested persons, who, by memorials to Congress, made 
efforts to obtain a removal of the restriction for a limited period. 
The first petition was from four persons in Kaskaskia, in 1796, ask- 
ing that slavery might be tolerated there. 

In 1804, a convention was held on the subject at Yincennes, to 
deliberate on "territorial interests" of which Governor Harrison was 
president. One object was to obtain a modification of the organic 
law. A memorial was sent to Congress, which was referred to a 
committee of the House of Representatives, who recommended that 
the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787 be suspended, in a quali- 
fied manner, for ten years, so as to permit the introduction of slaves, 
(born in the United States,) into the territory of Indiana, which 
then included Illinois. This resolution was lost. 

At the session of the Territorial legislature of 1806-7, a series of 
resolutions were adopted, and reported to Congress. One strong 
resolution was reported by the committee to which they were re- 
ferred, in favor of a suspension of the sixth article of the ordi- 
nance for ten years, and was lost in the House. 

This movement produced a political reaction in the territory. 
The opponents of the measure brought out as a candidate for Con- 
gress, Jonathan Jennings, and elected him over the opposite candi- 
date, and continued him by successive re-elections, until the State 
government was formed. 

To avoid the restriction in the organic law, the Territory of Indi- 
ana passed an act, (September 17, 1807,) entitled "An act concerning 
the introduction of negroes and rnulattoes into this Territory.'" It legal- 
ized the introduction of that class of persons, (who were slaves in 
the States or territories,) into that territory, by requiring the owner 
or possessor to enter into indentures with his slave, to serve 
for a stipulated period as an indentured servant, and then become 
free. 

A record of this must be made in the court of common pleas, 
within thirty days after the introduction of the slave or slaves. 
Children under fifteen years of age, were required to serve their 
former owner or possessor — males, until thirty-five years of age, 
and females, until thirty-two years of age. This class was termed 
"indentured servants." 

Many slaveholders from Virginia, Kentucky, and other States, 
who desired to relieve themselves from the ownership of slaves, 
migrated and availed themselves of this law. This form of servi- 



1824. SLAVERY DISCUSSION IN ILLINOIS. 951 

tude has been removed by judicial decisions in Indiana, and by the 
new constitution in Illinois. 

For several years after the war, persons migrated to Illinois, with 
the view of emancipating their slaves. Among these was Edward 
Coles, a native of Virginia, who had been educated at William and 
Mary College, under the tuition of Bishop Madison, where he re- 
ceived the conviction of the wrong and impolicy of negro slavery; 
and he then formed the resolution, that should he come in posses- 
sion of this species of property, he would immediately emancipate 
them. Mr. Coles became Private Secretary for President Madison, 
and remained six years an inmate of his family. He was then sent 
on a special mission to Russia, as the bearer of dispatches to the 
American minister, the late J. Q. Adams, during which time he 
made the tour of Europe. On his return, he effected a sale of his 
plantation, and removed his slaves to Illinois; in 1819, purchased 
one hundred and sixty acres of land for each family, and superin- 
tended their settlement. Soon after, he was appointed by Presi- 
dent Monroe, register of the land office at Edwardsville. He was 
elected governor of the State in 1822, and, as it turned out, at a 
most important crisis. 

"The election took place not long after the settlement of the 
great Missouri question. The Illinois Senators in Congress had 
voted for the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave 
State, without restriction, whilst Mr. Cook, the only representative 
in the lower House, voted against it. This helped to keep alive 
some questions for, or against, the introduction of slavery. 

" About this time also, a tide of immigration was pouring into 
Missouri, through Illinois, from Kentucky and Virginia. In the 
fall of the year, every great road was crowded, and full of them, 
all bound for Missouri, with money, and long trains of teams and 
black and mulatto slaves. Some of these were the most wealthy 
and best educated people from the Slave States. Many of the 
Illinois people who had land and farms to sell, looked upon the 
good fortune of Missouri with envy ; whilst the lordly immigrant, 
as he passed along with his money and droves of servants, took a 
malicious pleasure in increasing it, by pretending to regret the 
short-sighted policy of Illinois, which excluded him from purchas- 
ing land and making settlement there. In this mode, a desire to 
make Illinois a Slave State became quite prevalent. Notwithstand- 
ing the defeat of the slavery party at this election, they were not 
annihilated ; they had only been beaten for governor by a division 
in their own ranks, whilst they had elected a large majority in 



952 SLAVERY DISCUSSION IN ILLINOIS. 1824. 

each House of the Assembly, and were now determined to make a 
vigorous effort to carry their measures at the session of the legisla- 
ture to be held in 1822-23. 

"Governor Coles, in his first message, recommended the emanci- 
pation of the French slaves. This served as the spark to kindle 
into activity all the elements in favor of slavery." * 

Henceforth the question assumed an alarming attitude in poli- 
tics. 

The old constitution provided for alterations only in one mode. 
A vote of two-thirds of the General Assembly could authorize the 
people to vote for or against a convention, at the next election. 
If a majority of votes was in favor, the subsequent legislature was 
required to order an election for members to the convention, and 
appoint the time of meeting, the apportionment to be in ratio to 
the members in both Houses of the General Assembly. 

At that period, the progress of the population northward, had 
rendered this apportionment peculiarly unequal, and the strong 
hold of the advocates of slavery was in the counties near the Ohio 
river; and in the old French settlements. 

It was demonstrated, that on a contingency, one-fourth of the 
votes of the people could elect a majority in a convention, and that 
majority might probably be in favor of opening the State for sla- 
very. Hence it became a paramount object of the opponents of 
the measure, to defeat the convention. 

After several efforts, it was found that the constitutional majority 
in the legislature was lacking by one vote. A contested election, of 
a perplexing and complicated character, had come from Pike 
county, then including all the territory north and west of the Illi- 
nois river, and, at the early part of the session, was decided in 
favor of Mr. Hanson ; but some members who were opposed to a 
convention, conscientiously gave their votes for the contestant, Mr. 
Shaw. 

After a stormy session of about ten weeks, the convention party 
adopted the desperate alternative of a re-consideration, and turned 
out Hanson, and put in Shaw. This turned the scale, and the vote 
recommending the people to vote for or against a convention, was 
carried. A number of the members of both Houses entered their 
solemn protest against both the object and the measures to ob- 
tain it. 



Ford's History of Illinois. 



1824. SLAVERY DISCUSSION IN ILLINOIS. 953 

The resolution passed both Houses but a short time before the 
adjournment, February, 1823. Only one of the four papers in the 
State — the "Edwardsville Spectator," by Hooper Warren — at that 
time took a decided stand against slavery and a convention. 

Elections were biennial, and the question could not be decided 
until the first Monday in August, 1824; the contest was spirited. 
The people who were opposed to the introduction of slavery, be- 
came aroused ; public meetings were held ; and societies organized 
for "the prevention of slavery in Illinois." The first move was 
made in the county of St. Clair, where the convention party were 
strong, and led by some of the strongest political men in the 
State. 

A county society was organized, officers appointed, an address 
to the people of Illinois was published, and an invitation made to 
form societies in other counties. Fourteen similar societies were 
organized in as many counties, and a correspondence established 
in them through persons who could be trusted, in every county 
and election precinct. This system was in full operation before 
August, and a year remained to gather strength. 

The opposite party relied on quiet and concealed operations. 
Many denied, and doubtless honestly, that the introduction of sla- 
very was the object; and believed that there were objectionable 
features in the constitution, that should be removed. In the coun- 
ties north of the road from St. Louis to Vincennes, very little was 
said by this party in favor of slavery, except to ward off the charges 
made by their opponents. 

The members of the preceding legislature, who had protested 
against the convention question, contributed each fifty dollars from 
their wages, to meet expenses in printing and circulating papers. 
The governor was in the opposition, and at once resolved to expend 
his four years' salary in the contest, and nobly did he redeem the 
pledge. 

The summer and autumn wore away, and the convention party 
had no regular organization. The time appointed for rallying the 
leaders and acting in concert, was in December, at the session of 
the Supreme Court in Yandalia. The paper at that place, that 
performed the public printing, was their strong garrison, so far as 
newspaper armor was concerned. On the morning of their meet- 
ing, this citidal surrendered, to their opponents, hoisted the anti-con- 
vention flag, and prepared to pour grape-shot into their ranks, in 
the form of newspaper bullets. 

Governor Coles had purchased an interest in the press; David 
61 



954 SLAVERY CEASES IN ILLINOIS. 1824. 

Blackwell, of Belleville, had been appointed Secretary of State, to 
fill a vacancy, and conducted the paper as editor. From that time 
until August, the contest was carried on vigorously by both par- 
ties and finally decided against a convention, by about eighteen 
hundred majority. The number of votes given in the State, was 
nearly twelve thousand. 

During the contest it was anticipated that an indirect influence 
out of the State, would be exerted to gain the question. All such 
extraneous influence the opponents resisted. Of the members of 
Congress, Governor Edwards and Daniel P. Cook, were strong in 
the opposition, and each wielded a vigorous pen in the cause. 

In six months after, the question was settled ; a politician who 
was in favor of the introduction of slavery in the State, was a rara 
avis. 

In this year, the Miami University of Oxford, Ohio, was first 
organized as a college. The following sketch of the institution and 
its history, from the pen of James M'Bride, Esq., President of the 
Board of Trustees of the same, (to which are added some remarks 
respecting the female seminaries of Oxford,) will be found 
interesting. 

" The Miami University is situated in the town of Oxford, Butler 
county, State of Ohio, thirty -three miles distant from Cincinnati. 
The college derives its permanent endowment from a township of 
land, six miles square, situated in the north-west corner of Butler 
county, being located in lieu of a township of land, which had been 
originally granted by the Congress of the United States, for the 
endowment of an academy and other seminaries of learning, in 
Symmes' purchase, between the Miami rivers. 

"John Cleves Symmes, of the State of New Jersey, presented his 
petition to Congress, dated the 29th day of August, 1787, proposing 
to become the purchaser of one million of acres of land, lying 
between the Great and Little Miami rivers, and that one township 
should be assigned in the tract for the benefit of an academy. In 
pursuance of which, an agreement was made with Symmes and his 
associates for the sale of one million of acres. The price of the 
land was to be two-thirds of a dollar per acre, part payable in install- 
ments. The latter, not having been punctually met, Congress 
passed a law, dated the 5th day of May, 1792, authorizing the 
conveyance to John Cleves Symmes and his associates, of such 
number of acres of land as the payments then made would pay for. 

u On settlement at the treasury, it appeared that Symmes 



1824. HISTORY OF MIAMI UNIVERSITY. 955 

and his associates had paid in one hundred and sixty-five thousand 
six hundred and ninety-three dollars and forty-two cents, by which 
they were entitled to two hundred and forty-eight thousand five 
hundred and forty acres of land. On which settlement being com- 
pleted, George Washington, the then President of the United 
States, issued a patent to John Cleves Symmes and his associates, 
dated the thirteenth day of September, 1794, for three hundred and 
eleven thousand six hundred and eighty-two acres of land, reserving 
out of this tract, however, one complete township of six miles 
square, for the endowment and support of an academy and other 
public schools and seminaries of learning, and such other reserva- 
tions as were stipulated in the contract, so that only two hundred 
and forty- eight thousand five hundred and forty acres were the 
property of the grantees — the residue consisted of the various reser- 
vations and grants for public purposes specified in the agreement 
and law. 

" So soon as Symmes completed his contract with the govern- 
ment, he commenced selling lands indiscriminately of his purchase, 
so that soon after the patent issued there was not an entire town- 
ship within its bounds unsold, which he could tender or appropri- 
ate for a college. The people who had settled in the purchase, 
fearing that they would lose the benefit of the donation for an insti- 
tution of learning, petitioned the legislature of the territory, and 
the latter memorialized Congress on the subject. The convention 
who formed the first constitution of the State of Ohio, also, repre- 
sented the matter to Congress, and insisted that a township of land 
should be secured according to the original intention. 

"In consequence of these applications, Congress, by law, in 1803, 
granted a township of land, to be located west of the Great Miami 
river, under the direction of the legislature of the State, in lieu of 
the township originally intended to be reserved in Symmes' pur- 
chase; on which, the legislature of the State of Ohio, in 1803, 
passed a law, and appointed commissioners to locate a college town- 
ship, in pursuance of which, the present township of Oxford was 
selected on the 1st of September, 1803. 

"The Miami University was established by act of incorporation, 
passed by the legislature of Ohio, in February, 1809, and by an 
amendatory act, passed in February, 1810, the trustees of the insti- 
tution were directed to lay out the town of Oxford, and the site of 
the University was established at that place, on the lands set apart 
for its endowment. 

" These lands are leased for ninety-nine Tears, renewable forever, 



956 history or miami university. 1824. 

subject to the annual payment of a quit rent of six per cent, on the 
purchase money. It required a number of years before all the 
lands were disposed of and suitable buildings erected, to accommo- 
date the college. So soon as this was accomplished, a faculty was 
organized, and the college was opened on the first Monday of 
^November, 1824, under the superintendence of the Rev. Robert H. 
Bishop, a native of Scotland, and a clergyman of the Presbyterian 
denomination, as president. He continued to preside over the 
institution until the year 1841. The first commencement, when 
degrees were conferred, was held in September, 1826, when the 
degree of A. B. was conferred on twelve young gentlemen. 

" Since that time, the whole number who have graduated in the 
college, up to the year 1856, inclusive, is five hundred and seventy- 
nine. 

"The town of Oxford is situated on an elevated and commanding 
prominence, from which the ground descends gently in all direc- 
tions. It is laid out one mile square, in the eastern part of which 
is reserved a plat of ground on which are erected the college 
buildings. 

" The number of teachers in Miami University, are six professors, 
a Principal of the Preparatory Department, and a Principal of the 
ISTormal and Model school. According to the catalogue published 
for the last year, the number of students in the institution was two 
hundred and fifty- one. 

"The permanent revenue for the support of the University, 
arising from the rents of the college lands, is about five thousand 
five hundred dollars per annum, in addition to which, is the receipts 
arising from tuition fees; this will, however, vary according to the 
number of students in attendance. 

"The college library contains about eight thousand volumes of 
books, generally well selected and valuable. There is, in the col- 
lege, a well arranged and valuable cabinet of specimens, which 
affords the means of a very complete exhibition of the subjects of 
Geology and Mineralogy. And the apparatus belonging to the 
college, affords the means for a satisfactory illustration of the most 
important doctrines of the various departments of Mathematics, 
Astronomy, ^Natural Philosophy and Chemistry. ' The Theologi- 
cal Seminar} 7 of the Associate Reformed Synod of the West,' is 
likewise located at Oxford. 

"Besides the University and Theological Seminary, there are 
three other seminaries, for the education of females, at Oxford. In 
1849, 'The Oxford Female Institute' was established under the 



1824. CANAL AND SCHOOL LAWS PASSED IN OHIO. 957 

direction of the Rev. John W. Scott, D. D. The number of pupils 
in attendance from the time of its opening up to the present time, 
according to the published catalogues, has been from one hundred 
and thirty-nine to one hundred and seventy-two. 

"An institution called i The "Western Female Seminary,' (on the 
plan of the Mount Hollyoke Seminary,) was dedicated in Septem- 
ber, 1855. It opened with one hundred and fifty pupils. 

" ' The Oxford Female College ' is erected on a tract of twenty- 
five acres of land, near the north-east corner of the town of Oxford. 
The building is extensive and elegant, and said to be admirably 
adapted for the purpose for which it is intended." 

Upon the 4th of February, 1825, a law was passed by Ohio, author- 
1825.] izing the making of two canals, one from the Ohio to Lake 
Erie, by the valleys of the Scioto and Muskingum ; the other from 
Cincinnati to Dayton ; and a canal fund was created ; the vote in 
the House iu favor of the law was fifty-eight to thirteen ; in the 
Senate, thirty- four to two. 

Upon the day following, the law to provide for a system of com- 
mon schools was also passed by large majorities. 

These two laws were carried by the union of the friends of each, 
and by the unremitting efforts of a few public spirited men. 

General Clark and Governor Cass, having been appointed com- 
missioners, to mediate at Prairie du Chien, between the Sioux, 
Sac, Fox, Chippewa, Menomonie and Winnebago tribes of Indians, 
and to establish boundaries between them, returns were received 
from those gentlemen this year. They had been successful in their 
undertaking and had concluded treaties with those tribes, by which 
their long and bloody wars were terminated, and boundaries 
assigned to them, as the surest guarantee against future hostilities. 

In 1826, the first steamboat was seen on the waters of Lake Michi- 
1826.] gan, a pleasure trip having been made that year to Green 
Bay ; and, although during the following years similar trips w y ere 
made to that place, it was not until 1832 that a boat visited Chicago. 
In 1833, the trade upon the upper lakes was carried on by eleven 
steamboats, costing about three hundred and sixty thousand dollars, 
and two trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay. In 
1824, there were eighteen boats, costing six hundred thousand dol- 
lars, and three trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay. 
The commerce west of Detroit, at that time, and for many years 



958 FIRST STEAMBOAT AT CHICAGO. 1832. 

afterward, being almost entirely confined to the Indian trade and 
to supplying the United States military posts, some small schooners 
were also employed. The trade rapidly increased with the popu- 
lation, until, in 1840, there were upon the upper lakes, forty-eight 
steamers of from one hundred and fifty to seven hundred and fifty 
tons burden, and costing two millions of dollars, the business west 
of Detroit producing to the owners about two hundred and one 
thousand dollars. In 1841, the trade had so augmented as to 
employ six of the largest boats in running from Buffalo to Chicago, 
and one to Green Bay, and during that year, the sailing vessels had 
increased to about two hundred and fifty, of from thirty to three 
hundred and fifty tons, costing about one million two hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. In 1845, there were upon the upper lakes, 
sixty vessels, including propellers, moved by steam, measuring 
twenty-three thousand tons, and three hundred and twenty sailing 
vessels, costing four millions six hundred thousand dollars, some of 
them measuring one thousand two hundred tons. The increase in 
that year was forty-seven vessels, carrying nine thousand seven 
hundred tons, and costing six hundred and fifty thousand dollars ; 
and since the last fall, sixteen steamers and fourteen sailing vessels 
of the largest class have been put under construction. In 1845, 
there were upon Lake Ontario, fifteen steamboats and propellers, 
and about one hundred sailing vessels, having a burden of eighteen 
thousand tons, and costing one million five hundred thousand dol- 
lars, many of which, by using the Welland canal, carry on business 
with Chicago and other places on the western lakes. Since the 
close of the last season many additional vessels have been built on 
this lake. 

The commerce of the port of Buffalo alone, during the year 1845, 
amounted to thirty-three millions of dollars in value; and that of 
all the other places on the lakes exceeding that amount, would 
make an aggregate of full seventy millions of dollars, while even 
this would be greatly augmented if we could add the value of the 
commerce of the upper lakes, which, by the way of the Welland 
canal, goes direct to the Canadian ports. The steamboats alone 
leaving Buffalo for the West, in the year 1845, carried from that 
place ninety-seven thousand seven hundred and thirty-six passen- 
gers, of whom twenty thousand six hundred and thirty-six were 
landed at Detroit, one thousand six hundred and seventy at Macki- 
nac, twelve thousand seven hundred and seventy-five at Milwaukie, 
two thousand seven hundred and ninety at Southport, two thou- 
sand seven hundred and fifty at Racine, and twenty thousand two 



1832. HISTORY OF BLACK HAWK WAR. 959 

.hundred and forty-four at Chicago. If to this aggregate we were 
to add the numbers arriving at Buffalo from the west, and the 
numbers leaving there in sailing vessels, the multitudes going 
between other places on those lakes, and some fifty thousand who 
were passengers in the vessels on Lake Ontario, we would have a 
grand total of at least two hundred and fifty thousand passengers 
on the lakes during the last year, whose lives were subjected to all the 
risks attending the navigation of those waters, exclusive of the offi- 
cers and crews of all the vessels engaged in that navigation. From 
1840 to 1845, upwards of four hundred lives, and property worth 
more than a million of dollars have been lost on the lakes. 

Since that period, the trade upon the lakes has increased so much, 
and has become so very extensive, that it has been difficult to keep 
correct accounts ; but from the report of the loss of human life as well 
as property, it seems that this has increased in an even greater ratio. 

In 1804, General Harrison purchased from the Sacs and Foxes, at 
1832.] St. Louis, an immense extent of country, bounded as fol- 
lows, viz: 

Beginning at a point on the Missouri river, opposite the mouth 
of the Gasconade river; thence in a direct course so as to strike the 
river Jeffreon,* at the distance of thirty miles from its mouth, and 
down the said Jeffreon to the Mississippi; thence up the Mis- 
sissippi, to the mouth of the Ouisconsin river, and up the same 
to a point, which shall be thirty-six miles in a direct line from the 
mouth of the said river ; thence by a direct line, to the point where 
the Fox river, (a branch of the Illinois,) leaves the small lake called 
Sakaegan; thence down the Fox river to the Illinois river, and 
down the same to the Mississippi. 

And in consideration of the friendship and protection of the 
United States, as likewise goods, to the value of two thousand two 
hundred and thirty-four dollars, then delivered, and a further an- 
nuity of one thousand dollars, to be paid to them annually, in goods, 
deliverable at St. Louis, or some convenient point on the Missis- 
sippi river, the said tribes ceded and relinquished forever to the 
United States, all the lands included within the above described 
boundary. 

Of the yearly annuity, which, if required by the Indians, might 
be paid in compensation of useful artificers, to reside with or near 



*Bclieved to be the Pes Moines. 



960 HISTORY OF BLACK HAWK WAR. 1832. 

them, and to work for them, six hundred dollars were to be for the 
Sacs, and four hundred for the Foxes. 

The United States, in the treaty made, further agreed to protect 
the Indians, to prohibit the whites from intruding on their lands, 
to regulate the trade of the whites with them, in order to put a stop 
to the abuses and impositions to which they had been subject, and 
to put an end to the bloody war which had till then raged between 
these tribes, and those of the Great and Little Osages. 

The Indians, for their part, agreed never to sell their lands, or 
any part of them, to any sovereign power but the United States, 
nor to citizens of any power whatever; and it was mutually stipula- 
ted that in case of robberies, thefts, or murders, the property taken, 
if discovered, should be mutually restored, or indemnification paid, 
and the respective culprits delivered up to the United States, and 
punished according to the laws of the latter.* 

" This treaty was confirmed by a part of the tribe in the council 
at Portage Des Sioux, in September, 1815, and by another part in 
a treaty with the same commissioners, in May, 1816. The United 
States had, previous to 1830, caused some of these lands, situate on 
Hock river, to be surveyed and sold. These lands included the great 
town of the nation, near the mouth of the river. The purchasers 
from the government moved on their lands, built houses, made 
fences and fields, and thus took possession of the ancient metropolis 
of the Indian nation. The principal part of the Indians had long 
since moved from their town to the west of the Mississippi. 

"But there was one old chief of the Sacs, called Mucata Muhi- 
catah, or Black Hawk,f who always denied the validity of these 
treaties. Black Hawk was now an old man. He had been a war- 
rior from his youth. He had led many a war party on the trail of 
an enemy, and had never been defeated. He had been in the service 
of England in the war of 1812, and aid-de-camp to the great Tecum- 
the. He was distinguished for courage, and for clemency to the van- 
quished. He was an Indian patriot, a kind husband and father, 
and was noted for his integrity in all his dealings with his tribe 
and with the Indian traders. He was firmly attached to the Bri- 
tish, and cordially hated the Americans. At the close of the w T ar 
of 1812, he had never joined in making peace with the United 
States, but he and his band still kept up their connection with Can- 
ada, and were ever ready for a war with our people. In his per- 



* See page 920. f See page 921. 



1832. HISTORY OF BLACK HAWK WAR. 961 

sonal deportment lie was grave and melancholy, with a disposition 
to clierish and brood over the wrongs he supposed he had received 
from the Americans. He w r as thirsting for revenge upon his ene- 
mies, and at the same time his piety constrained him to devote a 
day in the year to visit the grave of a favorite daughter buried on 
the Mississippi river, not far from Oquaka. Here he came on his 
yearly visits, and spent a day by the grave, lamenting and bewail- 
ing the death of one who had been the pride of his family, and of 
his Indian home. With these feelings was mingled the certain and 
melancholy prospect of the extinction of his tribe, and the transfer 
of his country to the possession of a hated enemy ; whilst he and 
his people were to be driven, as he supposed, into a strange coun- 
try, far from the graves of his fathers and his children. 

" Black Hawk's own account of the treaty of 1804, is as follows: 
He says that some Indians of the tribe were arrested and impris- 
oned in St. Louis for murder ; that some of the chiefs were sent 
down to provide for their defense ; that whilst there, and without 
the consent of the nation, they were induced to sell the Indian 
country; that when they came home, it appeared that they had 
been drunk most of the time they w T ere absent, and could give no 
account of what they had done, except that they had sold some 
land to the white people, and had come home loaded with presents 
and Indian finery. This was all that the nation ever heard or 
knew about the treaty of 1804. 

"Under the belief that the treaty was void, he resisted the order 
of the government for the removal of his band west of the Missis- 
sippi. He was industriously engaged in securing followers, and 
gained many accessions to his party. Like Tecumthe, he, too, had 
his Prophet, whose influence over the superstitious savages was 
not without effect. 

"In 1830, an arrangement was made by the Americans, who had 
purchased the land above the mouth of Rock river, and the Indians 
that remained — Black Hawk himself being at their head — to live 
as neighbors ; the latter cultivating their old fields. In the spring, 
after planting, the Indians left according to their custom, for their 
summer hunt, and returned in time to gather their corn. They 
alleged, that during their absence, some depredations had been 
committed on their property, and Black Hawk was highly incensed. 
In the fall he left with his band for the winter hunt, and in the 
spring of 1831, he recrossed the river, with his women and chil- 
dren, and three hundred warriors of the British band, together with 
some allies from the Pottawattamie and Kickapoo nations, to 



962 HISTORY OF BLACK HAWK WAR. 1832. 

establish himself upon his ancient hunting grounds, and in the 
principal village of his nation. He ordered the white settlers away, 
threw down their fences, unroofed their houses, cut up their grain, 
drove off and killed their cattle, and threatened the people with 
death if they remained. The settlers made their complaints to 
Governor Reynolds. These acts of the Indians were considered by 
the governor to be an invasion of the State. He immediately ad- 
dressed letters to General Gaines, of the United States army, and 
to General Clark, the superintendent of Indian affairs, calling upon 
them to use the influence of the government to procure the peaceful 
removal of the Indians, if possible ; at all events to defend and pro- 
tect the American citizens who had purchased those lands from 
the United States, and were now about to be ejected by the Indi- 
ans. General Gaines repaired to Rock Island, with a few companies 
of regular soldiers, and soon ascertained that the Indians were bent 
upon war. He immediately called upon Governor Reynolds for 
seven hundred mounted volunteers. The governor obeyed the 
requisition. A call was made upon some of the northern and 
central counties, in obedience to which fifteen hundred volunteers 
rushed to his standard, at Beardstown, and about the 10th of June 
were organized, and ready to be marched to the seat of war. 

"The army proceeded in four days to the Mississippi, at a place 
now called Rockport, about eight miles below the mouth of Rock 
river, where it met General Gaines in a steamboat, with a supply 
of provisions. Here it encamped for one night and here the two 
generals concerted a plan of operations. General Gaines had been 
in the vicinity of the Indian town for about a month, during which 
time it might be supposed that he had made himself thoroughly 
acquainted with the localities and topography of the country. The 
next morning the volunteers marched forward, with an old regular 
soldier for a guide. The steamboat with General Gaines ascended 
the river. A battle was expected to be fought that day on Vand- 
ruff's Island, opposite the Indian town. The plan was for the vol- 
unteers to cross the slough on to this island, give battle to the 
enemy if found there, and then to ford the main river into the 
towu, where they were to be met by the regular force comiug down 
from the fort. General Gaines had ordered the artillery of the 
regular army to be stationed on a high bluff which looked down 
upon the contemplated battle-field a half mile distant, from w T hence, 
in case of battle with the Indians in the tangled thickets of the 
island, their shot were likely to kill more of their friends than their 
enemies. It would have been impossible for the artillerists to dis- 



1832. HISTORY OF BLACK HAWK WAR. 963 

tinguish one from the other. And when the army arrived at the 
main river, they found it a bold, deep stream, notfordableforahalf 
mile or more above by horses, and no means of transportation was 
then ready to ferry them over. Here they were in sight of the In- 
dian towm, with a narrow but deep river running between, and here 
the principal part of them remained until scows could be brought 
to ferry them across. 

"When the volunteers reached the town, they found no enemy 
there. The Indians had quietly departed the same morning in their 
canoes, for the western side of the Mississippi. Whilst in camp 
twelve miles below, the evening before, a canoe load of Indians 
came down with a white flag, to tell the general that they were 
peaceable Indians, that they expected a great battle to come off next 
day, that they desired to remain neutral, and wanted to retire with 
their families to some place of safety, and they asked to know 
w T here that was to be. General Gaines answered them very ab- 
ruptly, and told them to be off and go to the other side of the Mis- 
sissippi. That night they returned to their town, and the next 
morning early the whole band of hostile Indians recrossed the river, 
and thus entitled themselves to protection. 

"The enemy having escaped, the volunteers were determined to 
be avenged upon something. The rain descended in torrents, and 
the Indian wigwams would have furnished a comfortable shelter ; 
but, notwithstanding the rain, the whole town was soon wrapped 
in flames, and thus perished an ancient village, which had once 
been the delightful home of six or seven thousand Indians. 

"The volunteers marched to Rock Island next morning, and here 
they encamped for several days, precisely where the town of Rock 
Island is now situated. 

" General Gaines threatened to pursue the Indians across the 
river, which brought Black Hawk, and the chiefs and braves of the 
hostile band, to the fort to sue for peace. A treaty was here 
formed with them, by which they agreed to remain forever after on 
west side of the river, and never to recross it without the permis- 
sion of the president, or the governor of the State. And thus 
these Indians at last ratified the treaty of 1804, by which their lands 
were sold to the white people, and they agreed to live in peace 
with the government. 

"But notwithstanding this treaty, early in the spring of 1832, 
Black Hawk and the disaffected Indians prepared to reassert their 
right to the disputed territory. 

" The united Sacs and Fox nations were divided into two parties. 



964 AMERICAN ARMY AT ROCK RIVER. 1832. 

Black Hawk commanded the warlike band, and Keokuk, another 
chief, headed the band which was in favor of peace. Keokuk, a 
sagacious leader of his people, was gifted with a wild and stirring 
eloquence, rare to be found even among Indians, by means of 
which be retained the greater part of his nation in amity with the 
white people. But nearly all the bold, turbulent spirits, who de- 
lighted in mischief, arranged themselves under the banners of his 
rival. Black Hawk had with him the chivalry of his nation, with 
which he recrossed the Mississippi in the spring of 1882. He di- 
rected his march to the Rock river country, and this time aimed, 
by marching up the river into the countries of the Pottawattamies 
and Winnebagoes, to make them his allies. Governor Reynolds, 
upon being informed of the facts, made another call for volunteers. 
In a few days eighteen hundred men rallied under his banner at 
Beardstown. 

" The army proceeded by way of Oquaka, on the Mississippi, to 
the mouth of Rock river, and here it was agreed between General 
"Whiteside and General Atkinson, of the regulars, that the volun- 
teers should march up Rock river, about fifty miles, to the Proph- 
et's town, and there encamp to feed and rest their horses, and await 
the arrival of the regular troops in keel boats with provisions. But 
when he arrived at the Prophet's town, instead of remaining there, 
his men set fire to the village, which was entirely consumed, and 
the brigade marched on in the direction of Dixon, forty miles 
higher up the river. When the volunteers had arrived within a 
short distance of Dixon, orders were given to leave the baggage 
wagons behind, so as to reach there by a forced march. And for 
the relief of the horses, the men left large quantities of provisions 
behind with the wagons. 

" At Dixon, General Whiteside came to a halt, to await a junc- 
tion with General Atkinson, with provisions and the regular forces; 
and from here parties were sent out to reconnoiter the enemy, and 
ascertain his position. The army here found upon its arrival two 
battalions of mounted volunteers, consisting of two hundred and 
seventy-five men, from the counties of M'Lean, Tazewell, Peoria, 
and Fulton. The officers of this force begged to be put forward upon 
some dangerous service, in which they could distinguish them- 
selves. To gratify them they were ordered up Rock river to spy 
out the Indians. 

The party, under Major Stillman, began their march on the 12th of 
May, and pursuing their way on the south-east side, they came to 
'Old Man's' creek, since called 'Stillman's Run,' a small stream which 



1832. MAJOR STILLMAN DEFEATED. 965 

rises in White Rock Grove, in Ogle county, and falls into the river 
near Bloorningville. Here they encamped just before night ; and in 
a short time a party of Indians on horseback were discovered on a 
rising ground, about one mile distant from the encampment. A 
party of Stillman's men mounted their horses without orders or 
commander, and were soon followed by others, stringing along for 
a quarter of a mile, to pursue the Indians and attack them. The 
Indians retreated, after displaying a red flag, the emblem of defi- 
ance and war, but were overtaken, and three of them slain. Black 
Hawk was near by with his main force, and being prompt to repel 
an assault, soon rallied his men, amounting then to several hundred 
warriors, and moved down upon Major Stillman's camp, driving 
the disorderly rabble, the recent pursuers, before him. These val- 
orous gentlemen, lately so hot in pursuit, when the enemy were 
few, were no less hasty in their retreat, when coming in contact 
with superior numbers. They came with their horses in a full run, 
and in this manner broke through the camp of Major Stillman, 
spreading dismay and terror among the rest of his men, who imme- 
diately began to join in the flight, so that no effort to rally them 
could possibly have succeeded. Major Stillman, now that it was 
too late to remedy the evils of insubordination and disorder in his 
command, did all that was practicable, by ordering his men to fall 
back in order, and form on higher ground ; but as the prairie rose 
behind them for more than, a mile, the ground for a rally was never 
discovered; and besides this, when the men once got their backs to 
the enemy, they commenced a retreat, without one thought of 
making a further stand. A retreat of undisciplined militia from the 
attack of a superior force, is apt to be a disorderly and inglorious 
flight, and so it was here ; each man sought his own individual safety, 
and in the twinkling of an eye, the whole detachment was in utter 
confusion. They were pursued in their flight by thirty or forty 
Indians, for ten or twelve miles, the fugitives in the rear keeping 
up a flying lire as they rau, until the Indians ceased pursuing. 

"Major Stillman and his men were for along time afterward the 
subject of thoughtless merriment and ridicule, which were as unde- 
served as their battle, if so it may be called, had been unfortunate. 
The party was raw militia; it had been but a few days in the field; 
the men were wholly without discipline, and, as yet, without confi- 
dence in each other, or in their officers. 

"This confidence they had not been long enough together to 
acquire. Any other body of men, under the same circumstances, 



966 INDIAN MASSACRE NEAR OTTAWA. 1832. 

would have acted no better. They were as good material 
for an army, if properly drilled and disciplined, as could he found 
elsewhere. 

"In the night, after the arrival at Dixon, the trumpet sounded a 
signal for the officers to assemble at the tent of General "White- 
side. A council of war was held, in which it was agreed to 
march early the next morning to the fatal field of that evening's 
disaster. When the volunteers arrived there, the Indians were 
gone. They had scattered out all over the country, some of them 
further up Eock river, and others toward the nearest settlements of 
white people. 

"A party of about seventy Indians made a descent upon the 
small settlement of Indian creek, a tributary of Fox river, and 
there, within fifteen miles of Ottawa, they massacred fifteen per- 
sons, men, women, and children, and took two young women 
prisoners — the one about seventeen, and the others about fifteen 
years old. 

"This party of Indians immediately retreated into the Winne- 
bago country, up Eock river, carrying the scalps of their slain, and 
their prisoners with them. 

"The young women prisoners were hurried by forced marches 
beyond the reach of pursuit. After a long and fatiguing journey, 
with their Indian conductors, through a wilderness country, w r ith 
but little to eat, and being subjected to a variety of fortune, they 
were at last purchased by the chiefs of the Winnebagoes, employed 
by Mr. Gratiot for the purpose, w T ith two thousand dollars, in horses, 
wampum, and trinkets, and were safely returned to their friends. 

"The army now amounted to twenty-four hundred, and had the 
men been willing to serve longer, the war could have been ended 
in less than a mouth, by the capture or destruction of all Black 
Hawk's forces. But the volunteers were anxious to be discharged. 
Their term of service had nearly expired. Many of them had left 
their business in such a condition as to require their presence at 
home; and besides this, there was much dissatisfaction with the 
commanding general. To require further service from unwilling 
men was worse than useless, for a militia force will never do any 
good unless their hearts prompt them to a cheerful alacrity in per- 
forming their duty. The militia can never be forced to fight against 
their will. Their hearts as well as their bodies must be in the 
service; and to do any good, they must feel the utmost confidence 
in their officers. They were first marched back to the battle-field 



1832. BLACK HAWK AND PARTY DEFEATED. 967 

in pursuit of the Indians, and then by Pawpaw Grove and Indian 
creek, to Ottawa, where the whole, at their urgent request, 
were discharged by Governor Reynolds, on the 27th and 28th of 
May."* 

Meanwhile, three thousand Illinois militia had been ordered 
out, who rendezvoused upon the 20th of June, near Peru ; these 
marched forward to the Pock river, where they were joined by the 
United States troops, the whole being under command of General 
Atkinson. 

Six hundred mounted men were also ordered out, while General 
Scott, with nine companies of artillery, hastened from the seaboard 
by the way of the lakes to Chicago, moving with such celerity, that 
some of his troops, it was said, actually went eighteen hundred 
miles in eighteen days; passing in that time from Fort Monroe, 
on the Chesapeake, to Chicago. Long before the artillerists could 
reach the scene of action, however, the western troops had com- 
menced the conflict in earnest, and before they did reach the field, 
had closed it. 

On the 24th of June, Black Hawk and his two hundred warriors 
were repulsed by Major Demint, with but one hundred and fifty 
militia ; this skirmish took place between Pock river and Galena. 
The army then continued to move up Pock river, near the heads 
of which it was understood that the main party of the hostile Indi- 
ans was collected; and as provisions were scarce, and hard to 
convey in such a country, a detachment was sent forward to Fort 
Winnebago, at the portage between the Wisconsin and Fox rivers, 
to procure supplies. 

This detachment hearing of Black Hawk's army, pursued and 
overtook them on the 21st of July, near the Wisconsin river, and 
in the neighborhood of the Blue Mounds. General Henry, who 
commanded the party, formed with his troops three sides of a 
hollow square, and in that order received the attack of the Indians; 
two attempts to break the ranks were made by the natives in vain ; 
and then a general charge was made by the whole body of Ameri- 
cans, and with such success that, it is said, fifty-two of the red men 
were left dead upon the field, while but one American was killed 
and eight wounded. 

Before this action, Henry had sent word of his motions to the 
mam army, by whom he was immediately rejoined, and on the 
28th of July, the whole crossed the Wisconsin in pursuit of Black 

* Ford's History of Illinois. 



968 scott's army decimated by cholera. 1832. 

Hawk, who was retiring toward the Mississippi. Upon the bank 
of that river, nearly opposite the Upper Ioway, the Indians were 
overtaken and again defeated, on the 2d of August, with a loss of 
one hundred and fifty men, while of the whites but eighteen fell. 
This battle entirely broke the power of Black Hawk ; he fled, but 
was seized by the Winnebagoes, and upon the 27th, was delivered 
to the officers of the United States, at Prairie du Chien. 

General Scott, during the months of July and August, was con- 
tending with a worse than Indian foe. The Asiatic cholera had 
just reached Canada; passing up the St. Lawrence to Detroit, it 
overtook the western-bound armament, and thenceforth the camp 
became an hospital. On the 8th of July, his thinned ranks landed 
at Fort Dearborn or Chicago, but it was late in August before they 
reached the Mississippi. The number of that band who died from 
the cholera, must have been at least seven times as great as that 
of all who fell in battle. There were several other skirmishes of 
the troops with the Indians, and a number of individuals mur- 
dered ; making in all, about seventy-five persons killed in these 
actions, or murdered on the frontiers. 

In September, the Indian troubles were closed by a treaty, which 
relinquished to the white men thirty millions of acres of land, for 
which stipulated annuities were to be paid ; constituting now the 
eastern portion of the State of Iowa, to w T hich the only real claim 
of the Sauks and Foxes, was their depredations on the unoffend- 
ing Ioways, about one hundred and thirty years since. To Keokuk 
and his party, a reservation of forty miles square was given, in 
consideration of his fidelity; while Black Hawk and his family, 
were sent as hostages to Fort Monroe in the Chesapeake, where 
they remained till June, 1833. The chief afterward returned to 
his native wilds, where he died in 1840. 

Black Hawk cannot rank with Pontiac or Tecumthe ; he seem- 
ingly fought more for revenge, and showed less intellectual power; 
but he was a fearless man. 

The same disease w T hich decimated General Scott's troops, 
during the autumn of this year, and the summers of 1833 and 1834, 
spread terror through the whole West, though during the latter 
year it was comparatively mild. Three facts in relation to it w T ere 
remarkable ; the first is, that other diseases diminished while it 
prevailed ; — the second, that many points which were spared in 
1832, (as Lexington, Kentucky,) were devastated in 1833; — the 
third, that its appearance and progress presented none of the evi- 
dences of contagion. 



1837. MICHIGAN BECOMES A STATE. 969 

A visitation less fatal than the cholera, but for the time most 
disastrous, had come upon the valley of the Ohio in the preceding 
February. A winter of excessive cold was suddenly closed, by 
long continued and very heavy rains, which, unable to penetrate the 
frozen ground, soon raised every stream emptying into Ohio to an 
unusual height. The main trunk, unable to discharge the water 
which poured into it, overflowed its banks, and laid the whole 
valley, in many places several miles in width, under water. 

The towns and villages along the river banks, were flooded in 
some instances so deeply, as to force the inhabitants to take refuge 
on the neighboring hills; — and the value of the property injured 
and destroyed must have been very great, though its amount could 
not, of course, be ascertained. The water continued to rise from 
the 7th to the 19th of February, when it had attained the height 
of sixty-three feet above low water mark at Cincinnati. 

In April, 1834, a census had shown that Michigan possessed a 
1837.] population sufficient to entitle her to admission into the 
Union. In May, 1835, a convention, held at Detroit, prepared a 
State constitution, and asked to it the assent of Congress. This 
Congress refused, but passed a conditional act, by which the appli- 
cant might become a State, should certain stipulations be assented 
to ; this assent was to be signified through a convention, and one 
met for the purpose in September, 1836; this body declined 
acceding to the conditions. 

Thereupon a second convention was chosen, which, in the follow- 
ing December, accepted the terms offered, and after some discus- 
sion in Congress in relation to the legality of this acceptance, 
Michigan was recognized as a sovereign State of the Union. 

The question which caused the difficulty above referred to, and 
which at one time threatened civil war, was this : What is the true 
southern boundary of Michigan ? The ordinance of 1787, provided 
for the formation in the North -West territory of three States, and 
also provided that Congress might form one or two others north of 
an east and west line drawn through the head, or southern extremity 
of Lake Michigan. 

This, at the time Ohio had been admitted, was construed to 
mean that the two northern States, the offspring of the will of 
Congress, must not come south of the east and west line specified, 
but might by Congress be limited to a line north of that. In 
accordance with this view, Ohio, as already related, was made to 
extend northward so as to include the Maumee Bay. 
62 



970 WISCONSIN A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 3836-7. 

This construction of the ordinance Michigan disputed, and when 
Ohio sent surveyors to mark out the boundary as defined by Con- 
gress, the territorial authorities of Michigan drove them away by 
an armed force, and placed a military party in the disputed district. 
At this time commissioners were sent by the President, who pre- 
vailed upon the parties so far to recede, as to allow the people of 
the district to acknowledge either jurisdiction until the question 
was settled by the proper authority ; and thus matters stood until, 
when she asked for admission among the States, Michigan was told 
that she could be admitted only on condition she recognized the 
boundary as claimed by Ohio ; this at length she did, as has been 
seen, and then became one of the federal sisterhood. 

The subjection of Black Hawk and his hostile party, and the 
treaty that followed in 1832, opened the extensive tract of country 
along the Mississippi, to American settlements ; and the following 
spring, companies from Illinois crossed the river, built their cabins, 
and made improvements for farming early in 1833. 

The first settlement was in the vicinity of Burlington. Coeval 
with it, was the settlement near Fort Madison. From this period, 
the progress and extension of settlements were rapid, and the popu- 
lation increased with far greater rapidity than in the history of 
previous territories. For more than eighteen months the people 
were "a law unto themselves," being without the jurisdiction of 
any organized territory. 

In 1834, Congress attached this territory to that of Michigan, for 
temporary jurisdiction, and two large counties, Dubuque and Des 
Moines, were organized. Their aggregate population in 1836, was 
ten thousand five hundred and thirty-one persons, and the same 
year Wisconsin was organized as a separate territory, and exercised 
jurisdiction over the "District of Iowa." 

In 1838, the territorial legislature of Wisconsin was removed 
west of the Mississippi, to Burlington. During the session, official 
intelligence of the organization of the territory of Iowa, was 
received the last of June, and the legislature finding itself beyond 
its own jurisdiction, adjourned. 

The territorial government took effect on the 4th of July, 1838. 
Robert Lucas, a former Governor of Ohio, was the governor and 
superintendent of Indian affairs, and James Clark, Secretary of the 
new territory. 

During that year, the territory, which hacl been subdivided into 
sixteen counties, had a population of twenty-two thousand eight 
hundred and sixty persons. 



1838. IOWA TERRITORY FORMED. 971 

In 1840, the General Assembly located the seat of government 
on the river that gives name to the State, and called it the " City 
of Iowa." Immigration continued to increase ; and the census of 
1840 presented a population of forty -three thousand and seventeen, 
while that of the Wisconsin territory was thirty thousand nine 
hundred and forty-five persons. In 1843, the territorial legislature 
of Iowa petitioned Congress for authority to adopt a State consti- 
tution, which was granted at the next session, and on the 7th of 
October, 1844, the Convention assembled and adopted a constitu- 
tion, which was not approved by Congress. 

Another Convention was held 1846, the limits restricted, and the 
amended constitution adopted, which was submitted to Congress 
in June, and the State received into the Union simultaneously with 
Florida. 

Steamboat explosions and other disasters have of late years become 
1838.] so numerous, that the limits of this work will not admit of 
a particular account of them. Yet the explosion of the steamer 
Moselle, in 1838, to the horrible exhibition consequent upon which 
the publisher was an eye-witness, and which, in "Lloyd's Steamboat 
Disasters" is justly called "an event that is still believed to be 
almost without a parallel in the annals of steamboat calamities," 
was so remarkable, that an account of it will, no doubt, be accept- 
able. The following is chiefly taken from the work referred to: 

The Moselle was regarded as the very paragon of western steam- 
boats ; she was perfect in form and construction, elegant and superb 
in all her equipments, and enjoyed a reputation for speed which 
admitted of no rivalship. As an evidence that the latter was not 
undeserved, it need only be mentioned that her last trip from St. 
Louis to Cincinnati, seven hundred and fifty miles, was performed 
in two days and sixteen hours, the quickest trip, by several hours, 
that had ever been made between the two places. 

On the afternoon of April 25th, 1838, between four and Hve 
o'clock, the Moselle left the landing at Cincinnati, bound for St. 
Louis, with an unusually large number of passengers, supposed to 
be not less than two hundred and eighty, or according to some 
accounts, three hundred. It was a pleasant afternoon, and all on 
board probably anticipated a delightful voyage. The Moselle 
proceeded about a mile up the river to take on some German emi- 
grants. At this time, it was observed by an experienced engineer 
on board, that the steam had been raised to an unusual height, and 
when the boat stopped for the purpose just mentioned, it was 



972 EXPLOSION OF THE STEAMBOAT MOSELLE. 1838. 

reported that one man, who was apprehensive of danger, went 
ashore, after protesting against the injudicious management of the 
steam apparatus. Yet the passengers generally were regardless of 
any danger that might exist, crowding the boat for the sake of her 
beauty and speed, and making safety a secondary consideration. 

"When the object for which the Moselle had landed was nearly 
accomplished, and the bow of the boat just turned in preparation to 
move from the shore, at that instant the explosion took place. 
The whole of the vessel forward of the wheels was blown to splinters ; 
every timber, (as an eye-witness declares) " appeared to be twisted, 
as trees sometimes are, when struck by lightning." As soon as the 
accident occurred, the boat floated down the stream for about one 
hundred and fifty to two hundred yards, where she sunk, leaving 
the upper part of the cabin out of the water, and the baggage, 
together with many struggling human beings, floating on the sur- 
face of the river. 

It was remarked that the force of the explosion was unprece- 
dented in the history of steam ; its effect was like that of a mine of 
gunpowder. All the boilers, four in number, burst simultaneously ; 
the deck was blown into the air, and the human beings who crowded 
it were doomed to instant destruction. It was asserted that a man, 
believed to be a pilot, was carried, together with the pilot house, to 
the Kentucky shore, a distance of a quarter of a mile. 

A fragment of a boiler was carried by the explosion high into 
the air, and descending perpendicularly about fifty yards from the 
boat, it crushed through a strong roof, and through the second floor 
of a building, lodging finally on the ground floor. 

Captain Perrin, master of the Moselle, at the time of the acci- 
dent, was standing on the deck, above the boiler, in conversation 
with another person. He was thrown to a considerable height on 
the steep embankment of the river and killed, while his companion 
was merely prostrated on the deck, and escaped without injury. 
Another person was blown a great distance into the air, and on 
descending he fell on a roof with such force, that he partially broke 
through it, and his body was lodged there. Some of the passengers 
who were in the after part of the boat, and who were uninjured by 
the explosion, jumped overboard. An eye-witness says that he saw 
sixty or seventy in the water at one time, of whom comparatively 
few reached the shore. There were afterward the mutilated 
remains of nineteen persons buried in one grave. 

It happened, unfortunately, that the larger number of the pas- 
sengers were collected on the upper deck, to which the balmy air 



1838. EXPLOSION OF THE STEAMBOAT MOSELLE. 973 

and delicious weather seemed to invite them, in order to expose 
them to more certain destruction. It was understood, too, that the 
captain of the ill-fated steamer had expressed his determination to 
outstrip an opposition boat which had just started; the people 
on shore were cheering the Moselle, in anticipation of her success 
in the race, and the passengers and crew on the upper deck re- 
sponded to these acclamations, which were soon changed to sounds 
of mourning and distress. 

Intelligence of the awful calamity spread rapidly through the 
city; thousands rushed to the spot, and the most benevolent aid 
was promptly extended to the sufferers, or rather to those who were 
within the reach of human assistance, for the majority had perished. 
The scene here was so sad and distressing, that no language can 
depict it with fidelity. Here lay twenty or thirty mangled and 
still bleeding corpses; while many persons were engaged in 
dragging others of the dead or wounded, from the wreck or the 
water. But, says an eye-witness, the survivors presented the most 
touching objects of distress, as their mental anguish seemed more 
insupportable than the most intense bodily suffering. 

Death had torn asunder the most tender ties ; but the rupture 
had been so sudden and violent, that none knew certainly who had 
been taken, or who had been spared. Fathers were distractedly in- 
quiring for children, children for parents, husbands and wives for 
each other. One man had saved a son, but lost a wife and five 
children. A father, partially demented by grief, lay with a wounded 
child on one side, his dead daughter on the other, and his expiring 
wife at his feet. One gentleman sought his wife and children, 
who were as eagerly seeking him in the same crowd. They met, 
and were reunited. 

A female deck passenger who had been saved, seemed inconso- 
lable for the loss of her relatives. Her constant exclamations 
were, "Oh! my father! my mother! my sisters ! " A little boy. 
about five years old, whose head was much bruised, appeared 
to be regardless of his wounds, and cried continually for a lost 
father ; while another lad, a little older, was weeping for a whole 
family. 

One venerable man wept for the loss of a wife and five children. 
Another was bereft of his whole family, consisting of nine persons. 

A touching display of maternal affection was evinced by a wo- 
man, who on being brought to the shore, clasped her hands, and 
exclaimed, "Thank God, I am safe !" but instantly recollecting 
herself, she ejaculated in a voice of piercing agony, " Where is my 



974 BANKING AND ITS EFFECT IN ILLINOIS. 1843. 

child?" The infant, which had been saved, was brought to her, 
and she fainted at the sight of it. 

Many of the passengers who entered the boat at Cincinnati, had 
not registered their names, but the lowest estimated number of 
persons on board was two hundred and eighty ; of these, eighty-one 
were known to be killed, fifty-five were missing, and thirteen badly 
wounded. 

On the day after the accident, a public meeting was called at 
Cincinnati, at which the mayor presided, when the facts of this 
melancholy occurrence were discussed, and among other resolutions 
passed was one deprecating " the great and increasing carelessness 
in the navigation of steam vessels," and urging this subject upon 
the consideration of Congress. 

The Moselle was built at Cincinnati, and she reflected great 
credit on the mechanical genius of that city, as she was truly a su- 
perior boat, and under more favorable auspices, might have been 
the pride of the waters for several years. She was new, having 
been begun the previous December, and finished in March, only a 
month before the time of her destruction. 

Among the events of this year, deserving notice, was the liquida- 
1843.] tion of the Illinois State Bank. 

In 1816, as before mentioned, the bank of Shawanee town was 
chartered for twenty years, with a capital of three hundred thou- 
sand dollars, one-third of which was to be subscribed by the State. 
In 1821, this institution closed its doors, "and remained dormant," 
till 1835, when its charter was extended to 1857, and it resumed 
business. Two years later, in March, 1837, the capital was in- 
creased by adding one million four hundred thousand dollars, all 
subscribed by the State. 

But the great crash which soon prostrated business throughout 
the United States, involved this, with other institutions of a like 
kind, in difficulties too great to be surmounted ; and though the 
State, in 1841, offered to relieve the bank from a forfeiture of its 
charter, provided it would pay two hundred thousand dollars of the 
State debt, in 1843 it was found necessary to close its concerns once 
more. 

The State banks were not more fortunate. The constitution of 
Illinois, like that of Indiana, provided that no other than a State 
bank and its branches should be allowed. In March, 1819, a State 
bank was accordingly chartered, with a nominal capital of four mil- 
lions, but its stock was not sold. 



1844. GREAT FLOOD OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 975 

In 1821, another State bank, with a capital of half a million, was 
chartered, to be managed by the legislature. This went into 
operation with but little or no real capital, so that its notes were 
soon at an enormous discount, and it failed. In February, 1835, a 
third State bank was formed, with a capital of a million and a half, 
which in 1837 was increased to three and a half millions of dol- 
lars. This institution survived till January, 1843, when the legis- 
lature was forced to close its doors — its bills being: worth about 
fifty cents on the dollar.* 



"to 



In June of this year there occurred a rise of the Missouri and 
1844.] the middle section of the Mississippi rivers, which far 
exceeded all former floods of these rivers, ever known or spoken 
of either in history or even romantic tradition. Many plantations 
on the former river were rendered useless for years, by the heavy 
deposit of alluvion, and fences and property of great value were 
carried away. 

On the Mississippi, the greatest damage was done on the American 
bottom, between the mouths of the Missouri and Kaskaskia rivers, 
where a large area of land of an average width of over six miles was 
submerged, so that steamboats were navigating over it for a number 
of days. The ancient town of Kaskaskia was submerged several feet, 
which calamity was a further drawback to the prosperity of the 
place. The more ancient hamlet of Cahokia was almost depopu- 
lated, and several settlements along the bank of the river were for 
the time broken up. The suffering and damage caused by the 
flood, were enormous. 

On the 27th of June, 1844, Joseph Smith, the founder and 
leader of that remarkable system, called Mormonism, was killed 
by an armed mob at Carthage, Illinois. Smith was born in Ver- 
mont, about 1807, and reared in New York ; his education was 
imperfect, and his family are said to have been superstitious. 
When about fifteen or sixteen years old he began to see visions, 
which continued through some seven years. At length, on the 22d 
of September, 1827, the "records" upon which Mormonism rests, 
were delivered to the prophet. 

"These records," says Cowdrey, "were engraved on plates which 
had the appearance of gold. Each plate was not far from seven 



*See on Illinois Banks, Brown's History, 428 to 441. 



976 ADVENT OF MORMONS TO THE WEST. 1832. 

by eight inches in width and length, being not quite as thick as 
common tin. They were filled on both sides with engravings, in 
Egyptian characters, and bound together in a volume, as the leaves 
of a book, and fastened at the edge with three rings running 
through the whole. 

"This volume was something near six inches in thickness, a part 
of which was sealed. The characters or letters upon the unsealed 
part, were small and beautifully engraved. The whole book ex- 
hibited many marks of antiquity in its construction, as well as 
much skill in the art of engraving. 

"With the records was found a curious instrument, called by the 
ancients, Urim and Thummim, which consisted of two transparent 
stones, clear as crystal, set in two rims of a bow — this was in use 
in ancient times by persons called Seers — it was an instrument, by 
the use of which they received revelations of things distant, or of 
things past or future." 

The story of his gold plates getting abroad, the holder was way- 
laid by robbers, and persecuted by fanatics, until he was forced to 
flee into Pennsylvania to his father-in-law :— there he began the 
work of translation. The issue of this work was, " The Book of 
Mormon." This book gives the history of Lehi and his pos- 
terity, from about 660 B. C. to 400 A. D. ; these lived for the most 
part in America, Lehi and his sons having emigrated thither. 

After the emigration, terrible wars took place between the 
Nephites or faithful, and the Lamanites or heathen, in which all 
the former were destroyed except Mormon, his son Moroni, and a 
few others. Mormon and his son abridged the records of their 
ancestors, and added their own, and thus the book was comple- 
ted. 

An account referred to in the note, gives us reason to think this 
book was not written by Smith, but by one Spalding, as a sort of 
romance, and that it was seen and stolen by Sidney Rigdon, after- 
ward Smith's right-hand man, and by him made known to the 
prophet. 

Rigdon, however, had at first no open connection with Smith, 
and was converted by a special mission sent into his neighborhood 
in October, 1830. From the time of Rigdon's conversion the pro- 
gress of Mormonism was wonderfully rapid, he being a man of 
more than common capacity and cunning. Kirtland, Ohio, became 
the chief city for the time being, while large numbers went to 
Missouri in consequence of revelations to that effect. 

In July, 1833, the number of Mormons in Jackson county, Mis- 



1834. MORMONS IN MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 977 

souri, was over twelve hundred. Their increase having produced 
some anxiety among the neighboring settlers, a meeting was held 
in the month just named, from whence emanated resolutions for- 
bidding all Mormons from thenceforth to settle in that county, and 
intimating that all who did not soon remove of their own will 
would be forced to do so. 

Among the resolutions was one requiring the Mormon paper to 
be stopped, but as this was not at once complied with, the office of 
the paper was destroyed. Another large meeting of the citizens 
being held, the Mormons became alarmed, and contracted to re- 
move. Before this contract, however, could be complied with, 
violent proceedings were again resorted to : houses were destroyed, 
men whipped, and at length some of both parties were killed. The 
result was a removal of the Mormons across the Missouri into Clay 
county. 

These outrages being communicated to the Prophet, at Kirtland, 
he took steps to bring about a great gathering of his disciples, with 
which, marshaled as an army, in May, 1834, he started for Missouri, 
which in due time he reached, but with no other result than the 
transfer of a certain portion of his followers as permanent settlers 
to a region already too fall of them. 

At first the citizens of Clay county were friendly to the persecu- 
ted ; but ere long trouble grew up, and the wanderers were once 
more forced to seek a new home, in order to prevent outrages. 
This home they found in Caldwell county, where, by permission of 
the neighbors and State legislature, they organized a county gov- 
ernment, the country having been previously unsettled. Soon 
after this removal, numbers of Mormons flocking in, settlements 
were also formed in Davis and Carroll — the three towns of the new 
sect being Far "West, in Caldwell; Adam-on-di-ah-mond, called 
Diahmond or Diahman, in Davis ; and Dewit, in Carroll. 

Thus far the Mormon writers and their enemies pretty well agree 
in their narratives of the Missouri troubles ; but thenceforth all is 
contradiction and uncertainty. 

The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints, held two views which they 
were fond of dwelling upon, and which were calculated to alarm 
and excite the people of the frontier. One was, that the West was 
to be their inheritance, and that the unconverted dwellers upon the 
lands about them were to be destroyed, and the saints to succeed 
to their property. 

The destruction spoken of was to be, as Smith taught, by the 



978 MOKMONS IN MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 1838. 

Land of God; but those who were threatened naturally enough 
concluded, that the Mormons might think themselves instruments 
in His hand, to work the change they foretold and desired. They 
believed also, with or without reason, that the saints, anticipating, 
like many other heirs, the income of their inheritance, helped them- 
selves to what they needed of food and clothing ; or, as the world 
called it, were arrant thieves. 

The other offensive view was, the descent of the Indians from 
the Hebrews, taught by the Book of Mormon, and their ultimate 
restoration to their share in the inheritance of the faithful ; from 
this view, the neighbors were easily led to infer a union of the 
saints and savages to desolate the frontier. 

Looking with suspicion upon the new sect, and believing them 
to be already rogues and thieves, the inhabitants of Carroll and 
Davis counties were of course opposed to their possession of the 
chief political influence, such as they already possessed in Caldwell, 
and from the fear that they would acquire more, arose the first open 
quarrel. This took place in August, 1838, at an election in Davis 
county, where their right of suffrage was disputed. 

The affray which ensued being exaggerated, and some severe 
cuts and bruises being converted into mortal wounds by the voice 
of rumor, a number of the Mormons of Caldwell county went to 
Diahmond, and after learning the facts, by force or persuasion 
induced a magistrate of Davis, known to be a leading opponent of 
theirs, to sign a promise not to molest them any more by word or 
deed. For this, Joe Smith and Lyman Wight were arrested and 
held to trial. 

By this time the prejudices and fears of both parties were fully 
aroused ; each anticipated violence from the other, and to prevent 
it each proceeded to violence. The Mormons of Caldwell, legally 
organized, turned out to preserve the peace ; and the Anti-Mormons 
of Davis, Carroll, and Livingston, acting upon the sacred principle 
of self-defense, armed and embodied themselves for the same com- 
mendable purpose. 

Unhappily, in this case, as in many similar ones, the preserva- 
tion of peace was ill-confided to men moved by mingled fear and 
hatred; and instead of it, the opposing forces produced plunder- 
ings, burnings, and bloodshed, which did not terminate until Gov. 
Boggs, on the 27th of October, authorized General Clark, with the 
full military power of the State, to exterminate or drive from 
Missouri, if he thought necessary, the unhappy followers of Joe 



1839. MOKMONS IN MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 979 

Smith. Against the army, thirty-five hundred strong, thus brought 
to annihilate them, and which was evidently not a mob, the four- 
teen hundred Mormons made no resistance ; three hundred fled, 
and the remainder surrendered. 

The leaders were examined and held to trial, bail being refused, 
while the mass of the unhappy people were stripped of their 
property to pay the expenses of the war, and driven, men, women, 
and children — in mid-winter, from the State — naked and starving. 
Multitudes of them were forced to encamp without tents, and with 
scarce any clothes or food, on the bank of the Mississippi, which 
was too full of ice for them to cross. The people of Illinois, how- 
ever, received the fugitives, when they reached the eastern shore, 
with open arms, and the saints entered upon a new, and yet more 
surprising series of adventures, than those they had already passed 
through. 

The Mormons found their way from Missouri into the neighbor- 
ing State, through the course of the year 1839, and missionaries 
were sent abroad to paint their sufferings, and ask relief for those 
who were thus persecuted because of their religious views ; al- 
though their religious views appear to have had little or nothing to 
do with the opposition experienced by them in Missouri. After 
wandering for a time in uncertainty, the saints fixed upon the site 
of Commerce, a village on the east bank of the Mississippi, as the 
spot upon which to rest; and there, in the spring of 1840, began 
the city of Nauvoo, to which place, by means of new arrivals, acces- 
sions by hundreds were added monthly. 

As political strife was very violent about this time, with its ordi- 
nary concomitant of corruption, it is not to be wondered at, that 
the politicians of each party were but too eager to curry favor with 
these people, whose votes were valuable, and whose advent was 
therefore at once seized upon, by the respective leaders, as a means 
of party aggrandizement. The following extract, taken from 
"Ford's Illinois," will show how the Mormons managed to reap 
the advantages of this spirit of political servility : 

" At the legislature of Illinois, session 1840-41, it became a mat- 
ter of great interest with both parties, to conciliate these people. 
They were already numerous, and were fast increasing by emigra- 
tion from all parts. It was evident that they were to possess much 
power in elections. They had already signified their intention of 
joining neither party further than they could be assisted in matters 
of immediate interest by that party ; and in readiness to vote en 
masse for such persons as were willing to do them most service. 



980 MORMONS IN MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 1840. 

The leaders of both, parties believed that the Mormons would soon 
hold the balance of power, and exerted themselves, on both sides, 
by professions of kindness and devotion to their interest, to win 
their support. 

"In this state of the case, Dr. Bennet presented himself at the 
seat of government, as the agent of the Mormons. He was a man 
of some talent, and then had the confidence of the Mormons, and 
particularly of their leaders. He came as the agent of that people 
to solicit a city charter, a charter for a military legion, and for va- 
rious other purposes. 

" This person addressed himself to the senator from Hancock 
county, (in which Nauvoo is located,) and to Douglass, the Secre- 
tary of State, who both entered heartily into his views and pro- 
jects. Bennet managed matters well for his constituents. He 
flattered both sides with the hope of Mormon favor, and both sides 
expected to receive their votes. 

"A city charter, drawn up to suit the Mormons, was presented 
to the senate, and referred to the judiciary committee, of which one 
Snyder was chairman, who reported it back, recommending its 
passage. The vote was taken, the ayes and noes were not called 
for, no one opposed it, but all were busy and active in hurrying it 
through. In like manner it passed the house of representatives, 
where it was never read, except by its title ; the ayes and noes 
were not called for, and the same universal zeal in its favor was 
manifested here, which had been so conspicuously displayed in the 
senate. 

" This city charter, and other charters passed in the same way 
by this legislature, incorporated Nauvoo, provided for the election 
of a mayor, four aldermen, and nine councilors ; gave them power 
to pass all ordinances necessary for the peace, benefit, good order, 
regulation, and convenience of the city, and for the protection of 
property from fire, which were not repugnant to the constitution of the 
United States, or this State. 

"This seemed to give them power to pass ordinances in violation 
of the lams of the State, and to erect a system of government for 
themselves. This charter also established a Mayor's Court, with 
exclusive jurisdiction of all cases arising under the city ordinances, 
subject to an appeal to the municipal court. It established a mu- 
nicipal court, to be composed of the mayor, as chief justice, and the 
four aldermen as his associates; which court was to have jurisdic- 
tion of appeals from the mayor, or aldermen, subject to an appeal 
again to the circuit court of the county. The municipal court was 



1841. MORMONS IN MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 981 

also clothed with power to issue writs of habeas corpus, in all cases 
arising under the ordinances of the city. 

" This charter also incorporated the militia of ISTauvoo into a mil- 
itary legion, to be called the "ISTauvoo Legion." It was made 
entirely independent of the military organization of the State, and not 
subject to the command of any officer of the State militia, except the 
governor himself, as commander-in-chief. It was to be furnished 
with its due proportion of the State arms ; and might enroll in its 
ranks any of the citizens of Hancock county, who preferred to join 
it, whether they lived in the city or elsewhere. 

"The charter also established a court martial for the legion, to 
be composed of the commissioned officers, who were to make and 
execute all ordinances necessary for the benefit, government, and 
regulation of the legion ; but in so doing, they were not bound to 
regard the laws of the State, though they could do nothing repug- 
nant to the constitution; and finally, the legion was to be at the 
disposal of the mayor, in executing the laws and ordinances of the 
city. Another charter incorporated a great tavern, to be called the 
^Tauvoo House, in which the prophet, Joe Smith, and his heirs, 
were to have a suite of rooms forever. 

" Thus it was proposed to establish for the Mormons a govern- 
ment within a government; a legislature with power to pass ordi- 
nances at war with the laws of the State ; courts to execute them, 
with but little dependence upon the constitutional judiciary ; and 
a military force at their own command, to be governed by its own 
by-laws and ordinances, and subject to no State authority but that 
of the governor. 

" It must be acknowledged that these charters were unheard-of, 
and anti-republican in many particulars ; and capable of infinite 
abuse by a people disposed to abuse them. The powers conferred 
were expressed in language at once ambiguous and undefined ; as 
if on purpose to allow of misconstruction. The great law of the 
separation of the powers of government was wholly disregarded. 
The mayor was at once the executive power, the judiciary, and 
part of the legislature. The common council, in passing ordi- 
nances, were restrained only by the constitution. One would have 
thought that these charters stood a poor chance of passing the 
legislature of a republican people, jealous of their liberties. Never- 
theless, they did pass unanimously through both houses." 

Under these extraordinary acts, Joe Smith, who had escaped 
from Missouri, proceeded as mayor, commander of the legion, 
tavern-keeper, prophet and priest, to play what pranks he pleased. 



982 MORMONS TROUBLESOME IN ILLINOIS. 1843. 

" On the 8th of December, 1843," says Judge Brown, u an extra 
ordinance was passed by the city council of Nauvoo, for the extra 
case of Joseph Smith; by the first section of which it is enacted, 
< That it shall be lawful for any officer of the city, with or without 
process, to arrest any person who shall come to arrest Joseph Smith 
with process growing out of the Missouri difficulties ; and the per- 
son so arrested shall be tried by the municipal court upon testi- 
mony, and, if found guilty, sentenced to the municipal prison for 
life.' 

"On the 17th of February, 1842, an ordinance was passed, enti- 
tled, ' An ordinance concerning marriages,' by the second section of 
which a person is authorized to marry, with or without license. 
There was a statute in the State of Illinois requiring a license in 
all cases, from the clerk of the commissioner's court. 

" On the 21st of November, 1843, an ordinance was passed by 
the city council, making it highly penal, even to one hundred dol- 
lars fine, and six months' imprisonment, for any officer to serve a 
process in the city of Nauvoo, ' unless it be examined by, and re- 
ceive the approval and signature of the mayor of said city, on the 
back of said process.' " 

Under these proceedings, difficulties soon arose. Some of Smith's 
followers becoming opposed to him, had established a new weekly 
paper, " The Eauvoo Expositor." This the prophet, as president of 
the council, pronounced " a nuisance," and proceeded to abate it, or 
destroy it, by force. Those interested procured a writ from the 
proper court for the arrest of the leader, but the writ was not en- 
dorsed by the mayor, and could not be executed. 

Then arose the question — How long shall the laws of the State 
be thus set at defiance ? — and men through all the country round 
about vowed to see the warrants executed at the point of the 
bayonet. Two or three thousand men, some from Missouri and 
Iowa, being gathered against the city of the saints, Governor Ford 
came forward as a pacificator. Of what followed a description is 
given in the words of Judge Brown : 

" On Monday, the 24th of June, 1844, Lieutenant-General Joseph 
Smith (' the prophet') and General Hyrum Smith, his brother, hav- 
ing received assurances from Governor Ford of protection, in com- 
pany with some of their friends, left Nauvoo for Carthage, in order 
to surrender themselves up as prisoners, upon a process which had 
previously been issued, and was then in the hands of a public officer 
to be executed. About four miles from Carthage, they were met 
by Captain Dunn and a company of cavalry, on their way to $au- 



1844. LEADERS OF THE MORMONS ARE KILLED. 983 

voo, with an order from Governor Ford for the State arms in pos- 
session of the $auvoo legion. 

" Lieutenant-General Smith having endorsed upon the order his 
admission of its service, and given his directions for their delivery, 
returned with Captain Dunn to Nauvoo, for the arms thus ordered 
by Governor Ford to be surrendered. The arms having been given 
up in obedience to the aforesaid order, both parties again started 
for Carthage, whither they arrived a little before twelve o'clock, at 
night. On the morning of the 25th, an interview took place be- 
tween the Smiths and Governor Ford. Assurances of protection 
by the latter were repeated, and the two Smiths were surrendered 
into the custody of an officer. Bail having afterward been given 
for their appearance at court, to answer the charge for ' abating 
the I^auvoo Expositor,' a mittimus was issued on the evening of 
the 25th, and the two Smiths were committed to jail on a charge 
of treason, ' until delivered by due course of law.' 

" On the morning of the 26th, another interview was had be- 
tween the governor and the accused, and both parties seemed to be 
satisfied. Instead of being confined in the cells, the two Smiths, 
at the instance of their friends, were put into the debtor's room of 
the prison, and a guard assigned for its, as well as their security. 
During this time their friends, as usual, had access to them in jail, 
by permission of the governor. On the same day, (June 26,) they 
were taken before the magistrate who had committed them to pri- 
son, and further proceedings, on the complaint for treason, were 
postponed until the 29th. 

" On the morning of the 27th, Governor Ford discharged a part 
of the troops under his command, and proceeded with a portion of 
the residue, a single company only, to Nauvoo; leaving the jail, 
the prisoners, and some two or three of their friends, guarded by 
seven or eight men, and a company of about sixty militia, the Car- 
thage Grays, a few yards distant in reserve. 

" About six o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th, during the ab- 
sence of Governor Ford, the guard stationed at the prison were 
overpowered by an armed mob, in disguise ; the jail broken and 
entered, and the two Smiths, (Joseph and Hyrum,) without any 
pretense of right or authority whatever, were wantonly slain. 
Having effected their object, all of which was accomplished in a 
few minutes, they immediately dispersed." 

" The death of Smith by violence, and by his enemies, was 
opportune for the support of the system he sought to establish. 
He had arrived at that point in the revolution which he led, when 



984 MORMONS CONTEND ABOUT NEW LEADERS. 1844. 

the least delay would have caused its waves to flow over and 
engulph him. He lived long enough for his fame, and died when 
he could just be called a martyr. He had become too violent and 
impatient, to control, for any length of time, the multitude — he 
could begin, but not successfully conduct, a revolution. 

" The murder of their Prophet exasperated the people of Nauvoo. 
They were ready, and a vast majority determined, on immediate 
war to the knife, with all engaged in that horrid tragedy, or who- 
ever might come to abet them. A few more sagacious minds per- 
ceived the danger of such a course, and began skillfully to prevent 
the utter ruin of their hopes, likely to result from open hostility to 
the State. They harangued them on the stand, and talked with 
the clubs collected at the corners of the streets. The great drum 
was beating to arms. It was a fearful struggle, that was going on in 
the breasts of the prudent. Revenge was deep in every heart, 
and the bursting movement there was interpreted to be the voice 
of the Holy Spirit ; and it was made audible in the terrible curses 
poured forth on the Gentile murderers. The ' time to fight ' was, 
by most, supposed to have come. But skillful delays were inter- 
posed by the influential ; their arms had been just surrendered, and 
a new organization made, and leaders were to be chosen. 

"The day passed off and no companies had started, and wrath 
was bosomed for the morrow. In the morning after, the congre- 
gation was early collected at the temple square or gathering place. 
The chief apostles promised them the vengeance of heaven upon 
their enemies, but that they were not ripe enough, for the vials of 
wrath to empty their torments upon them. Shortly the pestilence, 
the fire and the sword, would do their work. 

"The funeral pageant next absorbed all their attention. The 
mourning was sore, sad and deep, over the beloved patriarch Hyrum, 
and the adored prophet Joseph. 

"The struggle for the leadership, the Seer succession, which 
followed, however, soon dissipated the sorrow for the past. Rig- 
don, as second in rank, claimed promotion ; also by former revela- 
tions, declared himself assigned to be their prophet. He called 
a meeting and proclaimed his position as head. James J. Strang 
contended for the place of Seer, and showed letters, over the 
deceased prophet's signature, assuring him that he should be the 
successor in the event of Joseph's death. But the College of the 
Twelve had other views, and a vote on the subject. They declared 
that definite restrictions, and the last will and testament of Joseph 
had been delivered to them in secret council. It revoked all former 



1845-6. EXODUS OF MORMONS FROM NAUVOO. 985 

designations, and devolved the choice upon them. Under the 
management of their sagacious chief, they elected the Peter of the 
Apostles, Brigham Young, to the responsible station. 

" This enthronement drove Bigdon with a party to Pennsylvania, 
where in a short time his influence vanished, and the band dis- 
persed. Strang founded a city on the prairies of Wisconsin, and 
had a numerous colony. Ultimately he removed to Beaver island, 
in Michigan lake, and assumed the title of King of the Saints, 
where the small kingdom still exists. These bodies and their 
leaders were excommunicated by the great majority under the 
proper Seer, as was also William Smith, another competitor for the 
throne, and a party in Texas, headed by Lyman White. 

" The mobocratic spirit did not expire, when it destroyed the 
great leader. Threats and demonstrations clearly proved, that their 
present abode, which had been made lovely by unheard-of exer- 
tions, must be abandoned. A venerable patriarch, uncle of the 
prophet Joseph, in prophetic vision announced that the whole 
people must retire to the wilderness, to grow into a multitude aloof 
from the haunts of civilization. 

"This matter was taken into consideration by Brigham and high 
council. The result was, that they would move as fast as possi- 
ble across Iowa to the Missouri, and into the Indian country in the 
vicinity of Council Bluffs." * 

The movement commenced with small parties in the winter of 
1844-45 ; more parties started early in the spring of 1845. The 
main body, however, remained behind longer, as they had been 
commanded to. dedicate the new temple which had been com- 
menced before the first emigrants left the city of Beauty. This work 
having been accomplished with great pomp and splendor, the gen- 
eral exodus took place in the spring of 1846. 

About this time a battalion of five hundred and twenty men was 
recruited among them for the United States service, to take part 
in the Mexican war. 

In their new location, which appears to have been very un- 
healthy, they laid out and built the town of Kanesville. But they 
did not tarry here long, for they very soon sent out parties to ex- 
amine the country still further West, in search of another " ever- 
lasting abode." These reported favorably as to the " Great Salt 
Lake Valley," in Utah Territory, and a further migration to that 



* The Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, by Lieutenant J. H. Gunnison. 

63 



986 CONFLAGRATION AT PITTSBURGH. 1845. 

region was determined on. In the spring of 1847, a pioneer party of 
one hundred and forty-three men proceeded to open the way, while 
the main body followed gradually, in divisions of tens, fifties and 
hundreds, until finally all have departed excepting a few scattered 
families about Missouri river, on the borders of Iowa and Ne- 
braska. 

Their present location in the " Far West," is beyond the province 
of this work. Their history is still unfinished, and appearances 
render it probable, that the most important part is yet to come. 

Among the conflagrations which, in 1845, destroyed the hopes of 
1845.] thousands, none will be longer remembered in the West 
than that which devastated the city of Pittsburgh on the 10th of 
April, in that year, destroying in a few hours the labor of many 
years— blasting suddenly the cherished hopes of thousands, who 
but that morning were contented in the possession of comfortable 
homes, busy workshops, and magazines of manufactures and other 
products of well directed industry — unnerving the most self- 
possessed, who saw their own wealth suddenly pass from them 
while yet endeavoring to save that of their neighbors from the 
devouring flames. Our work is to perpetuate a slight record of the 
disaster, as none will be found in the streets of that busy city — the 
"Burnt District" having long ago been rebuilt with more substan- 
tial structures than those they replace. 

In an account of the disaster, published by J. Heron Foster, 
editor of the Daily Dispatch of that city, (from which is compiled 
this brief notice,) he truly says: 

"None witnessed the conflagration but know the difficulty of 
adequately describing it, and we trust that some charity may be 
extended to us should we fail in the effort to picture to the imagi- 
nation of our readers the most destructive conflagration it has ever 
been our lot to describe." 

Commencing about noon, on Ferry street, two squares from 
the Monongahela front, it rapidly spread eastward, until it reached 
£.ve squares in breadth by eight or ten — when, being luckily 
hemmed in by a high hill on the north, and the Monongahela river 
on the south, its ravages were confined to a narrow space, along 
which buildings were destroyed for a mile from the point where 
the carelessness of a washerwoman had kindled it, and until further 
fuel was denied it. Efforts to stay its ravages by the people were 
utterly ineffectual — and the firemen only succeeded (with the aid 
of some men who engaged in blowing up the blazing houses,) in 



1845. CONFLAGRATION AT PITTSBURGH. 987 

preventing its spreading around the point of the hill, which would 
have doomed another fourth of the city to destruction. From the 
intense heat, water seemed of little use — the loftiest buildings 
melting before the ocean of flame, which rolled and leaped onward 
before the gale, throwing out its forked tongues as if in derision of 
the puny efforts of the suffering multitude, whose household gods 
were thus rudely torn away. 

The handsome stone edifice of the Bank of Pittsburgh, with its 
metal roof and iron shutters— in the fire-proof qualities of which 
people reposed so much confidence, that many placed their valua- 
bles in its rooms for safety — shared the fate of less pretending 
buildings, and with its contents, (with the exception of what was 
in its vaults,) fell before the flames. The Monongahela House, 
long the most extensive hotel in the North- West — with the West- 
ern University, and a bridge over the Monongahela, (nearly one 
third of a mile in length,) fell easy victims — and the many splen- 
did steamboats at the wharf were with difficulty saved by promptly 
cutting their cables and dropping down the Ohio to windward of 
the fire. 

With the destruction of every building upon some fifty-six 
acres, and throwing houseless on the world nearly two thousand 
citizens with their families, the fire-king seemed satisfied — and the 
homeless sought shelter with their more fortunate fellow-citizens, 
comforted with the knowledge that but two human lives had been 
lost during the conflagration — those of Samuel Kingston, Esq., a 
member of the Bar, and a woman named Maglone. 

As the fire occurred during a busy season, the most animated the 
city had seen for many years, the losses of personal property, by the 
destruction of the contents of the large business houses on Water, 
Market, Wood and First streets, were enormous — while the losses in 
buildings and machinery were still greater. It would be impossible 
to arrive at any near estimate of the total, but the losses assessed by 
the committees appointed to distribute the funds contributed for 
relief of the sufferers, as sustained by one thousand and eleven 
who applied for assistance — and these those who lost the least — 
amounted to eight hundred thousand dollars. Of these sufferers, 
there were three hundred and fifty whose losses were reported at 
less than a hundred dollars each, and the same number at less than 
five hundred. Of the city insurance companies, whose losses were 
eight hundred thousand dollars, two were unable to meet their 
liabilities — thus adding to the misfortunes of the sufferers, while 
the payment of losses by others brought the disaster home to 



988 CONFLAGRATION AT PITTSBURGH. 1845. 

many a widow and orphan residing beyond the bounds of the 
district laid in ashes, depriving them of dividends upon which 
they relied for support. The amount insured in other cities it was 
impossible to ascertain. 

Eo sooner had the mails, (for this was before the days of tele- 
graphs,) disseminated the news of the disaster throughout the 
country, than they returned laden with the contributions of the 
people for the relief of the sufferers, while scarce a steamboat came 
to the wharf but was partly freighted with provisions for their sus- 
tenance, accompanied with expressions of sympathy, and the hope 
that the energy of her people would prove superior to the blow 
which temporarily crushed them. While the ruins still smould- 
ered, and men gazed upon the ashes of their wealth, the spontane- 
ous aid of a nation was tendered and received. In giving a statement 
of the Relief Fund and its distribution, Mr. Foster's pamphlet 



" It would be manifestly improper to allude in more than general 
terms to the action of different cities in relation to the matter, and 
we shall content ourselves, therefore, by giving as full an account 
of the donations received upon the occasion as it is possible to pro- 
cure — would that we could record more durably the name of every 
contributor to that noble fund, which has relieved so large a num- 
ber whose houses were destroyed, and whose busy workshops were 
swept away by that flood of fire, which rendered desolate so large a 
portion of our city. Into it were cast thousands of widows' mites, 
and the hard earned wages of as many working men — all classes, 
down even to the child at school, aided us, and a debt of gratitude 
was incurred which we trust some day to repay. 

"But first we may, in justice to our city, mention that the con- 
tributions given us from our own citizens, do not include large 
amounts privately collected and distributed at once, by individuals 
and charitable societies, and large quantities of produce, clothing, 
and furniture, furnished by individuals to sufferers, when in great- 
est need." 

These contributions, (including fifty thousand dollars from the 
State treasury,) amounted to more than two hundred thousand dol- 
lars — which was distributed by the councils of the city, in a man- 
ner which alleviated much of the prevailing distress. 

The limits of this work will not admit of saying more of this calam- 
ity, ^"ithin three months after it occurred, eight hundred buildings 
were contracted for in the Burnt District — and long ere this that 
portion of the Iron City of the Union has recovered from the blow, 



1831. PECULIAR POPULATION OF SOUTHERN ILLINOIS. 989 

and tlie district then in ashes, which comprised a great portion of 
" the old city," is now the handsomest and husiest part of that city 
of workshops. 

" In early days, the southern settlements of Illinois presented hut 
1846.] few specimens of the more refined, enterprising, intellec- 
tual and moral people, and society generally there was of a very 
low class. 

"As early as 1816-17, several counties of this section of the ter- 
ritory were overrun with horse-thieves and counterfeiters, who 
were so numerous and so well handed together as to set the laws 
at deCance. Many of the sheriffs, justices of the peace, and con- 
stables were of their number, and even some of the judges of the 
county courts; and they had numerous friends to aid and sympa- 
thize with them, even among those who were the least suspected. 
When any of them were arrested, they either escaped from the 
slight jails of those times, or procured some of their gang to be on 
the jury; and they never lacked witnesses to prove themselves 
innocent. 

" The people, in many instances, in self-defense, formed them- 
selves into revolutionary tribunals, under the name of ' Regulators;' 
and the governor and judges of the territory, seeing the impossi- 
bility of executing the laws in the ordinary way, against an 
organized body of banditti, who set all laws at defiance, winked at 
and encouraged the proceedings of this citizen organization. 

" The regulators in number generally constituted about a cap- 
tain's company, to which they gave a military organization, by the 
election of officers. The company generally operated at night. 
When assembled for duty, they marched, armed and equipped as 
if for war, to the residence or lurking-place of a rogue, arrested, 
tried, and punished him by severe whipping and banishment. In 
this mode most of the rogues were expelled from the country ; and 
it was the opinion of the best men at the time, that in the then 
divided and distracted state of society, and the imperfect civiliza- 
tion, such proceedings were not only justifiable, but absolutely 
necessary for the enforcement of justice. 

" There yet remained, however, for many years afterward, a 
noted gang of rogues in Pope and Massac, and other counties bor- 
dering on the Ohio river. This gang built a fort in Pope county, 
and set the government at open defiance. In the year 1831, the 
honest portion of the people in that region assembled under arms, 
in great numbers, and attacked the fort with small arms and one 



990 RIOTS AND MURDERS IN SOUTHERN ILLINOIS. 1846- 

piece of artillery. It was taken by storm, with the loss of one of 
the regulators, and three of the rogues, killed in the assault. The 
residue of the latter were taken prisoners, tried for their crimes, 
but probably never convicted."* 

Nor does it appear that they left the country, for some years 
later they were still committing their depredations in the same 
neighborhood. The writer above quoted says, that 

" In the summer of 1846, a number of these desperadoes attacked 
the house of an aged citizen of Pope county, and robbed him of a 
large amount of money in gold. In the act of committing the 
robbery, one of them left behind a knife, made by a blacksmith in 
the neighborhood, by means of which he was identified. This one 
being arrested and subjected to torture by the neighboring people, 
confessed his crime, and gave the names of his associates. These 
again being arrested, to the number of a dozen, and some of them 
being tortured, disclosed the names of a long list of confederates 
in crime, scattered through several counties. The better portion 
of the people, as in times past, now associated themselves into a 
band of regulators, and proceeded to order all suspected persons 
to leave the country." 

But however honest and worthy might have been the intention 
of those who first formed this body of " Regulators," their pro- 
ceedings, as is the case with all anarchical confederations, soon 
became lawless, cruel, and defiant of all government. The system 
of torture carried on by them, and inflicted on all suspected 
persons, had the effect of causing the list of persons accused to 
become greater every day. The modes of torture used were 
various. Some of the victims were dipped into the Ohio river, 
and held under water until they divulged the names of their sup- 
posed accomplices. Others had their thumbs pinched with bullet 
moulds. " Others had ropes tied around their bodies, over their 
arms, and a stick twisted into the ropes until their ribs and sides 
were crushed in by force of the pressure." 

Some persons having entered complaints against some of the 
regulators for these acts of violence, warrants of arrest were issued, 
and some of the offenders arrested by the sheriff. They were, 
however, soon after rescued by their friends, and the sheriff, the 
county clerk, and the magistrate who had issued the warrants, 
ordered to leave the country under penalty of severe corporeal 



* Ford's Illinois. 



1846. RIOTS AND MURDERS IN SOUTHERN ILLINOIS. 991 

punishment. They even, it seems, by torture and bribery, induced 
some of the notorious rogues to accuse these men of being accom- 
plices, as a basis for the order. 

In this condition of things, application was made in August, 
1846, to the governor for a militia force to sustain the constituted 
authority at Massac. There was, however, nothing effectively done 
to quell the disturbance, and the regulators came down from Pope, 
and over from Kentucky, and drove out the sheriff, the county 
clerk, the representative elect to the legislature, and many others. 

Not long after these events, indictments were found against 
many of the party, which caused the tide of wrath to turn against 
the grand jury who had been fearless enough to find these, and the 
witnesses on whose oaths they were based. All these were now 
ordered to leave the county. 

Meanwhile, warrants having been issued upon the indictments, 
the sheriff summoned a posse, in order to execute them. But such 
was the terror now existing in the minds of the community, that 
all the force he could raise, was some sixty or seventy men, who 
had been ordered by the regulators to leave the country, many 
of whom were notorious rogues. 

The rioters marched down to Metropolis City, the county seat of 
Massac, in much greater force, and a parley ensued, the result of 
which was that the jail was delivered over to the regulators, who at 
once liberated their friends. Several of the sheriff's posse were 
murdered, and he himself, with his most active friends, driven from 
the county. 

An attempt to put down the regulators, which was subsequently 
made under the order of the governor, proved equally ineffectual, 
and they continued in power for the remainder of the year, with- 
out any force to check their career. During the winter of 1846-47, 
the legislature passed a law "authorizing the governor, when he was 
satisfied that a crime had been committed by twenty persons or 
more, to issue his proclamation ; and then the judge of the circuit 
was authorized to hold a district court in a large district, embracing 
several couuties." 

The object of this law evidently was, to enable the State to 
change the venue in such cases as were in contemplation, and take 
them out of the proper county, it being very certain that no con- 
viction of the regulators could take place at home. The constitu- 
tionality of this law has been doubted, but the question appears 
never to have been tested, for it does not seem that there were any 
prosecutions under it. Perhaps it has, nevertheless, had the effect 



992 ILLINOIS MOVES IN RELATION TO CANALS. 1828. 

of deterring the rioters, or else they became tired of their work, for 
the excitement gradually died away and the confederation ceased.* 

The first printed suggestion of the practicability of the Illinois and 
1848.] Michigan canal, appeared in Mies' Register, for August, 
1814, where is found a paragraph from a series of editorial articles, 
on the great importance, in a national point of view, of the States 
and Territories of this now great central valley. 

"By the Illinois river, it is probable that Buffalo, in New York, 
may be united with New Orleans, by inland navigation, through 
Lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan, and down that river to the Mis- 
sissippi. What a. route! How stupendous the idea ! How dwin- 
dles the importance of the artificial canals of Europe, compared with 
this water communication ! If it should ever take place (and it is 
said the opening may be easily made,) the territory [of Illinois] will 
become the seat of an immense commerce, and a market for the 
commodities of all regions." 

As has been noticed, the first Governor of Illinois, after it had 
become a sovereign State, at the session of the General Assembly, 
in 1818, brought this subject before that body in his inaugural 
message. 

He suggested an early application to Congress for a certain per 
centage from the sales of the public lands, to be appropriated to 
that object. In his valedictory message, in December, 1822, he 
again refers to this subject and to his first address, and says : 

"It is believed that the public sentiment has been ascertained in 
relation to the subject, and that our fellow-citizens are prepared to 
sustain their representatives in the adoption of measures subservi- 
ent to its commencement." 

His successor, in his inaugural address, of December, 1822, de- 
votes four pages to this subject, and refers to an act of the preceding 
Congress, which "gave permission to the State to cut a canal 
through the public lands, connecting the Illinois river with Lake 
Michigan, and granting to it the breadth of the canal, and ninety 
feet on each side." 

With this was coupled the onerous condition "that the State 
should permit all articles belonging to the United States, or to any 
person in their employ, to pass toll free for ever." The Governor, 
who was a zealous and liberal advocate for an economical and 



*The above account is chiefly taken from " Ford's Illinois." 



1824. MICHIGAN AND ILLINOIS CANAL ROUTE EXPLORED. 993 

judicious system of Internal Improvements, proposed to create a 
fund from the revenues received for taxes on the military bounty 
lands; from fines and forfeitures; and from such other sources, as 
the legislature, in its wisdom, might think proper to set apart for 
that purpose. 

He also urged the importance of an opening through Indiana 
and Ohio, with Lake Erie, by improving the navigation of the 
"Wabash and Maumee rivers, and connecting them by a canal, to 
which objects he proposed the Illinois Legislature should invite 
the special attention of those States, and co-operate so far as juris- 
diction extended. He further proposed the examination and sur- 
veys of the rivers and the canal route in Illinois; and to memorial- 
ize Congress for a liberal donation of land, in opening the projected 
lines of communication. 

An act for the improvement of the internal navigation of the 
State, and a memorial to Congress on the subject, were passed by 
the legislature during the session. 

This act, which was approved February 14th, 1823, provided for 
a Board of four Commissioners, whose duties were to devise and 
adopt measures to open a communication, by canal and locks, 
between the navigable waters of the Illinois river and Lake Michi- 
gan ; to cause the route to be explored, surveys and levels to be 
taken, maps and field books to be constructed, and estimates of 
the costs to be made; and to invite the attention of the Governors 
of the States of Indiana and Ohio, and through them the legisla- 
tures of those States, to the importance of a canal communication 
between the Wabash and Maumee rivers. 

At that time Sangamon river, and Fulton county, were the 
boundaries of settlements. A military and trading post existed at 
Chicago ; a dozen families, chiefly French, were at Peoria. The 
northern half of Illinois was a continuous wilderness ; or, as the 
universal impression was, an interminable prairie, and uninhabita- 
ble for an age. Morgan county, then including Scott and Cass 
counties, had about seventy-five families; and Springfield was a 
frontier village, of a dozen log cabins. 

A portion of the commissioners, with a special engineer, made 
an exploratory tour in the autumn of 1823. In the autumn of 
1824, another engineer was employed, with the necessary men to 
assist in executing the levels, and making the surveys complete. 
The party was accompanied by one commissioner. Two compa- 
nies were organized, and five different routes examined, and the 
expense estimated on each. The locks and excavations were cal- 
culated on the supposition that the construction was on the same 



994 BOARD OF CANAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. 1829. 

scale of the grand canal of New York, then in process of making. 
The probable cost of each route, was reported by the engineers; the 
highest being seven hundred and sixteen thousand one hundred 
and ten dollars; the lowest, six hundred and thirty-nine thousand 
nine hundred and forty-six dollars. 

At the next session of the legislature, an act was passed (Jan- 
uary 17, 1825,) to "incorporate the Illinois and Michigan Canal 
Company." The capital stock was one million of dollars, in ten 
thousand shares of one hundred dollars each.* 

The stock not being taken, at a subsequent session the legisla- 
ture repealed the charter. During these movements within the 
State, the late Daniel P. Cook, as the representative in Congress, 
and the senators of Illinois, were unceasing in their efforts to obtain 
lands from the national government, to construct this work, which 
all regarded as of pre-eminent national advantage. 

As the result of these efforts, on the 2d of March, 1827, Congress 
granted to the State of Illinois, in aid of this work, each alternate 
section of land, five miles in width, on each side of the projected 
canal. 

The embarrassments of the State in finance, growing out of the 
ruinous policy of the State Bank, noticed in the preceding section, 
prevented anything being done until January, 1829, when the 
legislature passed an act to organize a Board of Commissioners, 
with power to employ agents, engineers, surveyors, draftsmen, and 
other persons, to explore, examine, and determine the route of the 
canal. They were authorized to lay off town sites, and sell lots 
and apply the funds. 

They laid off Chicago, near the lake, and Ottawa, at the junction 
of Fox river ; and the Illinois surveys and estimates were again 
made, but the project of obtaining a full supply of water on the 
surface level, was doubtful, and the rock approached so near the 
surface on the summit level between the Chicago and Des Plaines, 
as to increase the estimates of cost, and cast doubt on the project. 

The subsequent legislature authorized a re-examination to ascer- 
tain the cost of a railway, and whether a supply of water could be 
obtained from the Calumet for a feeder. 

The estimated cost for a railway, with a single track, for ninety- 
six miles, was about one million fifty thousand dollars. 

At a special session of the legislature, in 1835-36, an act was 
passed authorizing a loan of half a million of dollars for the con- 



* Report of the Canal Commissioners, Vandalia, 1825. 



1848. ILLINOIS AND MICHIGAN CANAL FINISHED. 995 

struction of the canal, and the Board of Commissioners was re- 
organized, and on the 4th of July, 1836, the first ground was 
broken. 

At the regular session of 1836-37, the " Internal Improvement" 
system became the absorbing topic, the canal was brought under 
the same influence ; loans, to a vast extent, were created for both 
objects ; and the most extravagant expectations were raised, but 
never realized. 

The sole reliance of the State was on loans, without any finances 
of its own, or any means to pay annual interest and liquidate the 
principal. As a financial measure, the canal loans were distin- 
guished from the internal improvement and other loans, but all 
failed with the credit of the State, before 1842. 

Contracts were made, and the work on the scale projected made 
progress, until over five millions of dollars had been expended, and 
the work remained unfinished. The credit of the State having 
sunk so, that no further loans could be obtained, the contractors 
were obliged to abandon their contracts, with heavy claims against 
the State; and in 1843, a law was passed to liquidate and settle the 
damages, at a sum not exceeding two hundred and thirty thou- 
sand dollars. The Board of Commissioners was dissolved, and the 
works remained in the same state for two years. 

The session of 1843-44, adopted a plan to complete the canal, 
by making the "shallow cut," or relying on the streams for water, 
without excavating six feet below the lake level, as had been pro- 
jected and partially worked, and drawiDg supplies from that source. 
About sixteen hundred thousand dollars would complete the work 
on this plan. 

The resources were about two hundred and thirty thousand 
acres of land; several hundred city and village lots; the water 
power along the whole line ; a balance due the canal fund for lands 
and lots sold, and the canal tolls. All these resources were consid- 
ered ample to complete the work, pay interest on the loans, and 
eventually redeem the stock, provided additional funds could be 
obtained. A proposition was made and accepted by the stock- 
holders, a Board of Joint Trustees was appointed, and one million 
six hundred thousand dollars advanced. The whole work was 
completed in 1848; regular business was commenced, and has in- 
creased in a larger ratio than any of the estimates. 

Of the monster "Internal Improvement" system, which brought 
one of the heaviest calamities on the State, but from which its re- 
cuperative energies are slowly recovering, this work affords no 



996 WISCONSIN BECOMES A STATE. 1848. 

space for particulars. From 1835 to 1840, the popular mind 
through the United States, passed through a species of mania. 
Men, who were shrewd, clear-headed, and safe calculators, became 
incapable of reasoning correctly in financial matters. The Legis- 
lature of Illinois, as did other legislative bodies, labored and acted 
under a singular hallucination. 

A minority resisted; a prominent leader of which, the late Gen- 
eral Hardin, was among the number that opposed the " splendid 
project." The law passed ; ten millions of dollars were to be loaned 
and applied to various lines of railroads, and river improvements, 
and appropriations made for the same. The railroads extended 
like checker-work over the State; every one of which was planned, 
and estimates made by the committee on the copy of a sectional 
map of the State, just published, and which had reached the seat 
of government. 

The whole length of the railroads to be made, was one thousand 
three hundred and forty-one miles. Extravagant as was this 
scheme, loans were negotiated to an amount exceeding five millions 
of dollars, and the money thrown away. The whole system went 
down about 1841, increasing the demands against the State, (inclu- 
ding accumulations of interest due,) to an amount exceeding fifteen 
millions of dollars. Great as this burden may appear to others, 
Illinois has resources, and has made provision to liquidate this 
heavy debt. 

The canal stock includes a moiety of this debt, and its resources 
and income will absorb that portion. The State has other re- 
sources. But in making a new constitution in 1847, which was 
adopted by a vote of the people, in March, 1848, a section provi- 
ding a special tax of two mills on the dollar of the civil list, was 
adopted by a separate vote of the people, by more than ten thou- 
sand majority. This income is applied to the extinguishment of 
the principal of this debt; and it is probably the first instance in 
which the people, by a direct vote, have solemnly declared they 
will tax themselves to pay an old debt. 

A Convention was held at Madison, October 5th, 1846, for the 
purpose of drafting a State Constitution, which was adopted in 
Convention, December 16th, 1846, but rejected by the people at 
the election held on the first Tuesday in April, 1847. A second 
Convention was held December 16th, 1847, and a Constitution 
agreed to February 1st, 1848, which was approved of by the elec- 
tors at the election held April, 1848, and Wisconsin was admitted 



1849. CHOLERA AND GREAT FIRE AT ST. LOUIS. 997 

into the Union, on an equal footing with the other States, on the 
29th day of May, 1848. 

Among the most important events that occurred in this year, were 
1849.] two of a melancholy character, namely, the cholera, which 
raged with terrible violence throughout the West, and most partic- 
ularly at St. Louis; and the great fire that in this year destroyed a 
large portion of the latter city. 

Cases of the cholera appeared on boats navigating the lower 
Mississippi, during the last months of 1848 ; and an unusual pre- 
disposition to diarrhoeas, and affections of the bowels, was mani- 
fested in St. Louis at the same time. Two cases of cholera, and 
one death, occurred the first week in January, 1849. That month 
there were thirty-eight deaths altogether from cholera, thirty in 
March, and eighteen in April. 

In the first week in May, there was a fearful increase in the 
progress of the disease, and of deaths. Deaths from all diseases, 
per week, from one hundred and eighteen to one hundred and 
ninety-three. Total deaths in May, seven hundred and eighty-six; 
from cholera, five hundred and seventeen. For two weeks following 
the great fire, there was a perceptible decrease in the mortality and 
number of cases. 

During the first week in June there were one hundred and forty- 
four deaths, seventy-four from cholera; second week, two hundred 
and eighty-three deaths, one hundred and thirty-nine from cholera; 
third week, five hundred and twenty-two deaths, four hundred and 
twenty-six from cholera; fourth week, seven hundred and ninety- 
eight deaths, six hundred and thirty-six from cholera. 

From June 26th to July 2d, nine hundred and fifty-one deaths, 
seven hundred and thirty-nine from cholera; from July 3d to 9th, 
eight hundred and fifty-one deaths, six hundred and fifty-four from 
cholera; from July 10th to 16th, eight hundred and eighty-eight 
deaths, six hundred and sixty-nine from cholera; from July 17th to 
the 23d, four hundred and forty deaths, two hundred and sixty- 
nine from cholera. Last week in July, two hundred and thirty-one 
deaths, one hundred and thirty-one from cholera. 

All these estimates, however, which are taken from the report of 
the health officer, are known to be too low. During the entire 
year of 1849, the mortality was about ten thousand, of which there 
were probably six thousand deaths from cholera. 

The scourge disappeared, except occasional cases, after the 10th 
of August. From the 1st of November, 1849, to the 1st of April, 

1850, unusual health prevailed for a city population. 



993 CIIOLERA AND GREAT FIRE AT ST. LOUIS. 1849. 

The great fire broke out on the steamboat White Cloud, near the 
foot of Cherry street, at the hour of ten o'clock at night, on the 
17th of May, 1849. The wind was from a north-eastern direction, 
and blew with great force all the night. In a short time twenty- 
three steamboats were on fire, and consumed ; some with valuable 
cargoes on board. 

The fire first caught the stores at the foot of Locust street; then, 
by another burning boat at the foot of Elm street, and simultane- 
ously two fires were sweeping over several squares, driven by the 
wind with resistless fury. Massive buildings of brick or stone, 
three and four stories in height, offered no resistance. The fires 
from the buildings and the. boats cut off all communication with 
the river, and by two o'clock in the morning, on the 18th, the city 
reservoir was exhausted. 

Up to this time, the firemen did all that men and machinery 
could do, to stop the devouring element. Buildings were blown 
up, and several lives were lost; but about eight o'clock, A. M., after 
ten hours of devastation, its fury was spent. About four hundred 
buildings were burnt; many of them large wholesale stores. The 
steamboats, their cargoes, and produce on the landing, were valued 
at five hundred and eighteen thousand five hundred dollars; build- 
ings, six hundred and two thousand seven hundred and forty-eight 
dollars; merchandise, six hundred and fifty-four thousand nine 
hundred and fifty dollars. Add to furniture, provisions, clothing, 
etc., and the loss was estimated at two millions seven hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. About two-thirds the value were covered 
by insurance. 

The cholera during the summer, was more fatal than the fire to 
the business of the city. 

For the first few months after the conflagration, " the burnt dis- 
trict " presented a doleful picture; but two years had not elapsed 
before the largest portion was covered with buildings of a superior 
character. Streets were widened, and naked lots rated at higher 
value than they had been previously, with their houses or stores 
upon them; and at this time it is generally believed that the con- 
flagration benefited the city. 

Railroad enterprises have of late years become so numerous that 
1851.] it were useless to attempt to give an account, or even 
make mention of all that have been built — yet there is one, which 
was started in this year, which is of such uncommon magnitude, 
that it would seem worthy of being distinctively mentioned. This 
is the Illinois Central Railroad, which w T as incorporated by the 



1851. ERIE INCORPORATED A CITY. 999 

Legislature of that State, in the session of 1851, and was in its 
charter gifted with very extensive franchises and powers. 

The road is remarkable for its unusual length; commencing at 
Cairo, at the juncture of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and ex- 
tending through the centre of the State, to the E"orth-West corner 
of the same, opposite Dubuque, it runs over a distance of seven 
hundred miles, (including Chicago branch,) traversing in its course 
a greater extent of fertile land, that is susceptible of the highest 
degree of cultivation, than probably any other railroad in the world. 

In 1851, Erie, Pennsylvania, was incorporated as a city. As thia 
place is, as it were, the gate of Western History, a short sketch of 
its origin will not be inappropriate in this place. 

Early in the year 1753, while the entire North- West was still a 
vast, almost untrodden wilderness, and when the waters of the 
northern lakes had as yet been undisturbed, excepting only by the 
elements, and the light ripple caused by the Indian's paddle, or 
occasionally the boat oar of some lonely voyagear, or of some one 
of the Jesuits, who even then were living on the Canadian side 
below — at that time the French were the first among the whites, 
to land upon those lake-washed shores, and on the site of the pres- 
ent city of Erie, they erected a fort, to which they gave the name 
of "Fort Presque Isle." * 

This was the first of a series of military posts which they estab- 
lished, for the purpose of connecting their possessions on the St. 
Lawrence with "the beautiful river," (La belle Riviere) the Ohio, 
and thence with their posts on the Mississippi. In 1760, this fort 
was surrendered to the British; but three years later its weak gar- 
rison was overcome and massacred by the Indians, under the 
guidance of Pontiac,f and thenceforth again at Presque Isle the 
lake-wave sported along the shores of a wilderness, and the In- 
dian's whoop was once more echoed back by solitary forests. 

In the year 1789, the Indian title to that portion of Erie county 
called "the Triangle," was at last extinguished, and in 1792, the 
tract was purchased from the United States. In 1796, the place 
became interesting by the death and burial there of General 
Wayue.f 

The town was first permanently settled and laid out in 1795, and 



* See ante, page 103, in Coffen's narrative. f See ante, page 1G8. 

% Erie Directory, published 1853. 



1000 GLOOMY YEAR THROUGHOUT THE WEST. 1854. 

five years later it became the seat of justice for Erie county, though, 
it was the year 1803 before the first court was held there. In 
1805, it was incorporated as a borough, and in 1813, it became 
famous in the annals of the country, as the point where Perry built 
his fleet,* and from which he went forth upon that victorious expe- 
dition, the results of which he himself commemorated in his cele- 
brated laconic message: ""We have met the enemy, and they are 
ours." 

The situation of Erie is exceedingly picturesque, and as beauti- 
ful as that of any city in the "West. The population is between 
eight and ten thousand. 

This year, like the year 1811, was throughout one full of disasters 
1854.] and gloomy incidents, of which the heaviest portion fell 
upon the "West. 

The first and chief cause of distress was the exceeding heat and 
drought, and the consequent scarcity of provisions. In the early 
spring the season opened with sufficient promise, but as the summer 
advanced, there was a total absence of all rain ; the ground became 
parched; the creeks and small water courses dried up, and many 
of the rivers became lower than they had been known within the 
memory of the oldest inhabitants. At the same time the heat was 
excessive. Everything was suffering for want of water ; the grain 
became shriveled up and dried, and failed to produce crops ; vege- 
tables would not come to perfection, or became unhealthy, for the 
want of proper or ample nourishment to develop them ; and even 
the cattle, in many sections of country, had to be sacrificed, on ac- 
count of the scarcity of pasture and water, and the consequent im- 
possibility of keeping them. Many farmers were obliged to drive 
the few cattle that they retained, several miles from home, to the 
rivers to get water. It was a season of unexampled drought. 

In consequence, the prices of flour, produce and other necessa- 
ries became very far higher than had ever been known in the 
"West, and the suffering among the poor was terrible. 

Very much of the distress produced by the failure of crops this 
year, might no doubt have been saved, if the American people 
were more disposed to guard their agricultural interests. But it 
is greatly to be deplored that, both East and "West, there is preva- 
lent in our country a disposition to neglect that noblest, happiest 



* See ante, page 901. 



1854. SECONDARY CAUSES OP DISTRESS. 1001 

and most useful of all pursuits — agriculture, and to throng the cities 
with a superabundant population, while millions of acres are lying 
idle in the " § Great West," offering to man wealth, happiness and 
abundance of all that he may need. For this reason it is that 
each year's consumption nearly exhausts the granaries of the 
country. One season of dearth and scarcity brings us to the verge 
of famine, while in the West alone, there are millions of acres of 
rich land uncultivated, which, if only partially tilled, would pro- 
duce a superabundance each year for the whole population, if men 
would only chose to remain "tillers of the soil," instead of becom- 
ing "hangers on" in cities. Even of the foreign emigrants, many, 
who at home were agriculturists, are encouraged to remain in 
cities, and take up occupations that are far less profitable. 

The distress caused directly by the scarcity of provisions, was in 
mid-summer increased by sickness, which no doubt arose indirectly 
from the same cause, through the unhealthiness of provisions. 
Even the rivers, being drained to their dregs, failed to furnish their 
usual healthy draughts. During the latter part of the summer, the 
cholera, which seems of late years to have lost much of its epidemic 
character in the West, and seems to be becoming a regular visitant 
among men, made its appearance in many cities, and raged with 
unusual virulence. In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, which had never 
before been visited by that scourge, beyond the appearance of a 
few isolated cases, about a thousand persons died in the course of 
five weeks. Bowel complaints and mild forms of cholera morbus 
were so prevalent every where, that comparatively few escaped 
them. In the southern portion of the West, the yellow fever raged. 
Altogether, many families were broken up and many dear hopes 
shattered by the hand of the "fell destroyer." 

It is pleasing to reflect, that amid the distress caused by all these 
adverse circumstances, gentle charity did not fail in her kind min- 
istrations to the wants of the needy. In some cities of the West, 
in the fall and winter, there were "Howard Associations " or chari- 
table societies formed, for the relief of the distressed, and "soup- 
houses " were established, at which, through contributions of the 
wealthy, the poor were furnished with food and bread, and thus, 
no doubt, much suffering was alleviated, and many probably saved 
from starvation. 

There were also other sad accidents, which did their share 
toward increasing the general gloom. There were throughout the 
country in this year, one hundred and ninety-three railroad acci- 
dents, killing one hundred and eighty-six persons, and wounding 
64 



1002 BOUNTIFUL SEASON OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS. 1855, 

five hundred and eighty-nine; there were forty-eight steamboat 
accidents, in which five hundred and eighty-seven persons were 
killed and two hundred and twenty-five wounded ; being an in- 
crease of two hundred and sixty-eight killed, over the previous 
year. There were also one hundred and seventy-one lives lost, by 
means of eighty-three fires, and the total loss of property by fire 
was twenty-five millions of dollars. Of all these accidents and 
losses, and particularly of the two first named, the West bore a very 
large proportion. Crime, too, this year footed up a fearful cata- 
logue. There were six hundred and eighty-two murders commit- 
ted ; and eighty-four executions took place throughout the Union. 

On the year of sadness and want just described, followed one of 
1855.] an equal degree of joy and plenty. The weather during 
the spring and summer was, mostly throughout the West, as 
favorable as could be desired, and with the opening harvest, grief 
at past misfortunes soon lost the keenness of its edge, and the 
smiles of teeming fields were reflected back in the faces of then- 
cultivators. The lands that for one season had produced so little 
or nothing, had the more strength now for the new crops, and all 
was teeming with plenty. There was an excellent yield of grain, 
pasture was good, vegetables abundant, and the fruit-trees, in many 
parts, literally broke down beneath the load of their treasures. 
Such a season of plenty as the year 1855, had not been known 
since 1810. 

In addition to this, the Western rivers continued in good navi- 
gable condition during the whole summer, thus affording means 
for bringing all this produce to market. Trade was active, and 
the manufactories were in full and successful operation. The 
season throughout was so full of happiness, as to dispel all the 
gloom that had been caused by the misfortunes of the previous 
year. 

The present year has thus far been remarkable only for the almost 
1856.] unprecedented severity of its winter. During the first 
three months, the cold was intense and unremitting, and although 
there was a great deal of snow on the ground, that no doubt 
acted beneficially, yet, fruit of every description throughout 
the West, has been so severely injured by the cold, that the 
yield is unusually limited, and some species have been almost 
entirely destroyed. 

The general health has up to the present time (early autumn) 



1856. REMARKS ON THE FAR WEST. 1003 

been uncommonly good. There has as yet been no epidemic in 
any part of the West, and altogether less sickness than is nsual for 
the season. 

Very little mention has been made in these annals, of Minnesota, 
which became a territory in 1849, with St. Paul for its capital, and 
since that time its changes have been so rapid and numerous, that 
none of its affairs have as yet become matured for history. The 
same is true in regard to Iowa, Wisconsin, Kansas, and Nebraska. 
As the face of the country in these new regions is subject to daily 
changes, the wild forests and Indians' hunting grounds giving 
way, and becoming the busy haunts of civilization, so the affairs 
of men, too, are still in a state of transition, and all unsettled. Every 
thing is incomplete, and no reliable data can be obtained. The 
history of these regions is still slumbering in the lap of the future. 

It was equally impossible in a work professing impartially to 
give reliable information, to say anything in regard to the great 
questions, some of which are intimately connected with the inter- 
ests of Kansas territory, that are now agitating the Union. These 
are as yet too much questions of 'party politics, and from their new- 
ness, too little fraught with abiding results, to be properly introduced 
in a work of general historical annals. "Where the well known heat 
of party strife and party interest affords so much inducement for 
exaggeration and even misrepresentation, it would be difficult to 
distinguish the reliable information from the one-sided accounts 
given by interested parties. For this reason it has been deemed 
most prudent to abide the time, and leave the consideration of 
these important matters for a future period, wmen they shall have 
become more mature. 



INDEX 



Adah*, Major, attacked by Indians, 

Adams, his correspondence with Lord Carmarthen 

Addison, Judge, his charge on the whisky riots, 

Akamsca or Arkansas, 

Albany, Indians met at, 

Alliance, the War of, 

Alien law passed, 

Alleghenies explored by Spottswood, 

Allegheny College at Meadville founded, 

Allouez, Claude, and associates, 

Americans seek Indian alliances, 

employ Indians in war, 
Anastasius, Father, 

Ancient Charters, 451, 452, 453, 

Ancient records of Tincennes, 
Anderson, Colonel, surveyor, 
Anthony, St., Falls of, named by Hennepin, 
Arbuckle, Captain, at Point Pleasant, 
Armistice negotiated at Versailles, 1783, 
Armstrong, Jno., commands forts on Susquehanna, 

commands expedition, 

attacks Kittanning, 
Armstrong, General, made Secretary of War, 
Assumption, Fort, (Memphis,) army at, 
Athens, University of, in Ohio, 
An Glaize, Grand Indian Council at, 

Fort Defiance built at, 
Aubry succeeds D'Abadie, 
Audruin, Rev. E., Note, 



611 

,415 

703 

53 

241 

71 
746 

94 
922 

50 
240 
244 

67 
454 

83 
418 

60 
251 
407 
139 
139 
139 



751:' 



Baggattaway, an Indian game, 168 

Baker's, massacre at, by Daniel Greathouse, 218 

Bank of United States in Ohio, 929 

Banks in Illinois, 974 

Banking in Ohio, 924 
Barclay, Captain, meditates plundering at Erie, 901 

Barlow, Joel, goes to Europe to sell land, 708 

Battle of the Thames, 904 

Beaujeu, M. de, commands La Salle's fleet, 64 

Beaujeu, Captain, killed at Braddock's field, 134 

Beletre yields Detroit, 163 

Bellevue, Iowa, 909 

Benham, Captain, his adventures, 306 

Berlin, decree issued, and its consequences, 820 

Bienville, sounds Mississippi, 73 

marches against Chickasaws, 78 

died, (it is said,) of grief, 199 

Big-bottom settlements destroyed, 553 

Big Door comes over to Americans, 273 



Black Hawk, refuses to attend treaty of 1815, 921 

his character, &c, 960 

his account of treaty of 1804, 961 

sues for peace and makes treaty, 963 

re-commences hostilities, 964 

is defeated by Major Demint, 967 

is taken prisoner, 968 

Black Hawk war, commencement of, 961 

Gen. Gaines' exped'n up Mississippi, 902 

party under Major Stillman, 964 

massacre at Ottawa, 966 

Blannerhassett Island, Burr's plans respecting, 811 

Block Houses, their manner of construction, 340 

Carnahan's, Westmoreland Co., Pa., 332 

Hannastown, " " 399 

Orr's, on Allegheny river, 716 

Le Boeuf, (Waterford.) 717 

Presqu' Isle, (Erie.) 717 

Gower, at mouth of Hocking, Ohio, 227 



170 
393 

212 
213 
224 

2-29 



231 



Bloody run, battle of, 
Blue Licks, battle of, 

Boone, Daniel, his birth place, education, &c, 
explores Kentucky and taken prisoner, 
conducts home surveyors, 
assists Transylvania Company, 
his second captivity, 
at the battle of Blue Licks, 
Boonesborough founded, 

attacked by Indians and British, 298 

Border war on western frontier, 1763, 174 

Bowman, Major, commandant at Cahokia, 272 

Boundaries to determine Indian lands West, 207 

of U. S. according to treaty of Paris, 407 

Bowman, Captain, Joseph, journal of, 283 

capture of Vincennes, 292 

Boone's Lick settlement, 915 

Border Warriors, character of, 332 

Bowman, Col. Jno., arrives in Kentucky, 253 

relieves Logan's station, 256 

meets Clark at Corn Island, 266 

his expedition against Shawanese, 305 

Bouquet, Colonel, with Forbes, 147 

biographical sketch of, 175 

relieves Fort Pitt, 177 

his expedition to Muskingum, 181 

Braddock, General, his march and defeat, 128 

Braddock's road, 147 

Bradstreet, General, his capture of Ft. Frontenac, 147 

his western expedition, 179 



1006 



INDEX 



442, 540, 556, 662, 



542, 555, 



Brant, Joseph, Secretary of Superintendent, 239 

heads confederacy and goes to England, 1790, 538 
his connection with the British, 556 

invited to Philadelphia, 597, 603 

at Council of Nary Hall, 615 

his addresses to Commissioners, 1793, 615, 618 
his remarks on peace conference, 1793, 632 

Brady, Hugh, General, Chronology, 1851. 

Brackenridge, Jno., chairman of Democratic Soc, 664 

Brickell's account of his captivity, &c, 665 

British encourage \ 

Indian hostilities, J 

British make presents to Indians, 
influence over Indians, 

Brodhead, Colonel, Daniel, attacks Iroquois, 
expedition of, to Muskingum, 

Brown, John, member of Congress from Ky., 

Brownsville, (Redstone,) early history of, 
excise meeting at, 

Buffalo creek, settlements on, attacked, 

Bullitt, Captain, gallant conduct of, 
Thomas, descends the Ohio, 
surveys lands in Kentucky, 

Buntin, Captain, his letter to General St. Clair. 

Bushy run, battle of, 

Burr, his first visit West, 

his movements in 1806, 
his letter to "Wilkinson, 
is accused by Daviess, 
demands an investigation, 
surrenders himself in Mississippi, 
his escape and arrest, 

Butler, William, Indian trader, 
Butler, General Richard, 576, 578 

Byrd*s invasion of Kentucky, 
Bryant's station attacked, 



829 

653 
830 
303 

331 

490 
429 



580, 






Cadillac with Crozat accepts Louisiana, 
founds Detroit, 

Cahokia founded, 

Pitman's account of, 

taken by Bowman under Clark, 

Camp Charlotte, 

Camp Russell, 

Campaign of 1812, in N. W., blunders in, 
Harrison's plans for, 
of 1813, Harrison's plans for, 

Campbell, John, his land at falls of Ohio, 

Campbell, Major, his correspon. with Wayne, 649, 650 

Campbell, Lieut. Col., expedition under, 887 

Canada, settlement of by French, 49 

given up by French, 1760, 161 

expedition to, under Holmes, 917 

attempted invasion of, 1812, 860 

Canadian's version of battle of Blue Licks, 



75 
85 
84 
195 
272 
227 
909 
857 






395 



Canals in Ohio, 939, 942, 949, 957 

in Europe and America, 939 

the Illinois and Michigan, 992 

Canonsburg, College at, founded, 757 

Captina, massacre at, 218 

Carmarthen, Lord, correspondence with Adams, 416 

Carolana, province of, 94 

Carondelet, or " Vide Poche," 187 

Baron, governor of Louisiana, 677 

instructions of, to Wilkinson, 1797, 737 



Carondelet, communication of, to Innis and others,739 

Cass's expedition in 1820, 938 

Cavelier, M., brother of La Salle, 67 

Celeron places medals along Ohio, 100 

Cession of the Illinois, 188 

Cessation of hostilities, 1760, 159 

Character of Western Pioneers, 335 

Charlevoix's account of N. Orleans, 76 

Chartiers, Fort, rebuilt, 191 

Chegoimegon, 50 

Cherokees sell a portion of their claim, 230 

Chillicothe, Indian town on Scioto, 227 

city of, founded, 732 

Chickasaws visited by English, 77 

war of, with French, 78 

offended by Americans, 323 

Chouteau, Auguste and Pierre, 186 

Choctaws and French, 78 

Cholera in the army, 1832, 968 

in St. Louis, 1849, 997 

in Pittsburgh, 1854, 1001 

Cincinnati, (Losantiville,) first occupation of, 324 

city of, founded, 480 

named by St. Clair, 528 

Fort Washington established at, 521 

its condition, &c, in 1792, 734 
Clark, Geo. R., his version of Cresap's conduct, 220 

steps of in Kentucky, 1776, 246 

walks to Virginia Assembly, 249 

procures the erection of Ky. county, 250 

delivers ammunition from Pittsburgh, 251 

proposes to conquer Illinois, 263 

receives his instructions, 1778, 265 

descends to the falls of Ohio, 266 

conquers Kaskaskia, &c, 270 

treats with the Indians, 276 

orders force against Ouiatenon, 280 

learns Hamilton's plans, 282 

marches against Vincennes, 283 
his efforts and sufferings, 284, 286 

summons Hamilton to yield, 290 

takes Vincennes, 293 

embarrassed by paper money, 294 

builds Fort Jefferson on Mississippi, 323 

his first expedition to Miamies, 324 

proposes to take Detroit, 328 

his second expedition to Miamies, 397 

his commission is withdrawn, 412 

grant of land to, 412 

treaty at Fort Finney, 443 

his expedition to the Upper Wabash, 446 

his illegal acts at Vincennes, 450 
becomes leader under Genet's influence, 450 
his conduct condemned by Va. council, 451 
Clark, Gov. Wm., his exped. to Prarie du Chien, 911 

Clay, General, Green, 898 
Christie, Ensign, commandant at Presqu' Isle, 168 

Christian, Colonel, commands, 1774, 225 

Cleveland founded, 713 

Coffen's deposition and narrative, 101 

College township, Symmes' history of, 766 
Commissioners, Indian, their instructions, 1784, 410 

proclamation of, 1785, 438 
appointed to meet Indians, 1793, 612 

note of, to Gov. Simcoe, 618 



INDEX 



1007 



Commissioners, reply of, to Brant's address, 616 

letter of, to Secretary of War, 619 

second council of, at Detroit river, 620 

refuse to make Ohio river bound'y,624 

final answer to Indians, 631 

Conflagration at Pittsburgh, 9S6 

at St. Louis, 998 

Connecticut, land controversy of, with Penn'a., 454 

makes cession of western lands, 455 

sells her western lands, 712 

her Ohio lands accepted by U. S. 755 

Connolly, Dr. John, account of, 216 

reprehensible conduct of, 225 

lands at falls of Ohio, 327 

visits Kentucky again in 1788, 492 

Contrecceur, M. de, 133 

summons of, 123 

Convention of N. W. Ter. to form State (Ohio,) 761 

alteration of boundaries by, 762 

Cornplanter at council of Au Glaize, 606 

Cornstalk betrayed and murdered, 252 

Cornwaliis, surrender of, 407 

Council Bluffs, expedition to, 1819, 928 

Council, Indian, at Au Glaize, 606 

with Indians at Navy Hall, 1793, 615 

Cook, Daniel P., opposes slavery in Illinois, 954 

Coles, Edward, Governor of Illinois, 951 

Cote, Sans Dessein, defense of, 916 

Columbia, Orlio, settled, 482 

Craig, Major, 703 

Crawford, Col., sent against the Mingoes, 227 

elected to command expedition, 380 

taken prisoner and burnt to death, 381 

Cramer, Zadok, Chronology, 1811. 

Cresap, Captain, his supposed murder of Logan's 

family, 218 

Crozat, Louisiana transferred to, 74 

plans of, frustrated, 75 

Croghan, George, visits West ; his' journal, 182 

Cumberland river explored, 211 

Cutler, Dr., agent for Ohio company, 460 

extract from journal of, 461 

Currency, reduced rates of, 30S 

spurious in the Western States, 923, 927 

D'Abadie, governor of Louisiana, 186 

letter of king to, 196 

Danville, Ky., founded and made capital, 413 

D'Arges, agent of Gardoqui, 486 

D'Artaguette, commissary of Louisiana, 74 

is slain by Chickasaws, 78 

D'Aubry at Tenango, 156 

his large shipment of flour, 157 

Dauphin island, 72 

Daviess, Col. Jos., his doings in relation to Burr, 811 

Dayton, in Ohio, founded, 713 

De Ayllon, Yasquez, gold hunter, 42 

Dearborn, Fort, (Chicago,) in 1812, 863 

garrison and inmates evacuate, 868 

massacre at, 869 

Debt, public, difficulties in relation to, 6S1 

De la Chaise, his address to democratic society, 676 

Delaware objects to Virginia land claims, 325 

De Leon, Ponce, discovers Florida, 41 

Democratic society of Ky., address of, 664 



Des Moines river, of Iowa, Note, 52 

Denman takes part in Symmes' purchase, 479 

De Soto's expedition, 44 

Detroit, settlement of ly Cadillac, 85 

first grants at, 85 

attacked by Fox Indians, 86 

surrender of to the English, 160, 163 

attacked by Pontiac, 1G6 

reinforced by Dalzell, 170 

besieged second time, 179 

proposed expedition to a failure, 1778, 300 

plan of conquering renewed, 328 

steps taken relative to, 1784, 411 

taken possession of by Americans, 734 

description of in 1804, 790 

great fire at in 1804, • 795 

trouble in regard to land titles at, 797 

M' Arthur takes possession of, 1813, 903 

Diego Miruelo visits Florida, 42 

D'Iberville, enterprise of, 72 

locates at Mobile, 73 

plans Fort Rosalie, 77 

Dinwiddie first commissions Washington, 110 

Disunion, Spanish plan of, 678 

Disunion faction, plans of, 485 

Doyle, Major, sent to Fort Massac, 675 

Dorchester, Lord, his speech to Iudians, 633 

Drake, Dr. Daniel, 940 

Dress of Western people in early times, 339, 341 

Dudley, Colonel, at Fort Meigs, 898 

Dunmore, Lord, claims Pittsburgh for Ya., 216 

movements of in 1774, 227 

driven from Virginia, 228 

Dubuque, Julien, and city of, 943 

Du Quesne, Fort, evacuated, 154 

Du Quesne, Capt., goes against Boonesborough, 298 



Early Catholic missionaries in N. W., 

Earthquake of 1S11, 

Edwards, governor of Illinois, 1812, 

expedition under, 1812, 
Eichbaum, William, Sr., 
Eichbaum, William, Chronology, 1811 

Ellinipsico, son of Cornstalk, killed, 
Elliott, Matthew, 

English Indian traders, depraved character of, 
Escheats, educational fund in Ky. founded on, 
Estell, Capt., defeat and death of, 
Ethrington, Captain, commandant at Mackinaw, 



49, 50, 51 
847 
863 
882 
925 



2'd 
261 
148 
321 
388 
168 



Erie, (Presqu' Isle,) shipbuilding at under Perry, 899 

equipment and launching of fleet, 901 

early history of, 999 

Erie, Lake, Perry's battle of, 902 

Erie canal, history of, 939 

Excise, a hated form of taxation, 684 

on spirits determined upon, 685 

opposition meeting at Brownsville, 6S6 

law amended by Congress, 689 

Exploring parties in N. Carolina, 213 

Exploring expedition under Major Long, 928, 944 



Factions in the United States, 
Falls of Ohio visited and surveyed, 
Farmer, Major, commander in Illinois, 
Federal and anti-federal views, 



681 
214 
189 



1008 



INDEX 



Filson, John, names Losantiville, 480 

Fincastle county, Va., includes all of Ky., 214 

Finley, John, explores Kentucky, 211, 213 

Fire at Pittsburgh, 1845, 986 

at St. Louis, 1849, 998 

Fitch, John, his first application of steam, 852 

Flood in the Ohio, 9C9 

Florisant settled, 187 

Floyd, John's letter, 245 

Forbes, General, expedition of, 1758, 150 

Ford, Thomas, Governor of Illinois, 982 

Food uf the Western Pioneers, 338 

FORTS. 

Appleby's Fort, at Kittanning, 716 
Armstrong, Rock Island, Chronology 1831. 

Assumption, at Chiekasaw Bluffs, Memphis, 79 

Bedford, on branch of Juniata, Pa. 152, 176 

Boonesborough, Ky. 231 

Burd, at Red Stone, 429 

Creveceenr, Illinois river, 58 

Chartres, on Mississippi river, 88, 191, 195 

Clark, at Peoria, 910 

Cumberland, Wills Creek, Md„ 127 

• Dearborn, at Chicago, - 863 

Defiance, on Maumee, 643, 64S, 885 

Deposite, on Mn.nmee, 645 

Du Quesne, Pittsburgh, 126 

Erie, Canada West, 890 

Finney, mouth of Great Miami, 442 

Franklin, at Franklin borough, Pa., 716 

Greenville, Darke county, Ohio, 638 

Green Bay, Wisconsin, 168 
Gratiot, Michigan, Chronology, 1832, 

Hamilton, Butler county, Ohio, 577 

Harrison, on Wabash, Indiana, 877 

Henry, at Wheeling, Virginia, 257 

Jefferson, on Mississippi, Ky., 323 

Jefferson, Darke county, Ohio, 578 

Johnston, Warsaw, Illinois, 915 

Knox, near Tincennes, Indiana, 831 

Laurens, on Tuscarawas river, Ohio. 301 

Le Boenf, Waterford, Pa., 108, 172 

L'Huillier, in Minnesota Territory, 87 

Ligonier, Western Pennsylvania, 176 

Mackinaw, Michigan, 168, 862, 917 

Madison, Iowa, 908 

Maiden, Canada West, 859, 903 

Massac, Southern Illinois, 82, 155, 267 

Mason, Missouri, 909 

Mcintosh, Beaver, Pa., 300 

McArthur, on Scioto river, Ohio, 891 

Meigs, on Maumee, Ohio, 899 
Miami, at mouth of St. Joseph's river, Michigan, 57 
Miami, at portage between Maumee andWabash, 167 

Miami, Maumee rapids, built by British, 648 

Necessity, Western Pennsylvania, 126 
Nelson, Louisville, Ky., Chronology 1782. 

Ouiatenon, on Wabash, Indiana, 167 

Pitt, at Fort Du Quesne, (Pittsburgh,) 158 

Presqu' Isle, Erie, Pa., 103, 168, 717 

Recovery, St, Clair's Battle-field, Ohio, 639 

Red Stone, Brownsville, Pa., 125 

Rosalie, Natchez, Mississippi, 77 

Sackville, YMicennes, Indiana, 293 



Shelby, Prairie du Chien, (since Fort Crawford,) 

Wisconsin, 913 
Stanwix, Rome, New York, 207, 431 

Stephenson, Sandusky river, Ohio, 900 

Steuben, Jeffersonville, Indiana, 546 
St. Clair, Eaton, Ohio, 611, 637 

St. Josephs, (near Niles,) Michigan, 167 - 

St. Josephs, British fort, Canada West, 918 

St. Louis, on Illinois river, 63 

St. Louis, on Matagorda Bay, 66 

St. Marys, Au Glaize county, Ohio, 886 
Venango, Franklin, Pa., 113, 122, 157 

Washington, Losantiville, (Cincinnati,) 521 

Wayne, head of Maumee, Indiana, 651 

Frankland, (Tennessee,) see Tennessee, 

Franklin, Gov., supports Johnson's plan, 206 

his Ohio settlement, 208 

Franklinton, Harrison's head-quarters, 886 

French, American or Canadian, privileges of, 410 

alleged encroachments of, 108 

early settlement of, 79, 80, 81 

influence of, over the Indians, 163 

in Louisiana send address to king, 198 

French settlers at Gallipolis, 709 

French grant, account of, 710 

Frenchtown, battle and massacre at, 892 

Frontenac, Governor of Canada, (Fort,) 55 

Fry, Joshua, commander-in-chief, 1754, 122 

Fulton's first successful steamboat, 853 

Gage, General, commander of army, 1764, 179 

his proclamation, 188 

his second proclamation, 205 

Galena, lead mining at, 943 

Gallipolis, settlement of, 708 

sufferings of settlers at, 709 

settlers at receive grant of land, 710 

Gallisoniere sends Celeron to Ohio, 100 

Galvez, Don Bernardo de, Gov. of Louisiana, 312 

Gameline, Antoine, sent to Wabash tribes, 530 

account of his expedition, 531 

his return to Fort Knox, 536 

Gardoqui makes grant of land to Morgan, 506 

Genet, his intrigues, 1795, 664 

is rebuked by XL S. government, 667 

his letter to Mr. Jefferson, 668 

reproaches the American government, 669 

is recalled, 671 

Gibault, Rev., his address to Gov. St, Clair, 529 

assists in taking Vincennes, 272 

Gibson, Col. John, at Fort Laurens,' 301 

Gibson, Col., advice of, to Moravians, 375 

Girty, Simon, Character of, .&c, 261 

is adopted by Senecas, 262 

leads attack on Fort Henry, 257 

Girty, George, character of, &c, 261 

attacks Fort Henry, 405 

Girty, James, cruel character of, 261 

Gist, sent west across the forest, 105 

arrives at Great Miami, 105 

visits Piqua or Pickawillanies, 106 

descends Miami, to Ohio, 106 

crosses Ohio and returns through Va., 106 

accompanies Washington, 111 



INDEX 



1009 



Gladwin, Major, commandant at Detroit, 165 

Gloomy reminiscences of year 1811, 854 

of year 1854, 1000 

Gorell, Lieut., commandant at Green Bay, 168 

Gordon, Lieut., commandant at Venango, 172 

Gospel labors in the West, 347 

Grant, Major, defeated, 1758, 152 

Grant's Hill defended by Scotch troops, 426 
Great Britain, difficulties with, after treaty 1784, 414 

Green, Thomas, his propositions in 1786, 450 

Greathouse murders Indians, 223 

Great Meadows, 126 

Green Briar Land Company, 99 

Greenville, Wayne's head-quarters, 638 
Griffin built by La Salle, 



Habits and manners of the West, 
Half-King (Tanacharison) censures Washington, 
Hamilton, Governor, takes Vincennes, 
Hannastown, burning of, by Guyasutha, 

inhabitants of made prisoners, 
cruelty of Indians to, 
Hardin, Col. John, 548, 550, 

Harmar, Gen., his Scioto expedition, 

his campaign against Maumee towns, 
destruction of Indian town, 
defeat of division under Col. Hardin, 
discord among the troops, 
Indian account of expedition, 
Harmony, Society of. settle in Butler co., Pa., 
migrate to Posey county, Indiana, 
return to Pennsylvania, Beaver co., 
schism among them under de Leon, 
Duke of Saxe Weimar's acc't. of them, 
Bapp's doctrines and power, 
present condition of the society, 
Harrison, Wm. H., Secretary of N. W. Territory, 
is made Governor of Indiana Territory, 
makes agreement with Indians, 763, 
makes further purchases from Ind., 789, 
purchases land from Saxes and Foxes, 
meets Tecumthe in council, 
his second interview with Tecumthe, 
prepares for war with Indians, 
builds Fort Harrison on the Wabash, 
marches against Indians, 
his battle of Tippecanoe, 
appointed commander-in-chief in NF. W., 
his plans of action disconcerted, 
retreats from the Maumee, 
returns and builds Fort Meig3, 
defeats Proctor, in 1813, 
resigns his command, 
Harrison, Fort, gallant defense of, by Z. Taylor, 
Harrod, James, builds first log hut in Kentucky, 
Hart, Col., and others purch. land from Cherokees, 
Heald, Capt., com'dt. Fort Dearborn, (Chicago,) 
his conduct and misfortunes, 
his account of disaster at Chicago, 
Heckewelder, John, sent with Putnam to Indians, 
Helm, Capt., his conduct at Vincennes, 
Henderson, Bichard, account of, 
Henderson, Col., and others purchase lands from 
Cherokees, 
his journey to Boonesborough, 



Henderson's letter to his legislature, 234 

Hamilton, Henry, surrenders to Clark, 293 

Hand, General, at Fort Pitt, 256 

Heath, Sir Eobert, grant to, 93 

Hendrick, Capt., sent with peace offers to Indians, 601 

Hennepin descends Illinois river to Mississippi, 60 

explores Upper Mississippi, 60 

his works and their character, 60 

Henry, Fort, besieged, 257 

attacked by George Girty, 405 

Henry, General, attacks Black Hawk, 967 

Holmes, Ensign, commandant at Miami, 167 

Holmes, Major, expedition of, in Canada, 917 

is killed on Mackinac Island, 918 

Holland land company, 726 

decision of Supreme Court in suit of, 727 

removal of suit to U. S. Court, and decision, 728 

Holston river, 208 

Hopkins, Gen., expedition under, 878 

insubordination of his troops, 880 

his second expedition, 883 

Houses in the West in early times, 340 

House-building in the West in early times, 344 . 

House-warmings in the West in early times, 345 

Howard, John, descends Ohio, 95 

Howard, Lord, with Iroquois at Albany, 96 

Howard, Gen., expedition under, 909 

Hospitality in the West, 347 

Hull, Wm., made governor of Michigan, 795 

purchases land from Indians, 817, 822 

commands army of the N. W., 857 

blunders of government toward, 858 

bis progress and conduct, 860 

surrenders to British army, 862 

Huguenot settlement in Carolana massacred, 48 

Illinois, settlements, products and commerce of, 100 

Illinois, the, first visited, 58 

Pitman's account of, 190 
lamentable condition of Fr. settlers in 1790, 529 

early history of, 824 

is ceded to Continental Congress, 825 

is constituted into separate territory, 825 

specimen of old jurisprudence in, 826 

is formed into a State, 926 

discussion of slavery in, 949, 951 

account of " Begulator " riots in, 9S9 

Hlinois county erected, 274 

Illinois ranger?, expedition of, 1812, 882 

Indians, war with, since failure of Pontiac, 215 

hostility of, in 1774, 217 

attacks by, on Wheeling, 1777, 256 

commissioners appointed to treat with, 410 
instructions to commissioners respecting, 411 

are abandoned by British, 1783, 430 

are dissatisfied with treaty of Harmar, 523 

commence hostilities, 1790, 536 

Truman sent to, with peace offers, 1792, 597 

safe escort promised to chiefs of, 600 
Hendrick and others sent with peace offers, 601 

are offered protection. &c, by U. S., 602 

refuse all peace offers, 60* 

Putnam makes treaty with, 605 

hold council at Au Glaize, 606 

advice of, to President of TL S., 610 



1010 



INDEX. 



Indians, Commissioners appointed to meet, 612 

hold council at Navy Hall, 615, 620 

insist on Ohio for boundary, 621 

final reply of, to Commissioners, 1793, 627 
British and Spanish aid promised to, 632, 634 
further evidence of their reliance on the 

British, 639 

their force in 1794, 641 

are defeated by Wayne, 647 

depredations of, after peace, in Tenn., 735 

in part, refuse to ratify treaty of 1804, 921 

certain tribes of, secede from Tecumthe, 846 

hostile intentions of, in 1810, 831 

treaties with, after war 1815, 920 

Indian war of 1790 to 1795, causes of, 522 

defeat of St. Clair, 578, 582 

another campaign projected, 1791, 554 

Black Hawk War, 961 

Indian boundary line, necessity of fixing, 206 

Indian departments, 240 

Indiana, formed into a territory, 754 

Vincennes made capital of, 755 

slavery in, prohibited, 818 

formed into a State, 923 

discussion of slavery in, 950 

Inhabitants of Transylvania oppose proprietors, 247 

Innis and his associates, 679 

Insurrection, Whisky, (see Whisky Insurrection,) 687 

Internal improvement system in Illinois, 995 

Iowa formed into a State, 971 

Iroquois, the expedition against, 302 

cede all their Western lands, 432 

act as peace makers, 599 

Irvine, General, at Presqu' Isle, 717 

Irwin, John, cordage manufacturer, Pittsburgh, 899 

Jacobins, address by, to people of Louisiana, 671 

Jay, John, Minister to Spain, 319 

Jefferson College incorporated, 758 

Jenkins, Ensign, commandant at Ouiatenon, 167 

Jesuit missionaries in the North- West, 50 

Johnson, Guy, influence of, over Indians, 238, 241 

Johnson, Sir William, colony proposed by, 205 
Jolly, Henry, his account of Greathouse's murder, 223 

Jesuits on Mississippi, in Illinois, 84 

Joliet, companion of Marquette, 51 

Joutel, histozian of La Salle, 65 

Jumonville, death and alleged assassination of, 126 

Kaskaskia founded by Gravier and others, 84 
Kaskaskia, Pitman's account of, 194 
Knives, Long or Big, 273, 274 
Kennedy at Peoria, Chronology, 1773. 
Kenton, Simon, with Boone, 298 
Kentucky, (see Transylvania,) first families in, 242 
is made a county of Virginia, 250 
predatory warfare in, 253 
divided into three counties, 335 
political condition of, during the war, 417 
militia convention and survey of mili- 
tary lands, 418 
growth of population after war, 419 
second convention, 1785, 439 
claims independent sovereignty, 440 
fourth and fifth conventions, 1787, 455 



Kentucky, dissatisfaction among the people of, 457 
causes of dissatisfaction and factions, 485 
applies again for separation from Va., 491 
act of independence passed by Va., 520 
ninth convention and admission to 

Union, 661 

constitution formed, 662 

address of democratic society, 664 

remonstrance of citizens, 666 

the " occupying claimant " law, 745 

Kentuckians threaten to invade Louisiana, 674 

King's mountain, Chronology, 1780. 

Kirkland, Rev. among the Iroquois, 238 

Kirkland, Rev. 596 

Kirkpatrick, Major Abraham, 695 

Kittanning, 143, 716 

Knox, plans of, after St. Clair's defeat, 592 

Kushkushkee, 151, 155, 359 

La Balme, unfortunate expedition of, 318 

La Barre against La Salle, 64 

Laclede founds St. Louis, 186 

Lakes, trade and commerce on, 958 

Land Cessions by Virginia, 329, 409 

by New York, Massachusetts, &c, 452 

by Indians to U. S., 1795, 657 

by U. S. to Indians, and exceptions,659 

Land commissioners, 309 

Land companies in 1795, 711, 714 

Land laws of Pennsylvania, 1796, 717 

of Virginia, 308 

Land speculations in Michigan, 714 

in Indiana, 764 

La Salle, enterprises of, 55 

Law, John, speculations of, 75 

Lenox, David, Marshal, 694 

Les Petites Cotee, 187 

Le Seur explores St. Peter's river, 86 

Lewis, Gen. Andrew, at Point Pleasant, 226 

Lewis, Col., expedition of, 138 

Lewis, Col. Charles, killed, 226 

Lewis, Gen. Andrew, at Pittsburgh, 1774, 225 

Lewis and Clark, expedition of, 806 

Leyba, Spanish governor of Louisiana, 312 

his treachery and disgrace, 316 

Le Caron explores Canada, 49 

Legionville, Wayne's camp, 598 

Little Meadow, 125 

Little Turtle, Miami chief, 589 

Lochry's unfortunate expedition, 332 

Long Hunters, 214 

Logstown, where situated, 96 

Loramie's store, 106 

Logan, Benjamin, crosses the mountains, 254 

his gallant conduct, 255 

attacks Shawanee towns, 447 

Logan, Col., commander of expedition, 1782, 397 

Logan's family, murder of, 220, 222 

Logan revenges himself, 225 

Logan's station attacked, 254 

Losantiville, (Cincinnati,) see Cincinnati. 

Louisburg, British fleet destroyed at, 147 

Louisiana, taken possession of by La Salle, 63 

secret cession of Western, 196 

Spanish take possession of, 199, 311 



INDEX. 



1011 



Louisiana, French population of 1769, 202 

threatened invasion of by Kentuckians,674 
Washington's measures to prevent inva. 675 
retroceded to France by secret treaty, 769 
negotiations for purchase of by U. S., 
treaty made for sale of to XJ. S. 
transfer of strongly opposed, 
formal transfer of to U. S., 
formal transfer of Upper at St. Louis, 
Stoddard's address to people of, 
Brackenridge's account of, 
statistics of in 1804, 
character of American population of, 

Louisville, Ky., surveyed, 

Ludlow, Israel, surveys Losantiville, 

Lyman, General, at Natchez, 



774 
771 
775 
776 
777 
778 
782 
786 
788 
214 
483 
215 



Mackinac, Fort, surrender of, 

attempt to retake, 1814, 
Magazine almanac published at Pittsburgh, 

Chronology, 1811. 
Madison, Fort, evacuated and burnt, 
Maiden, deserted by British, 
Mansco, Casper, exploration of, 
Marietta, founded by Ohio Company, 
Marquette's discovery of Mississippi, 
Marriages in the West in early times, 
Maryland, views of on Virginia land claims, 
Massachusetts cedes lands in the West, 
of Lochry's party, 
of Fort Dearborn, (Chicago,) 
of Frenchtown, (river Raisin,) 
British account of cause of, 
his contract with settlers on Ohio, 
new settlement made by on Scioto, 
Maumee, campaign against towns on the, 
Mascoutens Indians, 
Matagorda Bay, 

Maxwell code for early colonies, 
Murin, Jesuit, father, 
Meadow Indians, Clark's treatment of, 
Meadville, college at, founded, 
Medals placed by French along Ohio, 
Meigs, Fort, attacked by British and Indians, 
Meigs, camp, on the Maumee, 
Miami, British trading posts on destroyed, 
Miami University, history of, 
Michigan is made a territory, 

uncertainty of land titles in, 
surrender to British, 
retaken by Americans, 1813, 
new form of territorial government in, 
is formed into a State, 
Michigan, University of, established, 
Milhet, Jean, visits prime minister, 
Military claimants of Virginia lands, 
Military duty in early times, 
Militia becomes a mob, 
Minnesota Territory formed, 
Mines, lead, on the Upper Mississippi, 
Miro, views of respecting S. C. Land Company, 
proposes to set Indians against them, 
his treatment of Wilkinson, 
Missionaries in N. W. '. 

Mississinewa, expedition to, 



894 
711 
734 
545 
51 
71 
714 
82 
279 
922 
100 
898 
897 
397 
954 
795 
797 
862 
903 
942 
969 
925 
199 
410 
345 
706 
1003 
943 
514 
515 
516 

:9, 50 



Mississippi, troubles relating to, 314, 448 

negotiations with Spain respecting, 456 

movements respecting navigation, 769, 'J 70 

settlements on Upper, in 1813, 907 

predatory warfare on, 908 

flood of in 1844, 975 

Mississippi territory organized, 745 

Mississippi company, formation of, 208 

Missouri river, settlement upon, 915 

Missouri applies for admission into Union, 931 

discussion of slavery question respecting, 932 

boundary of, as settled in Mo. comprom., 934 

first constitution of formed, 935 

constitution rejected and amended, 936 

amendment accepted and State formed, 937 

Missouri Compromise, debate in Congress respect., 933 

second compromise necessary, 937 

Mobile Bay, early settlements on, 73 

Moingona, supposed to be Des Moines, 52 

Monongahela, Braddock's army upon, 131 

Montour, Interpreter, 107 

Moranget, with La Salle, killed, 67 

Morales, Intendant, treachery of, 768 

Moravians, history of in the West, 349 

are first in America, 350 

are first at Bethlehem, 351 

converts take protection at Nazareth, 355 

Zeisberger forms mission on Allegheny ,355 

are invited to Beaver, 357 

history of mission at Beaver, 359 

Zeisberger views the Muskingum, 370 

removal to Muskingum, 371 

British and Indian hostilities against, 372 

compelled to go to Sandusky, - 373 

settlements of attacked by Williamson,375 

Indian converts murdered, 378 

Crawford's expedition, 380 

account of the burning of Crawford, 385 

Morgan, Col. George, at New Madrid, 505 

his grant of land rescinded, 506 

Mormons, history of the, 975 

the "Records," 976 

settled at Jackson county, Mo., 976 

migrate and commence to build Nauvoo,979 

their charter and privileges, 980 

they remove to Council Bluffs, 985 

they remove to Great Salt Lake, 986 

Murray, Wm., opposes radicals in Kentucky, 748 

Muskingum settlements, increase of, 520 

Murder of Indians by Greathouse, 219 

M'Afees in Kentucky, 214 

M'Arthur, expedition of, in 1814, 919 
M'Bride, James, History of Miami University, 954 

M'Collister, J., U. S. Bank, 930 

M'Colloch, Major, escape of, 259 

M'Donald, Colonel, expedition under, 1774, 224 

M'Farland, James, killed, 696 

M'Gary, conduct of, at Blue Licks, 393 

reason given by, for his conduct, 396 

M'Intosh, General, character of, 301 

M'Kee, Alexander, Indian agent, 541 

M'Mahon, Major, defeats Indians, 642 

Names and titles of Spanish Minister, 680 



1012 



INDEX 



Napoleon, views of, on transfer of Louisiana to U. S. 773 

issues Berlin decree, 820 

Narvaez, Pamphilo, 42 

Nashville founded, 507 

Natchez, settlement of, 77 

Nauvoo, advent of Mormons to, 979 

extra privileges from charter of, 980 

exodus of Mormons from, 985 

Neville, General John, attack on house of, 695 

New England Ohio Company, formation of, 451 

proceedings of, 460 

boundaries of land purchased by, 464 

resolutions for government of settlers, &c, 473 

appoint Rev. D. Story public teacher, 474 

settlers reach the Muskingum, 475 

proclamation of Governor, 476 

first court held at Marietta, 477 

New Madrid, 186, 505, 847 

New Orleans founded, 76 

New York cedes Western lands, 452 

proceedings of, in war of 1754, 122 

New Jersey objects to Virginia land claims, 324 

Neyon's message to Pontiac, 171 

Neglect of Indians by the British, 430 

Nicholas of Kentucky, 678 

Nipissing, Lake of, 80 

North American Land Company, 725 

North Carolina, western troubles in, 506 

North West invaded by Spaniards from St. Louis, 

1781, 448 

North Western Pennsylvania, 716 

North Western Territory, Ordinance respecting, 466 

appointment of executive officers in, 467 

representatives, Ac, to be elected, 468 

Bill of Bi.hts, 469 

provisions for forming States, 471 

rapid settlement of, 716 

population of, in 1796, 716 

primary titles to lands in, 729 

lands reserved and donated in, 729 

representatives elected, 746 

first legislative council appointed, 749 

proceedings of first legislature, 749 

proposal to divide, 753 

Chillicothe made capital of, 755 

State convention proposed for, 759 

Report to Congress relating to, 760 

Nova Scotia conquered, 129 

Nullification in Kentucky, 748 

in Ohio, 931 

Nunez, Alvar, early adventurer, 44 

Occupying claimant law of Kentucky, 745 

O'Pallon, agent of S. C. Land Company, 510 

treasonable letter of, to Governor Miro, 510 

Ogden arrested by Wilkinson, 813 

Ohio, State of, measures for forming, 759 

is admitted into the Union, 763 

meeting of first legislature, 765 

the " Sweeping Resolutions" of 1810, 828 

Banks and first banking law in, 924 

Columbus made capital of, 925 

Ohio Land Company, 99 

Ohio river, first colony N. W. of, 451 

proposed division of territory beyond, 465 



Ohio river, flood of 1789, 483 

flood of 1832, 969 

Ohio settlements, threatened invasion of, 552 

Old Chillcothe, 227 

Old excise law of Pennsylvania, 684 

Oldham, Colonel, at St. Clair's defeat, 589 

Old statutes of Indiana, 826 

Old statistics of Western Pennsylvania, 430 

Old Town, (Skipton,) 130 

Onondagas, towns of, destroyed, 301 

Orr, Captain, in Lochry's expedition, 332 

Orr, Major, at Camp Meigs, 896, 897 

Ordinance for government of N. W. Territory, 466 

for surveying Western lands, 434 

for disposing of Western lands, 435 

O'Reilly, Spanish governor of La., 200 

Orleans Territory formed, 777 

Oswego, fort and garrison, 105, 241 

Ouiatenon, ancient records of, 84 

English garrison at, surrenders, 167 

Croghan's account of, 184 

Gamelin's journal at, 531 

Scott's description of, 561 

Wilkinson's description of, 567 

British traders captured at, 280 

Ouabache, original name of Wabash, 81 

Paper-mill, first in the West, 737 

Parsons, General, letter from, 442 

Paris, peace of, 169, 407 

Patterson, Col. Robert, 407 

Paully, Ensign, commandant at Sandusky, 167 

Peace negotiations at Paris, 1782, 407 

Peace measures proposed by Washington, 1791, 595 

Piernas, Pedro, takes command at St. Louis, 201 

Peckitanoni, Indian name of Missouri river, 53 

Pembina, early history of settlement at, 944 

character and customs of settlers at, 946 

finding forty-ninth degree of lat. at, 947 

singular climate at, 948 

Pennsylvania, frontiers troubled by Indians, 1782, 398 

land controversy with Connecticut, 454 

memorial to governor of, 586 

titles to land in, 717 

purchase from the Delawares, 717 

primary title vested in Commonwealth, 719 

further purchases from Indians, 718, 719 

purchase of the Triangle, 720 

depreciation of State bonds, 721 

donation lands, 722 

the " struck district," 724 

lands offered for sale, 724 

interference of the land companies, 725 1 

rapid growth of the State, 729 

Pennsylvania population company, 725 

Pennsylvania militia, noble conduct of, 896 

Pennsylvania volunteers, expedition of, 888 

Peoria, Lake Crevecoeur upon, 58 

Perkins, Lieut., 911 

Perry, Com., ship-building at Erie, 899, 901 

his victory on the lakes, 902 

Piasa, legend of, 51 

Pickawillanies, on the Great Miami, 106 

Pike, Capt. Z. M., expedition up the Mississippi, 800 

crosses Falls of St. Anthony, 803 



INDEX. 



1013 



Pike, reaches Red Lake and returns, 804 

his western expedition, 804 

proceeds up the Arkansas river, 805 

is taken prisoner by Mexicans, 806 

Pike's mountain, description of, 802 

Pipe, Captain, treacherous, 241 

Pitman visits Illinois, 190 

Pitt, Prime Minister of England, 147 

Pitt, Fort, description of, 158 

Pittsburgh, first families at, Chronology 1766. 

claimed by Pennsylvania and Virginia, 216 

first and second surveys of, 419, 420 

its early history, 420 

Brackenridge's account of, 1786, 421 

population of, 1786, 428 

incorporated as a city, 923 

fire at, 1845, 986 

cholera at, 1854, 1001 

Point Pleasant, battle of, 226 

Political parties in the XL S. 681 

Ponce de Leon discovers Florida, 41 

Pontiac, character and plans of, 164 

unites Indians against English, 165 

attacks Detroit, 166 

failure of his plans, 177 

besieges Detroit second time, 179 

Post builds a house on the Muskingum, 353 

Portage des Sioux, 187, 920 

Post's mission to western Indians, 150, 151 

Posts, north-western, retained by British, 415 

given up to the United States, 731 

Power, Thomas, agent of Spanish party in La., 678 

goes to Kentucky as Spanish agent, 1795, 739 

visits Wilkinson, and his appeal, 743 

Prairie du Chien, village of, 800 

Prairie du Chien, Clark's expedition to, 911 

Prairie du Rocher, Pitman's account of, 195 

Presqu' Isle, (Erie,) fortified by French, 1753, 103 

taken by Indians, 1763, 168 

block houses built at, 717 

Predatory warfare, 330 

Pressly, Colonel Neville, 696 

Price, Ensign, commandint at Le Boeuf, 172 

Printing press, first western, 420 

Proclamation respecting Indians, 1763, 177 

Process verbal of La Salle, 61 

Proctor, Col. Thos., sets out on peace mission, 555 

failure of mission, and its causes, 555 

Proctor, Col., reaches Maiden and cuts off Hull's 

supplies, 861 

retreats to Maiden, 1813, 899 

retreats from Maiden, 903 

is defeated at battle of the Thames, 904 

Prophet, the, brother of Tecumthe, (see Tecumthe,) 

makes his first hostile demonstration, 835 

Putnam, Rufus, sent with Heckewelder to Ind's., 601 

proceeds to Vincennes and makes treaty, 604 

terms of treaty, 605 



Quebec, taking of, 

Quebec bill passed in British Parliament, 

Quincy, Illinois, on Mississippi river, 

Raisin river, massacre on, 
Rangers, organization o^ 



878, 882, 909 



Railroad, Illinois Central, account of, 998 

Rapids of Maumee, Winchester at, 891 

Ray, James, supplies Harrodsburg, 254 

Raystown, (Bedford,) march from, by Forbes, 152 

Rhey's account of Br. agency among Indians, 542 

Recovery, Fort, attacked, 642 

Red Hawk, base murder of, 252 
Redstone, (Brownsville.) see Brownsville, 

Regulators in Southern Illinois, 989 

Reed, Colonel, commander in Illinois, 189 

Religion in the West in early times, 348 

Renault brings slaves to Illinois, 88 

Reserve lands, Virginia, 711 

Connecticut, 712 

Reynolds, John, Governor of Illinois, 909 

Reynolds, Col., Amherstburg, C. W. 859 

Rice's Fort attacked, 406 

Rigdon, Sydney, a Mormon leader, 976 

Rocheblave, commandant at Kaskaskia, 267 
Rock Island, skirmishes at, 912, 914 

Rogers, Major Robert, goes to Detroit, 162 

Rogers and Benham attacked by Indians, 306 

Routes from Canada to Mississippi, 1679, 80 

Ruddel's Station taken, 322 

Rumsey, James, his first application of steam, 852 
Ryswick treaty of peace, 72, 85 

Sandy creek voyage, 138 

Sargent, Winthrop, secretary, 526 

Sault Ste. Marie first visited by missionaries, 49 

Scioto Land Company purchase land, 709 

Scioto river, attempt to settle on, 439 

Schlosser, Ensign, commandant at St. Joseph's, 167 
Schools, common, in Ohio, 941, 949, 957 

Scott, Gen. Charles, expedition under, 559 

Scott, Gen. Winfield, 968 

Scott's expedition, Imlay's account of, 568 

Sebastian's intrigues with Spain, 679 

Sebastian is accused by legislature, 743 

Sedition law pissed, 747 

Selkirk, Lord, founds Pembina settlement, 944 

Senat, Jesuit, killed among the Chickasaws, 78 

Seneca Indians, peace council with, 1792, 596 

Seven years' war begins, 138 

Settlement on Indian lands forbidden, 438 

Shawanese towns destroyed by Clarke, 397 

Shelby, Gov., at battle of the Thames, 906 

Shelby, Fort, taken by the British, 913 

Shelby, Governor of Kentucky and Jacobins, 674 

Shepherd, Col., commandant at Fort Henry, 257 
Simcoe, Gov., reply of to Indian Commissioners, 614 

gives advice to the Indians, 653 

Slavery in Illinois, 89 

discussion respecting in Missouri, 932 

Illinois, 949, 951 

Indiana, 950 

Slough, Capt., St. Clair's defeat, 690 

Smith, Col. James, explores Ky. and Tenm, 211 

Smith, Joe, the Mormon prophet, 975 

his powers as mayor of Nauvoo, 980 

is killed by a mob at Carthage, 983 

Smith, Hyrum, is killed by mob, 983 
Smyth, Dr., remarks of, on character of Henderson,228 

Solemn act of Missiouri, (see Missouri comp.,) 937 
South- Western Territory, (Tennessee,) established,736 



1014 



INDEX. 



South-Western settlements, 736 

Spaniards invade Louisiana on Missouri, 87 

Spain, unreasonable demands of, 319 

attempts to separate the W. from the Union,490 

Spaniards from St. Louis take St. Joseph, 329 

Spanish property seized at Yincennes, 449 

Spottswood explores Alleghenies, 95 

presents memorial to English govern., 95 

Stanwix, Gen. John, commander at Ft. Pitt, 157 

States from N.'W. Ter., names proposed for, 465 

Steam, first application of, 852 

Steamboats first trip from N. Orleans, 922 

on the Mississippi, 926 

on the upper lakes, 927 

on the Missouri, 927 

explosion of the Moselle, 1838, 971 

Steamboats on Lake Michigan, 957 

Stedman's mission to Indians, 596 

Stephenson, Fort, gallant defense of, 900 

Stirling, Capt., takes possession of Illinois, 188 

Stites, Benjamin, pioneer, 472 

Stobo, Capt., hostage prisoner, 127 

Stoddard, Major, address of to people of La., 778 

Stone, Uriah, exploration of, 211 

Story, Rev. D., first teacher in Ohio Co. purchase, 474 

Sullivan, Gen., invades land of Iroquois, 302 

Superior, Lake, visited by Jesuit missionaries, 50 

Swartwout arrested by Wilkinson, 813 

Sweeping resolutions of Ohio, 828 

Symmes, J. C , applies for land, 472 

issues his proposals, 479 

his contract and his troubles, 481 

his policy towards Indians, 482 

want of prosperity in his settlements, 521 

college reservation in grant to, 954 

Symmes' settlement, trouble in regard to title, 713 

t. Anthony, Falls of, discovered by Hennepin, 60 

St. Ange, commandant at Fort Chartres, 186 

St. Charles, constitution of Missouri formed at, 937 

St. Clair, Arthur, arrests Connolly, 216 

St. Clair, Gov. Arthur, history of, 526 

his instructions from Congress, 528 

proceeds to Vincennes, &c, 529 

his letter to commandant at Detroit, 544 

his instructions from Secretary of War, 571 

organizes army, 1791, 576 

builds Ft. Hamilton; his description, 577 

difficulties of campaign, 578 

is attacked and defeated, 578 

. Van Cleve's account of the battle, 582 

effect of the defeat on western frontier, 585 

causes of his defeat, 588 

asks court of inquiry, 597 

field of his defeat visited, 598 

unpopularity of, 756, 759 

St. Ferdinand, (Florisant,) settled, 187 

Ste. Genevieve, 187, 786 

St. Helene with D'Iberville, 71 

St. Ildefonso, secret treaty of, 768, 770 

St. Jerome or Wabash river, 82 

"""■"•St. Joseph's taken by Spaniards, ~~ 330 

St. Louis attacked by Indians, 315 

St. Louis on Matagorda Bay, 66 

Ste. Marie, Sault of, visited by French, 49 

St. Mary's, branch of Maumee river, 886 



St. Pierre commands at Le Boeuf, 115 

Talk of Indian commissioners, 240 

Taylor, Zachary, Capt., defense of Fort Harrison, 876 

Major, at Upper Rapids, 914 

Tecumtheand brother unite tribes at Greenville, 798 

movements in 1808, 819 

movements in 1809, 823 

hostile intentions in 1810, 829 

meets Gen. Harrison in council 831 

second interview with Harrison 833 

third interview with Harrison, 835 

movements in 1812, 856 

is killed at the battle of the Thames, 904 

Teedyuscung, Indian sachem, 149 

Tennessee (Frankland) is refused admission, 506 

Sevier proposes alliance with Spain, 508 

Miro refuses to favor the scheme, 509 

ceded to the federal government, 736 

first territorial legislature in, 730 

constitution formed and received into Union, 736 

Territory, north-western, (see N. W. Territory,) 

Thames, battle of the, 904 

Theft, punishment of, in early times, 346 

Thomson, Gen., makes survey on Licking, 215 

Thoroughfares between Canada and Miss., 1679, 80 

Tigress, the, taken, 918 

Tippecanoe, battle of, 841 

Todd, Col. John, commands Amers. at Blue Licks, 392 



Tombigbee river, Burr seized at, 
Tonti, La Salle's Lieutenant, 

left at Crevecoeur, 

sent to Count Frontenac, 

descends Mississippi to meet La Salle, 

joins D'Iberville, 
Transmontane order founded, 
Trade of the lakes, 
Transylvania organized, (see Kentucky,) 

colony in dread of the Indians, 



815 
55 



70 
71 
95 
958 
237 
2-15 



Transylvania University, at Lexington, founded, 321 



TREATIES WITH INDIANS. 
Albany, N. Y. 
Lancaster, Pa., 
Logstown, on Ohio, 
Winchester, Va., 
Carlisle, Pa., 
Easton, Pa., 
Fort Pitt, Pa., 
Detroit, Michigan, 
Muskingum, Ohio, 
German Flats, N. Y., 
Fort Stanwix, N. Y., 
Lochaber, Holston river, Tenn., 
Camp Charlotte, Ohio, 
Wataga, branch of Holston river, Tenn., 
Pittsburgh, with Western Indians, 
Pittsburgh, with Delawares, 
Fort Stanwix, N. Y., 
Mcintosh, Pa., 

Fort Finney, mouth of Great Miami, Ohio, 
Fort Harman, on Ohio, 
Yincennes, Ind., with Wabash Indians, 
Greenville, Ohio, 
Yincennes, Indiana, 
Fort Wayne, Indiana, 



1684, 


96 


1744, 


97 


1752, 


107 


1753, 


109 


1753, 


109 


1756, 


149 


1760, 


159 


1764, 


180 


1764, 


181 


1765, 


182 


1768, 


207 


1770, 


208 


1774, 


227 


1775, 


229 


1775, 


241 


1778, 


301 


1784, 


431 


1785, 


433 


1786, 


442 


1789, 


517 


1792, 


605 


1795, 


657 


1802, 


763 


1803, 


765 



INDEX 



1015 



St. Louis, Missouri, 1S04, T89 

St. Peters, Minnesota, 1805, 803 

Fort Industry, on Maumee, 1805, 798 

Detroit, Michigan, 1807, 817 

Brownstown, Michigan, 1808, 822 

Fort Clark, on Missouri, 180S, 823 

Fort "Wayne, Harrison and Wabash tribes, 1809, 824 

Vincennes, Harrison and Wabash tribes, 1809, 824 

Greenville, Ohio, 1814, 919 

Portage des Sioux, with Western nations, 1815, 920 

Maumee Rapids, 1817, 925 

Fort Harrison, Indiana, 1819, 929 

Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, 1831, 963 

At , with Sacs and Foxes, 1832, 968 

Treaty of Ryswick, 1697, 72, 85 

of Paris, 1763, 161 

with Great Britain and U. S., 1783, 407 

with Spain, 1795, 679 

of Ghent, 1814, 919, 920 

Trent, Wm., a pioneer, 121 

at Wills' Creek, 123 

at Fort Stanwix, 207 

Troops of U. S., number and condition of, in 1791, 676 
Truman, Capt., mission to Indians, 597 

Turner, Lieut., conquered, 918 

Tupper, Benjamin, surveyor, 451 

Twigtwees, or Miamies, killed defending English, 107 

TJlloa, Antonio de, appointed Gov. of Louisiana, 199 

French conspire against him, 200 

he resigns and leaves the country, 200 

Unzaga, Don Louis de. Gov. of Louisiana, 201, 312 



Van Braam, Jacob, Washington's interpreter. 
Tan Cleve's story of St. Clair's defeat, 
Vandalia, former capital of Illinois, 
Vandalia, the name of Walpole's tract, 
Yaudrieuil fears English, 
Venango visited by Washington, 

fort at, finished, 

garrison at, massacred, 
Verbal process at mouth of Mississippi, 
Vermillion, Clark's march to, 
Yickroy, Thomas, 

Vide Poche, (Carondelet,) settlement of, 
Vigo, Col. Francis, aids Clark, 
Vincennes, first settlement unknown, 
ancient records of, 
besieged by Clark, 
violent measures at, 
volunteers rendezvous at, 
Vincennes, killed among the Chickasaws, 
Virginia recognizes Transylvania, 

land laws of, 

land claims of, 

resolutions respecting land claims, 

first land cession, 

Western, suffers from the Indians, 

laws respecting N. W. settlements, 

second land cession, 

memorial of people to governor of, 
Vivier's letter relative to the West, 



S:24, 



111 

5S2 
953 
208 
100 
113 
122 
172 

63 
447 
420 
187 
2S2 

81 

83 
287 
449 
878 

78 
243 
306 
324 
327 
329 
405 



79 


92 




203 


81 


,82 


8C 


,81 


4-L2 


518 




519 




871 


206. 


208 


206. 


208 



Vivier's early account, 
Voyageurs and Couriers de bois, 

Wabash river, original name of, 

early used by travelers, 

Wabash Indians, troubles with, 

war against proposed, 

Wells, Captain Wm., killed, 

Walpole, Thomas, 

Walpole Company, 

Walker, Dr. Thos., explores Cumberland river, 210 

Wapatomica attacked by Col. M' Donald, 224 

Washington, Geo., concerned in land company, 99 

sent West, and journal of his tour .111,120 

during French war, 125, 127, 131, 152 

209 

214 

458 

813 

138 



his land speculation, 
visits his lands in the West, 
his policy respecting the West, 
Washington college, Pa., history of, 
War declared between French and English, 

Spain and Great Britain, 313 

War of 1812, account of the causes, S21, 856 

declaration of proclaimed in U. S. 859 

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, commander-in-chief, 598 

prepares his army, 1793, 635 

his letters to Secretary of War, 636, 637 

takes possession of St. Clair's battlefield, 638 

his account of M'Mahon's victory, 642 

is joined by Scott, 643 

his last offer of peace to Indians, 644 

advances from Grand Glaize, 645 

battle with Indians, 646 

returns to Fort Defiance, 648 

correspondence with Maj. Campbell, 649, 651 

peace council at Greenville, 656 

death of, near Presqu' Isle, (Erie,) 737 

Weiser, Conrad, on Ohio river, 96 

Western lands, ordinance for disposing of, 434 

reservation of, 437 

Western Pioneers, character of, 335 

Westfall on Scioto, 227 

"Westmoreland county, Pa., established, 399 

Wetzel murders a peace Indian, 331 

Wheeling founded, 215 

Western Pioneers, habits and character of, 335 

vague farm boundaries, 336 

rude implements and furniture, 338 

habits of dress, 339 

manner of building houses, 344 

gospel labors among, 347 

Whisky insurrection, (see Excise,) 687 

individuals outraged by personal violence,689 

meeting at Pittsburgh, 690 

proposed measures for suppressing, 691 

new outrages perpetrated, 692 

suits instituted against rioters, 694 

attacks on house of Gen. Neville, 695 

inspector and marshal take flight, 697 

insurgents march against Pittsburgh, 699 

commissioners appointed to restore order,699 

ineffectual appeal to vote of people, 700 

army called to quell disturbance, 701 

White-eyes, Captain, 241 



1016 



INDEX. 



Williams, Captain, commandant at Kaskaskia, 
Wilkins, Lieut. Col., commandant in Illinois, 
Williamson, Col. David, expedition to Muskingum 

murder of Moravian Indians, 
Wilkinson, Col., influence of over Ky. convention, 
treasonable schemes, 
goes to N. Orleans, 

his statement of connection with Spain 
his success with Spanish party in Ky. 
his treasonable letter to Gov. Miro, 
Miro's course toward him, 
his affidavit against Burr, 
arrests Swartwout and Ogden, 
charges against him, 
Wilkinson, Col., expedition under, 

destroys Kickapoo towns, 

is appointed commander of army, 

his instructions from Carondelet, 



Wilkinson, his reply to Power's appeal, 744 

Winter of 1779-80, severity of, 311 

Winter of 1855-56, severity of, 1002 

Winchester, Gen., starts for rapids of Maumee, 884 

hardships of the march, 886 

reaches the Rapids, • 891 

disaster at French town, 892 

Wisconsin formed into a territory, 970 

Xenia, Ohio. Chronology, 1803, 1804. 

Young, Brigham, seer of the Mormons, 985 

Zane families settle at Wheeling, 215 

Zane, Col., advice of to Cresap, 218 

Zanes, family of, have land donated, 736 

Zanesville settled. Chronology, 1799. 

Zeisberger, D., Moravian missionary on Allegheny,355 



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